INTER-RACIAL 
PROBLEMS 


EDITED    BY 


*'      G.    SPILLER 


LONDON 

P.    S.    KING    &    SON 
ORCHARD    HOUSE,    WESTMINSTER 

BOSTON,    U.S.A. 

THE   WORLD'S   PEACE    FOUNDATION 

29*,    BEACON    STREET 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

RIVERSIDE 


N3QOO  'M  'O 


PAPERS  ON  INTER-RACIAL  PROBLEMS 


[/«  English  only] 
A  RECORD  OF  THE  PROCEEDINGS 

OF   THE 

FIRST  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

HELD  AT 

THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  LONDON 
JULY  26  TO  29,  1911 

LONDON 

P.  S.   KING  &  SON 
1911 


PAPERS 

ON 

INTER-RACIAL 
PROBLEMS 

COMMUNICATED   TO  THE 

FIRST   UNIVERSAL   RACES  CONGRESS,/.^ A 

HELD   AT 

THE    UNIVERSITY    OF    LONDON 

JULY   26-29,    1911 

EDITED,  FOR   THE   CONGRESS   EXECUTIVE,   BY 

G.    SPILLER 


HON.    ORGANISER    OF    THE    CONGRESS 


LONDON 

P.    S.    KING    &    SON 
ORCHARD    HOUSE,    WESTMINSTER 

BOSTON,   U.S.A. 

THE   WORLD'S  PEACE   FOUNDATION 

29V  BEACON   STREET 

I9II 


c  /1 Jl 


"^r 


C<?/  ouvrage  est  public  simultaniment  en  franfats 
et  en  anglais  par  MESSRS.  P.  S.  KING  &  SON. 


.2'CUJ'OW    >THT 


PREFACE 

THE  object  of  the  Congress  is  "to  discuss,  in  the  light  of 
science  and  the  modern  conscience,  the  general  relations 
subsisting  between  the  peoples  of  the  West  and  those  of 
the  East,  between  so-called  white  and  so-called  coloured 
peoples,  with  a  view  to  encouraging  between  them  a  fuller 
understanding,  the  most  friendly  feelings,  and  a  heartier 
co-operation." 

The  writers  of  papers  were  requested  to  keep  in  view 
the  spirit  of  this  object  ;  but  were  otherwise  not  supplied 
with,  or  bound  by,  any  instructions.  Accordingly,  it  would 
have  been  natural  to  find  the  widest  differences  of  opinion 
expressed  in  the  following  contributions.  Singular  to  state, 
however,  the  writers  —  coming  literally  from  all  parts  of  the 
circumference  of  the  globe  —  manifest  a  remarkable  agree- 
ment on  almost  every  vital  problem  with  which  the  Congress 
is  concerned,  and  support,  as  a  whole,  a  view  which  must  be 
very  encouraging  to  those  in  every  land  who  see  a  brother 
and  an  equal,  at  least  potentially,  in  every  human  being, 
whatever  the  colour  of  his  skin.  In  view  of  the  eminent 
fitness  of  the  writers  to  pronounce  judgment  on  the  issues 
involved  in  the  contact  of  races,  the  Congress  may  be  said  to 
have  effectively  served  both  a  scientific  and  a  humanitarian 

^  purpose.  Henceforth  it  should  not  be  difficult  to  answer 
those  who  allege  that  their  own  race  towers  far  above  all 
other  races,  and  that  therefore  other  races  must  cheerfully 

;-  submit  to  being  treated,  or  mal-treated,  as  hewers  of  wood 
and  drawers  of  water.  The  writers  have,  as  it  were,  reduced 
to  reasoned  statements  the  generous  sentiments  prevailing 
on  this  subject  among  the  most  cultivated  and  responsible 
section  of  humanity,  a  section  fairly  represented  in  our 
imposing  list  of  Vice-Presidents,  Hon.  Vice-  Presidents,  and 
Members  of  the  Hon.  General  Committee. 

It  was  felt  that  in  a  Congress  of  this  comprehensive 
character  each  people  should  speak  for  itself;  and  it  is  for 
this  reason  that  every  paper  referring  to  an  Oriental  people 


vi  PREFACE 

will  be  found  written  by  an  eminent  person  belonging  to  it. 
Thus  the  Occidental  reader  of  this  volume  has  the  unpre- 
cedented opportunity  of  learning  what  Oriental  scholars 
think  of  the  contact  of  races.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  at 
the  Second  Universal  Races  Congress  a  much  larger  number 
of  the  general  and  scientific  papers  will  come  from  Oriental 
sources. 

The  particular  opinions  expressed  by  the  writers  in  this 
volume  are  personal,  and  do  not  in  any  way  commit  the 
members  of  the  Congress.  The  organisers  adhere  to  their 
original  statement  that  "  whilst  wholly  sympathetic  towards 
all  far-sighted  measures  calculated  to  strengthen  and  promote 
good  relations,  the  Congress  is  pledged  to  no  political 
party  and  to  no  particular  scheme  of  reforms."  To  this 
should  be  added,  in  order  to  prevent  possible  misunder- 
standings, that  the  contributors  speak  in  their  individual 
capacity,  and  not  as  official  representatives.  These  neces- 
sary limitations,  however,  do  not  detract  from  the  signifi- 
cance and  importance  of  the  contributions  embodied  in 
this  volume. 

The  Executive  Council  takes  this  opportunity  of 
expressing  its  deep  gratitude  to  the  many  writers  of  papers 
who  have  contributed  to  the  value  and  success  of  the  Con- 
gress by  putting  at  its  disposal  their  rich  stores  of  knowledge 
and  experience.  It  desires  also  to  acknowledge  the  valuable 
services  rendered  by  the  translators,  Mrs.  Boyce  Gibson  and 
Mr.  Joseph  McCabe.  And,  last  but  not  least,  the  Executive 
cannot  forbear  tendering  its  sincerest  thanks  to  the  Senate 
of  the  University  of  London  for  having  generously  granted 
the  free  use  of  halls  and  rooms  for  the  meetings  of  the 
Congress. 


INTRODUCTION 

To  those  who  regard  the  furtherance  of  International  Good 
Will  and  Peace  as  the  highest  of  all  human  interests,  the 
occasion  of  the  First  Universal  Races  Congress  opens  a 
vista  of  almost  boundless  promise. 

No  impartial  student  of  history  can  deny  that  in  the  case 
of  nearly  all  recorded  wars,  whatever  the  ostensible  reasons 
assigned,  the  underlying  cause  of  conflict  has  been  the  exist- 
ence of  race  antipathies — using  the  word  race  in  its  broad 
and  popular  acceptation — which  particular  circumstances, 
often  in  themselves  of  trivial  moment,  have  fanned  into 
flame. 

In  the  earliest  times  it  took  the  form  of  one  race  attempt- 
ing to  subjugate  and  indeed  enslave  another ;  but  even  in 
modern  wars,  while  questions  of  frontier,  the  ambitions  of 
rulers,  or  the  rivalries  of  commercial  policies,  may  have 
provoked  the  actual  crisis,  it  will  be  found,  in  almost  every 
instance,  that  the  pre-existence  of  social  and  racial  enmity 
has  in  reality  determined  the  breach  which  particular  inci- 
dents had  merely  precipitated. 

As  civilisation  progresses  and  the  Western  world  more 
fully  recognises  its  ethical  responsibilities,  it  may  be  hoped 
that  such  influences  will  become  an  ever-diminishing  force ; 
but  the  modern  conscience  has  to-day,  in  addition,  other  and 
quite  new  problems  to  solve  in  face  of  the  startling  and 
sudden  appearance  of  new  factors  in  the  Eastern  Hemi- 
sphere. 

In  less  than  twenty  years  we  have  witnessed  the  most 
remarkable  awakening  of  nations  long  regarded  as  sunk 
in  such  depths  of  somnolence  as  to  be  only  interesting 


vii 


viii  INTRODUCTION 

to  the  Western  world  because  they  presented  a  wide  and 
prolific  field  for  commercial  rivalries,  often  greedy,  cruel, 
and  fraught  with  bloodshed  in  their  prosecution,  but  which 
otherwise  were  an  almost  negligible  quantity  in  international 
concerns. 

How  great  is  the  change  in  the  life-time  of  a  single 
generation,  when,  to  select  two  instances  alone,  we  contem- 
plate the  most  remarkable  rise  of  the  power  of  the  Empire 
of  Japan,  the  precursor,  it  would  seem,  of  a  similar  revival 
of  the  activities  and  highly  developed  qualities  of  the 
population  of  the  great  Empire  of  China ! 

Nearer  and  nearer  we  see  approaching  the  day  when  the 
vast  populations  of  the  East  will  assert  their  claim  to  meet 
on  terms  of  equality  the  nations  of  the  West,  when  the  free 
institutions  and  the  organised  forces  of  the  one  hemisphere 
will  have  their  counterbalance  in  the  other,  when  their 
mental  outlook  and  their  social  aims  will  be  in  principle 
identical ;  when,  in  short,  the  colour  prejudice  will  have 
vanished  and  the  so-called  white  races  and  the  so-called 
coloured  races  shall  no  longer  merely  meet  in  the  glowing 
periods  of  missionary  exposition,  but,  in  very  fact,  regard 
one  another  as  in  truth  men  and  brothers. 

Are  we  ready  for  this  change  ?  Have  we  duly  considered 
all  that  it  signifies,  and  have  we  tutored  our  minds  and 
shaped  our  policy  with  a  view  of  successfully  meeting  the 
coming  flood  ?  It  is  in  order  to  discuss  this  question  of  such 
supreme  importance  that  the  First  Universal  Races  Congress 
is  being  held.  The  papers,  so  varied  in  their  scope  and 
treatment,  which  have  been  communicated  by  individuals  of 
eminence  from  many  distant  lands,  will  testify  to  the  world- 
wide interest  which  the  examination  of  these  grave  problems 
has  aroused,  the  wise  handling  of  which  would  remove 
dangers  and  possible  causes  of  strife  which,  but  for  skilled 
guidance,  might  conceivably  convulse  mankind. 

WEARDALE. 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS 

PAGE 

CIRCULARS  ISSUED  BY  THE  CONGRESS  EXECUTIVE   .     xiii 

OFFICERS,  EXECUTIVE,  HON.  VICE-PRESIDENTS,  AND 

HON.  GENERAL  COMMITTEE.  .    xvii 


FIRST    SESSION 

FUNDAMENTAL   CONSIDERATIONS 

MEANING  OF  RACE,  TRIBE,  NATION.     By  Dr.  Brajendranath  Seal  .  i 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL  VIEW  OF  RACE.     By  Prof.  Felix  v.  Luschan     .  13 
RACE    FROM    THE   SOCIOLOGICAL    STANDPOINT.     By  Prof.  Alfred 

Fouillee  '***:        '.-.    '  V  'lj'f     '  .      '  V1" ••;<';: '""''. •• •*  .-iAl '•".'  •  "• u  .-  24 

THE  PROBLEM  OF  RACE  EQUALITY.     By  G.  Spiller      '.'••' •'/*'-'•'*  29 


SECOND    SESSION 

CONDITIONS  OF  PROGRESS   (GENERAL  PROBLEMS) 

THE  RATIONALE  OF  AUTONOMY.     By  John  M.  Robertson  v'X-i'iix  J      40 

INFLUENCE  OF  GEOGRAPHIC,  ECONOMIC,  AND  POLITICAL  CON- 
DITIONS. By  Prof.  P.  S.  Reinsch  -.*  ytj  v,  . .  ,a. t;^i/  <i/j  ,^i-  49 

LANGUAGE  AS  A  CONSOLIDATING  AND  SEPARATING  INFLUENCE. 

By  Prof.  D.  S.  Margoliouth  .  ...'.'.  .  57 

RELIGION  AS  A  CONSOLIDATING  AND  SEPARATING  INFLUENCE.  By 

Prof.  T.  W.  Rhys  Davids  and  Mrs.  Rhys  Davids  -(/.  '»'{•  '*'*'  62 

DIFFERENCES  IN  CUSTOMS  AND  MORALS  AND  THEIR  RESISTANCE 

TO  RAPID  CHANGE.  By  Prof .  Giuseppe  Sergi .  3X<vi  ;•>,(<//  ^ 

ON  THE  PERMANENCE  OF  RACIAL  MENTAL  DIFFERENCES.  By 

Prof.  Charles  S.  Myers  ->!«£>A.  «•  $ft>y.  :J  .a/r'Orfr.:.,.!-/!  73 

THE  INTELLECTUAL  STANDING  OF  DIFFERENT  RACES  AND  THEIR 

RESPECTIVE  OPPORTUNITIES  FOR  CULTURE.  By  John  Gray  .  79 


x  TABLE   OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

THE   PRESENT   POSITION   OF  WOMAN.     By  Sister  Nivedita  (Miss 

Margaret  Noble) , .        •        .        •  86 

INSTABILITY  OF  HUMAN  TYPES.     By  Prof.  Franz  Boas    .        .        .  99 

CLIMATIC  CONTROL  OF  SKIN-COLOUR.     By  Prof.  Lionel  W.  Lyde  .  104 

THE  EFFECTS  OF  RACIAL  MISCEGENATION.     By  Prof.  Earl  Finch  .  108 

THIRD    SESSION 

CONDITIONS  OF  PROGRESS  (SPECIAL  PROBLEMS) 
TENDENCIES    TOWARDS    PARLIAMENTARY    RULE.      By    Dr.    Chr. 

L.  Lange    .        •  ..»-.       •        •      .»,•.'.   .«-.*,-.    ••     -  t.  IJ3 

CHINA.     By  Dr.  Wu  Ting-Fang     '  g^?  ,'^-f '  *  ^P^f    '?  •  ^  123 

JAPAN.     By  Profs.  Tongo  Takebe  and  Teruaki  Kobayashi       /"   t  j^2 

SHINTOISM.     By  Prof.  Genchi  Kato 141 

TURKEY.    See  Appendix 

PERSIA.     By  Hadji  Mirza  Yahya 143 

THE  BAHAI  MOVEMENT.     Letter  to  the  Congress  by  'Abdu'l  Baha 

'Abbas  •  .&;;  '  •.-•inntt  •/  •  •  •  .••••i../<T  .  ••*?*  "•;•''  *54 

EAST  AND  WEST  IN  INDIA.  By  the  Hon.  G.  K.  Gokhale  i:..-.v.  ,-,•.•,«>-  157 

EGYPT.  By  Moh.  Sourour  Bey  .  .  .  ,  ^,  ..,.  :  ;*-Oj;--;  •  *f>7 
SOME  GENERAL  CONSIDERATIONS  ON  THE  PEOPLE  AND  THE 

GOVERNMENT  OF  HAITI.  By  General  Legitime  i:,  i.^.iacoi'i  r?8 

HUNGARY.  By  Prof.  Akos  de  Timon 184 

THE  ROLE  OF  RUSSIA  IN  THE  MUTUAL  APPROACH  OF  THE  WEST 

AND  THE  EAST.     By  Prof.  Alexander  Yastchenko     .        .        .  195 

FOURTH    SESSION 
I.  SPECIAL  PROBLEMS  IN  INTER-RACIAL  ECONOMICS 

INVESTMENTS  AND  LOANS.  By  Prof.  A.  de  Navratil  .  "*  '  SrV  208 
WAGES  AND  IMMIGRATION.  By  Fred  C.  Croxton  and  W.  Jett  Lauck  211 
OPENING  OF  MARKETS  AND  COUNTRIES.  By  John  A.  Hobson  '  .'  222 

II.  PEACEFUL  CONTACT  BETWEEN  CIVILISATIONS 
SCIENCE    AND    ART,    LITERATURE    AND    THE    PRESS.     By    Prof. 

Ferdinand  Ton nies    .        M/,VIV»!       K/      >     •  •••.  -    xi    -.•»«.      •'•    233 
THE  WORK  DONE  BY  PRIVATE  INITIATIVE  IN  THE  ORGANISATION 

OF  THE  WORLD.     By  Prof.  H.  La  Fontaine      .    iv^^.iinv      i»    243 
THE  INTERNATIONAL  INSTITUTE  OF  AGRICULTURE  AT  ROME.     By 

David  Lubin  ... ., ,  /   Tvi'i.*"ii<>        •;-. -.w -,<;.  .4h  ,•,.,  i  ,.-     ;»    254 
THE  BATAK  INSTITUTE  AT  LEYDEN.    By  Prof.  A.  W.  Nieuwenhuis  .    259 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS  xi 

FIFTH   SESSION 

THE  MODERN  CONSCIENCE    IN    RELATION   TO 
RACIAL    QUESTIONS    (GENERAL) 

PACE 

THE   FUNDAMENTAL   PRINCIPLE    OF    INTER-RACIAL    ETHICS,  AND 

SOME  PRACTICAL  APPLICATIONS  OF  IT.  By  Prof.  Felix  Adler  .  261 
THE  JEWISH  RACE.  By  Israel  Zangwill  .  .:  .  *  268 

J  •>  ?      T.TTT.- 

THE  MODERN  CONSCIENCE  IN  RELATION  TO  THE  TREATMENT  OF 
DEPENDENT   PEOPLES  AND    COMMUNITIES.     By    Sir    Charles 

Bruce  'yj»«u"U'.»r,'>  •'£T/>1Ui'/*Y;  A'-\  ILlA'M.VV.i/SVl  •  •  279 
THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  COLONIES  AND  DEPENDENCIES.  By  Sir 

Sydney  Olivier  .  '\  ".  "%  .  '•'  VL  V  i '"  .  293 

THE  INFLUENCE  OF  MISSIONS.  By  Prof.  Alfred  Caldecott  .  .  302 
INDENTURED  AND  FORCED  LABOUR.  By  the  late  the  Right  Hon. 

Sir  Charles  W.  Dilke        ._.',_     .'        .'        .'    ^;  J^K     ; -.     .  3I2 

Supplement,  by  Joseph  Burtt,  Matlock          .  '  J   .'     ,  ^  '     .'  323 

TRAFFIC  IN  INTOXICANTS  AND  OPIUM.     By  Dr.  J.  H.  Abendanon   .  324 

SIXTH   SESSION 

THE    MODERN    CONSCIENCE    IN    RELATION    TO 

RACIAL  QUESTIONS  (THE  NEGRO  AND  THE 

AMERICAN  INDIAN) 

THE  WORLD- POSITION  OF  THE   NEGRO   AND   NEGROID.    By  Sir 

Harry  H.  Johnston  .  .  .  /  .'  :  V^jr>.ie^  328 
NATIVE  RACES  OF  SOUTH  AFRICA.  By  J.  Te.ngo  Jabavu  .  .  336 
THE  WEST  AFRICAN  PROBLEM.  By  Dr.  Mojola  Agbebi  .  ^  341 
THE  NEGRO  RACE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.  By  Dr. 

W.  E.  B.  DuBois  .  .  .  .  .  ,  ,  .  .  .348 
THE  NEGRO  PROBLEM  IN  RELATION  TO  WHITE  WOMEN.  By 

Dr.  Frances  Hoggan  .  --.—•  ~~~i  .  -'*  .  .  .  .  364 
THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  INDIAN.  By  Dr.  Charles  A.  Eastman  .  367 
THE  METIS,  OR  HALF-BREEDS,  OF  BRAZIL.  By  Dr.  Jean  Baptiste 

de  Lacerda 377 

SEVENTH    SESSION 

POSITIVE  SUGGESTIONS  FOR   PROMOTING 
INTER-RACIAL   FRIENDLINESS 

THE    RESPECT    WHICH    THE    WHITE    RACE    OWES    TO    OTHER 

RACES.     By  Baron  d'Estournelles  de  Constant          ,     ft  .'        .    383 


xii  TABLE   OF   CONTENTS 

PAGE 

INTERNATIONAL  LAW,  TREATIES,  CONFERENCES,  AND  THE   HAGUE 

TRIBUNAL.  By  Prof.  Walther  Schucking  ,..v  .,  ^  .  387 
INTERNATIONAL  LAW  AND  SUBJECT  RACES.  By  Sir  John  Macdonell  398 
PERIODICAL  PEACE  CONFERENCES.  By  Jarousse  de  Sillac  .  .  409 
LETTER  FROM  M.  LEON  BOURGEOIS.  See  APPENDIX. 

EIGHTH    SESSION 

POSITIVE  SUGGESTIONS  FOR  PROMOTING 
INTER-RACIAL  FRIENDLINESS   (continued) 

THE  PRESS  AS  AN  INSTRUMENT  OF  PEACE.  By  Alfred  H.  Fried  .  420 

INTERNATIONAL  LANGUAGE.  By  Dr.  L.  L.  Zamenhof  .  ,  .  ,  •  425 

ETHICAL  TEACHING  IN  SCHOOLS  WITH  REGARD  TO  RACES.  By 

Dr.  J.  S.  Mackenzie    .....      ...,    ..„        .  .,  433 

THE  COSMOPOLITAN  CLUB  MOVEMENT.  By  Louis  P.  Lochner  .  439 

INTERNATIONAL  ORGANISATION  FOR  INTER-  RACIAL  GOODWILL.  By 

Edwin  D.  Mead          .        .......  .-  443 

HO  I  ££''!£    HTXIP 

APPENDIX- 

TURKEY.    By  Dr.  Riza  Tevfik  .      J  .  \".\  •   'VV     \d  '      *        •    454 
LETTER  FROM  M.  LEON  BOURGEOIS      UM"    *        •        •        •    462 


BIBLIOGRAPHY    .        >  ^ 

INDEX    .        ..-;    .  ,•  t.      :>    .'f'..»  '  .r:\..,  n          vf".'-/*»          478 


CIRCULARS    ISSUED    BY   THE    EXECUTIVE 

COUNCIL 

I.     INVITATION 

A  CONGRESS  dealing  with  the  general  relations  subsisting  between 
West  and  East  will  be  held  in  London  from  July  26  to  July  29, 
1911.  So  far  as  possible  special  treatment  will  be  accorded  to  the 
problem  of  the  contact  of  European  with  other  developed  types  of 
civilisation,  such  as  the  Chinese,  Japanese,  Indian,  Turkish,  and 
Persian.  The  official  Congress  languages  are  to  be  English,  French, 
German,  and  Italian ;  but  Oriental  and  other  languages  will  not  be 
rigidly  excluded.  The  papers  (which  will  be  taken  as  read)  are  to 
appear,  collected  in  volume  form,  both  in  an  all-English  and  an  all- 
French  edition,  about  a  month  before  the  Congress  opens,  and 
among  the  contributors  will  be  found  eminent  representatives  of 
more  than  twenty  civilisations.  All  schools  of  thought  which 
sympathise  with  the  Object  of  the  Congress  are  hereby  invited  to 
take  part  in  the  proceedings.  Resolutions  of  a  political  character 
will  not  be  submitted. 

II.     OBJECT   AND    NATURE   OF   THE   CONGRESS 

THE  object  of  the  Congress  will  be  to  discuss,  in  the  light  of  science  and 
the  modern  conscience,  the  general  relations  subsisting  between  the  peoples 
of  the  West  and  those  of  the  East,  between  so-called  white  and  so-  called 
coloured  peoples,  with  a  view  to  encouraging  between  them  a  fuller  under- 
standing, the  most  friendly  feelings,  and  a  heartier  co-operation. 
Political  issues  of  the  hour  will  be  subordinated  to  this  compre- 
hensive end,  in  the  firm  belief  that,  when  once  mutual  respect  is 
established,  difficulties  of  every  type  will  be  sympathetically 
approached  and  readily  solved. 

The  origin  of  this  Congress  is  easily  explained.  The  interchange 
of  material  and  other  wealth  between  the  different  races  of 
mankind  has  of  late  years  assumed  such  dimensions  that  the  old 
attitude  of  distrust  and  aloofness  is  giving  way  to  a  general  desire  for 
closer  acquaintanceship.  Out  of  this  interesting  situation  has  sprung 


xiv      OBJECT   AND   NATURE   OF  THE   CONGRESS 

the  idea  of  holding  a  Congress  where  the  representatives  of  the 
different  races  might  meet  each  other  face  to  face,  and  might,  in 
friendly  rivalry,  further  the  cause  of  mutual  trust  and  respect  between 
Occident  and  Orient,  between  the  so-called  white  peoples  and  the  so- 
called  coloured  peoples. 

Accordingly  the  Congress  will  not  represent  a  meeting  of  all  the 
races  for  the  purpose  of  discussing  indiscriminately  everybody's  con- 
cerns. It  will  not  discuss  purely  European  questions,  such  as  the 
relations  existing  between  or  within  the  different  European  countries ; 
nor,  of  course,  will  it  discuss  the  attitude  of  Europe  towards  the 
United  States,  or  towards  other  American  Republics  representing 
races  of  European  descent.  Again,  whilst  wholly  sympathetic 
towards  all  far-sighted  measures  calculated  to  strengthen  and  pro- 
mote good  relations,  the  Congress  is  pledged  to  no  political  party  and  to 
no  particular  scheme  of  reforms.  The  writers  of  papers  will,  however, 
have  the  full  right  to  express  whatever  political  views  they  may  hold, 
though  they  will  be  expected  to  do  justice  to  all  political  parties  and 
to  treat  the  issues  of  the  day  only  passingly.  Furthermore,  the  Con- 
gress will  not  be  purely  scientific  in  the  sense  of  only  stating  facts  and 
not  passing  judgments.  Nor  will  it  be  a  peace  congress  in  the  sense 
of  aiming  specifically  at  the  prevention  of  war.  Finally,  it  should  be 
noted  that,  since  the  Congress  is  to  serve  the  purpose  of  bringing 
about  healthier  relations  between  Occident  and  Orient,  all  bitterness 
towards  parties,  peoples,  or  governments  will  be  avoided,  without,  of 
course,  excluding  reasoned  praise  and  blame.  With  the  problem 
simplified  in  this  manner,  and  with  a  limited  number  of  papers 
written  by  leading  authorities,  there  is  every  hope  that  the  dis- 
cussions will  bear  a  rich  harvest  of  good,  and  contribute  materially 
towards  encouraging  friendly  feelings  and  hearty  co-operation 
between  the  peoples  of  the  West  and  the  East 


III.    QUESTIONNAIRE 

(Replies  to  any  or  all  the  questions  should  reach  the  Hon.  Sec. 
not  later  than  June  15,  1911.) 

I.  (a}  To  what  extent  is  it  legitimate  to  argue  from  differences  in 
physical  characteristics  to  differences  in  mental  characteristics  ?  (£) 
Do  you  consider  that  the  physical  and  mental  characteristics 
observable  in  a  particular  race  are  (i)  permanent,  (2)  modifiable  only 
through  ages  of  environmental  pressure,  or  (3)  do  you  consider  that 
marked  changes  in  popular  education,  in  public  sentiment,  and  in 
environment  generally,  may,  apart  from  intermarriage,  materially 


OBJECT   AND   NATURE   OF   THE   CONGRESS       xv 

transform    physical    and     especially    mental     characteristics    in    a 
generation  or  two  ? 

2.  (a}  To  what  extent  does  the  status  of  a  race  at  any  particular 
moment  of  time  offer  an  index  to  its  innate  or  inherited  capacities  ? 
(£)  Of  what   importance  is  it  in  this   respect  that  civilisations  are 
meteoric  in  nature,  bursting  out  of  obscurity  only  to  plunge  back 
into  it,  and  how  would  you  explain  this  ? 

3.  (a)  How   would    you   combat   the  irreconcilable  contentions 
prevalent  among  all  the  more  important  races  of  mankind  that  their 
customs,  their  civilisation,  and  their  race  are  superior  to  those  of  other 
races  ?     (£)  Would  you,  in  explanation  of  existing  differences,  refer 
to  special  needs  arising  from   peculiar  geographical  and  economic 
conditions  and  to  related  divergences  in  national   history ;   and,  in 
explanation  of  the  attitude  assumed,  would   you  refer  to  intimacy 
with  one's  own  customs  leading  psychologically  to  a  love  of  them  and 
unfamiliarity  with  others'  customs  tending  to  lead  psychologically  to 
dislike  and  contempt  of  these  latter  ?     (c)  Or  what  other  explanation 
and  arguments  would  you  offer  ? 

4.  (a)  What  part  do  differences  in  economic,  hygienic,  moral,  and 
educational  standards  play  in  estranging  races  which  come  in  contact 
with  each  other?     (£)  Is  the  ordinary  observer  to  be  informed  that 
these  differences,  like  social  differences  generally,  are  in  substance 
almost  certainly  due  to  passing  social  conditions  and  not  to  innate 
racial  characteristics,  and  that  the  aim  should  be,  as  in  social  differences, 
to  remove  these  rather  than  to  accentuate  them  by  regarding  them 
as  fixed  ? 

5.  (a)  Is  perhaps  the  deepest  cause  of  race  misunderstandings  the 
tacit  assumption  that  the  present  characteristics  of  a  race  are  the 
expression  of  fixed  and  permanent  racial  characteristics  ?     (£)  If  so, 
could  not  anthropologists,  sociologists,  and   scientific  thinkers  as  a 
class,  powerfully  assist  the   movement  for  a  juster  appreciation   of 
races  by  persistently  pointing  out  in  their  lectures  and  in  their  works 
the  fundamental   fallacy  involved   in   taking   a  static  instead   of  a 
dynamic,  a  momentary  instead  of  a  historic,  a  local  instead  of  a 
general,  point  of  view  of  race  characteristics  ?     (c~)  And  could  such 
dynamic   teaching   be  conveniently   introduced   into   schools,  more 
especially  in  the  geography  and  history  lessons  ;  also  into  colleges 
for  the  training  of  teachers,  diplomats,  colonial  administrators,  and 
missionaries  ? 

6.  (a)  If  you  consider  that  the  belief  in  racial  superiority  is  not 
largely  due,  as  is  suggested  by  some  of  the  above  questions,  to  unen- 
lightened   psychological    repulsion    and    under-estimation    of    the 
dynamic  or  environmental  factors,  please  state  what,  in  your  opinion, 
the  chief  factors  are  ?     (£)  Do  you  consider  that  there  is  fair  proof, 


xvi      OBJECT   AND   NATURE   OF  THE  CONGRESS 

and  if  so  what  proof,  of  some  races  being  substantially  superior  to 
others  in  inborn  capacity,  and  in  such  case  is  the  moral  standard  to 
be  modified  ? 

7.  (A)  What  is  your  attitude  towards  the  suggestion  (a)  that,  so 
far  at  least  as  intellectual  and  moral  aptitudes  are  concerned,  we 
ought  to  speak  of  civilisations  where  we  now  speak  of  races  ?  (b}  that 
the  stage  or  form  of  the  civilisation  of  a  people  has  no  connection  with 
its   special   inborn   physical   characteristics  ?    (c)   and   that  even  its 
physical  characteristics  are  to  no  small  extent  the  direct  result  of  the 
environment,  physical   and  social,  under  which  it  is  living  at  the 
moment?     (B)  To  aid  in  clearing   up  the  conceptions  of  race  and 
civilisation,  how  would  you  define  these? 

8.  (a)  Do  you  think  that  each  race  might  with  advantage  study  the 
customs  and  civilisations  of  other  races,   even  those  you  think  the 
lowliest  ones,  for  the  definite  purpose  of  improving  its  own  customs 
and  civilisation  ?     (b}  Do   you   think   that   unostentatious   conduct 
generally  and  respect  for  the  customs  of  other  races,  provided  these 
are  not  morally  objectionable,  should  be  recommended  to  all  who 
come  in  passing  or  permanent  contact  with  members  of  other  races  ? 

9.  (a)  Do  you  know  of  any  experiments  on  a  considerable  scale, 
past  or  present,  showing  the  successful  uplifting  of  relatively  back- 
ward races  by  the  application  of  purely  humane  methods  ?     (b}  Do 
you  know  of  any  cases  of  colonisation  or  opening  of  a  country  achieved 
by  the  same  methods?     (c)  If  so,  how  far  do  you  think  could  such 
methods  be  applied  universally  in  our  dealings  with  other  races  ? 

10.  What  proposals  do  you  have  (a)  for  the  Congress  effectively 
carrying  out  its  object  of  encouraging  better  relations  between  East 
and  West,  and  more  particularly  (b}  for  the  formation  of  an  associa- 
tion designed  to  promote  inter-racial  amity  ? 


/fov 


OFFICERS,  COUNCIL,  AND  SUPPORTERS. 


President : 
The  Right  Hon.  LORD  WEARDALE 

Viee-Ppesidents : 

The  Right  Honourable  THE  PRIME  MINISTER 

The  Right  Hon.  VISCOUNT  MORLEY  OF  BLACKBURN 

The  Right  Hon.  LORD  CURZON  OF  KEDLESTON 

The  Right  Hon.  LORD  AVEBURY 

The  Right  Honourable  THE  SPEAKER 

The  Right  Hon.  ARTHUR  JAMES  BALFOUR,  M.P. 

The  Right  Hon.  JOHN  BURNS,  M.P. 

The  Right  Hon.  HERBERT  SAMUEL,  M.P. 

J.  RAMSAY  MACDONALD,  Esq.,  M.P. 

The  Right  Hon.  THE  LORD  MAYOR  OF  LONDON 

His  Grace  THE  ARCHBISHOP  OF  YORK 
The  Very  Reverend  HERMANN  ADLER 

General  BOOTH 
Rev.  Prof.  J.  ESTLIN  CARPENTER 

EDWARD  CLODD 

Dr.  STANTON  COIT 

FREDERIC  HARRISON 

The  Rev.  F.  B.  MEYER 

Father  BERNARD  VAUGHAN,  S.J. 

The  VICE-CHANCELLORS  of  the  Universities  of  ABERDEEN,  ST.  ANDREWS, 

BELFAST,    BRISTOL,    CAMBRIDGE,    DUBLIN,    DURHAM,    IRELAND,    LEEDS,. 

LIVERPOOL,  LONDON,  MANCHESTER,  OXFORD,  SHEFFIELD,  and  WALES 

Chairman  of  Executive : 
The  Hon.  WILLIAM  PEMBER  REEVES 

Viee-Chairman  of  Executive : 
Sir  EDWARD  BRABROOK 

Chairman  of  Hon.  General  Committee : 

Prof.  FELIX  ADLER,  New  York 

Viee-Chairmen  of  Hon.  General  Committee  : 

Prof.  FELIX  v.  LUSCHAN,  Berlin 

Sir  EDWARD  H.  BUSK,  London 

Baron  D'ESTOURNELLES  DE  CONSTANT,  Paris 

His  Highness  PRINCE  DE  CASSANO,  Rome 

Director  of  Exhibition : 
Dr.  ALFRED  C.  HADDON 

Hon.  Treasurer: 
Sir  RICHARD  BIDDULPH  MARTIN,  Bart. 

Assistant  Hon.  Treasurer ; 
JOHN  GRAY,  Esq. 

Hon.  General  Secretary : 
G.  SPILLER,  Esq.,  63  South  Hill  Park,  Hampstead,  London 


xviii  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 


HON.  SECRETARIES. 

Argentina— W.  V.  O.  DIARD,  253,  Tucuari,  Buenos  Ayres. 

Belgique — M.  le  Dr.  E.  WAXWEILER,  Pare  Leopold,  Bruxelles. 

Bresti—M.  le  Dr.  EDGARD  R.  PINTO,  Museu  Nacional,  Rio  de  Janeiro. 

Bulgarie — M.  le  Prof.  ISCHIRKOFF,  ub.  Aksacoff  9,  Sofia. 

Central  America — M.  DESIRE  PECTOR,  51  rue  de  Clichy,  Paris. 

Chili — M.  le  Dr.  A.  ALVAREZ,  Santiago. 

Costa  Rica — M.  le  THEODORO  PICADO,  San  Josd. 

Deutschland — Herr  Prof.  FERD.  TONNIES,  Eutin,  Holstein. 

Egypt — B.  L.  MOSELY,  Esq.,  5  Sharia  Kasr-el-Nil,  Cairo. 

Espafia — M.  le  Prof.  GASCON  Y  MARIN,  Coso  5,  Saragoza. 

Finland— Herr  Prof.  RAFAEL  KARSTEN,  Die  Universitat,  Helsingfors. 

France — M.  JEAN  FINOT,  45  rue  Jacob,  Paris. 

Grece — Dr.  S.  C.  ZAVITZIANOS,  Corfou. 

India — Mr.  JEHANGIR  B.  PETIT,  7/10  Elphinstone  Circle,  Bombay. 

If  alia — Principe  de  CASSANO,  Corso  Umberto  I.  440,  Rome. 

Japan — Prof.  K.  YOSHIDA,  Hakusangatenmachi  no,  Tokyo. 

Magyarorssag — Dir.  F.  KEMENY,  Bulyovszky-utca  26,  Budapest ; 
ARISTIDE  DE  DESSEWFFY,  K^pviselohaz,  Budapest. 

Mexico — Sefior  AGUSTIN  ARAGON,  53  del  Pino  215,  Mexico. 

Nederland — M.  le  Dr  J.  H.  ABENDANON,  Jan  v.  Nassaustr.  43,  Den  Haag. 

Oesterreich — Herr  WILHELM  BORNER,  I.  Spiegelgasse  19,  Wien. 

Pcrou — M.  le  Prof.  JOAQUIN  CAPELO,  Lima. 

Perse — M.  HADJI  MIRZA  YAHYA,  T6he>an. 

Roumanie — M.  MARC-A.  JEANJAQUET,  Boulev.  Carol  5,  Bucarest. 

Serbie — M.  le  Prof.  NOVAKOVITCH,  Universite",  Belgrade. 

South  Africa — Rev.  RAMSDEN  BALMFORTH,   Upper  Camp  Street,  Cape 
Town. 

United  States— Dr.  W.  E.  B.  DuBois,  20  Vesey  Street,  New  York  ; 

Rev.  FREDERICK  LYNCH,  13  E.  i24th  Street,  New  York. 

West  Indies— A.  F.  PALMER,  Esq.,  Soufriere,  St.  Lucia. 


OFFICERS,  COUNCIL,  AND  SUPPORTERS         xix 


EXECUTIVE  COUNCIL. 

Chairman :  THE  HON.  WILLIAM  PEMBER  REEVES. 
Vice-Chairman :  SIR  EDWARD  BRABROOK,  C.B. 

(The  members  of  the  Executive  are  drawn  from  all  parties  as  befits  a  universal  congress  ; 
but  the  Executive  as  such  does  not  stand  or  work  for  any  party. ) 

The  Rt.  Hon.  AMEER  ALI,  P.C.,  London. 

Prof.  T.  W.  ARNOLD,  M.A.  (Arabic,  U.  of  London). 

MIRZA  ALI  ABBAS  BAIG,  Member  of  Council  of  Secretary  of  State  for  India. 

J.  ALLEN  BAKER,  M.P.,  London. 

HENRY  BALFOUR,  M.A.,  F.Z.S.,  Oxford,  representing  the  African  Society. 

THOMAS  BATY,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  London. 

Sir  MANCHERJEE  MERWANJEE  BHOWNAGGREE,  K.C.I.E.,  London. 

Major  SYED  HASSAN  BILGRAMI,  I. M.S.  (Retired),  London. 

WILFRID  SCAWEN  BLUNT,  Southwater,  Sussex. 

OSCAR  BROWNING,  M.A.,  Senior  Fellow  of  King's  College,  Cambridge. 

Prof.  J.  B.  BURY  (History,  U.  of  Cambridge). 

Sir  EDWARD  H.  BUSK,  Chairman  of  Convocation  and  Past  Vice-Chancellor  of  the 
University  of  London. 

Rev.  Prof.  A.  CALDECOTT,  D.D.,  D.Lit.,  representing  the  University  of  London. 

HOWARD  D'EGVILLE,  Barrister-at-Law,  Secretary  of  the  African  Society,  represent- 
ing the  African  Society. 

JOHN  ARTHUR  FALLOWS,  M.A.,  London. 

Dr.  CHARLES  GARNETT,  M.A.,  B.D.,  London. 

Dr.  M.  CASTER,  London,  representing  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 

Prof.  PATRICK  GEDDES,  F.R.S.E.  (Botany,  U.  College  of  Dundee). 

JOHN  GRAY,  B.Sc.,  A.R.S.M.,  F.R.A.I.,  London  (Hon.  Assistant  Treasurer). 

K.  G.  GUPTA,  London,  Member  of  Council  of  Secretary  of  State  for  India, 

Dr.  B.  GUTTMAN,  Journalist,  London. 

Prof.  ALFRED  C.  HADDON,  M.A.,  Sc.D.,  F.R.S.  (Ethnology,  U.  of  Cambridge). 

HALIL  HALID,  M.A.  (Turkish,  U.  of  Cambridge). 

Prof.  LEONARD  T.  HOBHOUSE  (Sociology,  U.  of  London). 

JOHN  ATKINSON  HOBSON,  M.A.,  London. 

Sir  HARRY  JOHNSTON,  G.C.M.G.,  K.C.B.,  Poling,  representing  the  Royal  Geo- 
graphical Society. 

T.  A.  JOYCE,  M.A.,  London,  Hon.  Sec.  Royal  Anthropological  Institute. 

ARTHUR  F.  LAKE,  Merchant,  London. 

DUNCAN  CAMPBELL  LEE,  M.A.,  London. 

Mrs.  ARCHIBALD  LITTLE,  London,  Author  and  Traveller. 

ROBERT  RANULPH  MARETT,  M.A.,  F.R.A.I.,  Oxford  University. 

Prof.  D.  S.  MARGOLIOUTH,  D.Lit.  (Arabic,  U.  of  Oxford). 

Rev.  F.  B.  MEYER,  B.A.,  late  President  of  National  Federation  of  Free  Churches. 

JOHN  E.  MILHOLLAND  (Hon.  Treasurer  for  U.S.A.],  New  York  and  London. 

Prof.  J.  H.  MuiRHEAD,  LL.D.  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Birmingham). 

Prof.  J.  L.  MYRES,  M.A.  F.S.A.  (Ancient  History,  Oxford). 

SHRIJUT  BIPIN  CHANDRA  PAL,  London. 

R.  H.  PYE,  F.R.A.I.,  London,  representing  the  Royal  Anthropological  Institute. 

S.  K.  RATCLIFFE,  London,  Secretary  and  representing  the  Sociological  Society. 

L.  W.  RITCH,  M.A.,  Barrister-at-Law,  London. 

JOHN  MACKINNON  ROBERTSON,  M.P.,  London. 

Rev.  Dr.  ROSEDALE,  London. 

HARRY  SNELL,  London,  Secretary  Union  of  Ethical  Societies. 

WILLIAM  T.  STEAD,  London,  Editor  of  "  Review  of  Reviews." 

S.  H.  SWINNY,  M.A.,  London,  representing  the  Sociological  Society. 

MARY  F.  A.  TENCH,  F.R.A.I.,  London. 

Major  A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE,  B.A.  (Hausa,  U.  of  Cambridge). 

Major-General  Sir  ALFRED  TURNER,  K.C.B.,  London. 

H.  J.  WELCH,  Solicitor,  London. 

Prof.  EDWARD  WESTERMARCK  (London  U.  and  U.  of  Helsingfors). 

J.  MARTIN  WHITE,  J.P.,  London. 

Sir  JAMES  WILSON,  K.C.S.I.,  London. 


xx  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 


HON.  VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

/.  Members  of  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  and  of  the 

Second  Hague  Conference. 
(At  the  time  of  acceptance — A  la  date  d'adhesion.) 

Argentina—  M.  ESTANISLAS  S.  ZEBALLOS,  late  Minister  of  State,  Member 
of  the  Hague  Court,  Member  of  the  Institut  de  Droit  International,  Professor 
of  International  Law. 
Austria— Prof.  Dr.  H.    LAMMASCH,  Member  of  both   Hague  Conferences, 

Member  of  the  Hague  Court,  Professor  of  International  Law. 
Baron  Dr.  ERNEST  DE  PLENER,  Senator,  Councillor  of  State   President 
of   the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Exchequer,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court, 
Member  of  the  Council  of  the  Inter-Parliamentary  Union. 

Belgium— M..   A.    BEERNAERT,    Deputy,    Minister    of    State,    late    Prime 

Minister,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court  and  of  both  Hague  Conferences, 

President  of   the   Inter- Parliamentary   Union,    Nobel   Peace   Prize,    Hon. 

Member  of  the  Institute  of  International  Law. 

Le  Baron  GUILLAUME,  Belgian  Minister  in  Paris,  Member  of  the  Second 

Hague  Conference,  Member  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  Roumania. 
M.  ERNEST  NYS,  Judge  at  the  Brussels  Court  of  Appeal,  Member  of  the 

Hague  Court,  Professor  of  International  Law. 

Brazil—  M.  CLOVIS  BEVILAQUA,  Jurisconsult  at  the  Foreign  Office,  Member 

of  the  Hague  Court,  Member  of  the  Brazilian  Academy,  Professor  of  Law. 

M.  EDUARDO  F.  S.  DOS  SANTOS  LISB6A,  Brazilian  Minister  at  The 

Hague,  Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference. 
M.  LAFAYETTE  RODRIGUES  PEREIRA,  late  Prime  Minister,  Member 

of  the  Hague  Court. 

Bulgaria— Dr.  STOYAN    DANEFF,  late  Prime    Minister,   late    Minister  for 
Foreign    Affairs,    Member  of    the   Hague    Court,   late    Professor  at  the 
University  of  Sophia. 
M.  IVAN  KARANDJOULOFF,  Attorney  General  of  the  Bulgarian   High 

Court  of  Cassation,  Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference. 
Chile— Dr.   ALEJANDRO    ALVAREZ,    Councillor    at    the    Foreign    Office, 

Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 
Dr.  MIGUEL    CRUCHAGA,    late    Prime    Minister,   Chilian    Minister    at 

Buenos-Ayres,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 
tM.  DOMINGO  CAN  A,  Minister  of  Chile  in  London,  Member  of  the  Second 

Hague  Conference. 
M.  AUGUSTO  MATTE,  Minister  of  Chile  in  Berlin,  Member  of  the  Second 

Hague  Conference. 
China— M.  WU  TING-FANG,  late  Chinese  Ambassador  in  Washington,  late 

Imperial  Commissioner,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 
M.  LOU  TSENG-TSIANG,  Chinese  Minister  at  The  Hague,  Member  of  the 

Second  Hague  Conference. 
Colombia— M.  PEREZ  TRIANA,  Minister  of  Colombia  in  London,  Member  of 

the  Second  Hague  Conference. 
Cuba— M.JUAN  B.  HERNANDES  BARREIRO,  President  of  the  Supreme 

Tribunal  of  the  Republic,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 
M.  GONZALO    DE   QUESADA,   Cuban    Minister  in   Berlin,    Member  of 

the  Hague  Court. 
Denmark— M.  A.  VEDEL,  Sheriff  for  the  county  of  Nestvest,  Member  of  the 

Second  Hague  Conference. 

Dominican  Republic— Dr.  FRANCISCO   HENRIQUEZ  Y  CARVAJAL,  late 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court  and  of  the  Second 
Hague  Conference. 
M.   RAFAEL   J.  CASTILLO,  President  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Justice, 

Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 

M.  ELISEO  GRULL.6N,  late  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  Member  of  the 
Hague  Court. 


OFFICERS,  COUNCIL,  AND  SUPPORTERS        xxi 

Ecuador— M.  E.  DORN  Y  DE  ALSUA,  Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Con- 
ference, Charg-^  d'Affaires  in  Paris. 

General  JULIO  ANDRADE,  Deputy,  late  Minister  of  Public    Instruction, 
Minister  of  Ecuador  at  Bogota,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 

France—  M.  LEON  BOURGEOIS,  late  Prime  Minister  and  President  of  the 

Chamber  of  Deputies,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court  and  of  both  Hague 

Conferences. 
Baron    D'ESTOURNELLES     DE     CONSTANT,     Senator,    Member    of 

both  Hague  Conferences,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court,  President  of  the 

Conciliation  Internationale,  Nobel  Peace  Prize. 
M.  ALBERT  DECRAIS,  Senator,  late  Ambassador  and  Colonial  Minister, 

Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 
M.  MARCELLIN  PELLET,  French  Minister  at  The  Hague,  Member  of  the 

Second  Hague  Conference. 

M.  LOUIS  RENAULT,  Membre  de  Tlnstitut,  Member  of  both  Hague  Con- 
ferences,  Member  of  the    Hague  Court,   Nobel  Peace  Prize,  Professor  of 

International  Law. 
Germany — Dr.  L.  v.  BAR,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court,  Hon.  Member  of  the 

Institute  of  International  Law,  Professor  of  International  Law. 
Dr.   PHILIPP    ZORN,    Senator,    Member    of   both    Hague    Conferences, 

Professor  of  International  Law. 

Greece— M.  A.  TYPALDO-BASSIA,  late  President  ad  interim  of  Greek  Parlia- 
ment, Member  of  the  Hague  Court,  Professor  of  Economics. 
Prof.  Dr.  MICHEL  KEBEDGY,  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Appeal  at  Alexandria, 

Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 
M.  CLEON   RIZO  RANGABE,  Greek  Minister  in  Berlin,   Member  of  the 

Second  Hague  Conference. 
M.  GEORGES  STREIT,  Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference,  Member 

of  the  Hague  Court,  Professor  of  International  Law. 
Guatemala— M.  ANTONIO  BATRES  JAUREGUI,  late    Minister  of  State, 

Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 
M.  LUIS  TOLEDO  HERRARTE,  Minister  of  Guatemala  at  Washington, 

Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 
M.  MANUEL  CABRAL,  late  Minister  of  State,  President  of  the  Judiciary 

Power,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 
Haiti—  M.  JEAN   JOSEPH  DALBEMAR,  late  Haytian  Minister    in    Paris, 

Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference. 
M.    TERTULLIEN    GUILBAUD,  late   Chief  of   Cabinet,  late    Senator, 

Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 
M.  PIERRE   HUDICOURT,  Member  of  the   Second  Hague  Conference, 

Batonnier  de  1'Ordre  des  Avocats  de  Port-au-Prince,  late  Professor  of  Inter- 
national Law. 
M.  JACQUES  NICOLAS  LEGER,  late  Minister  of  Hayti  in  Washington, 

Member  of  the  Hague  Court,  Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference, 

President  of  the  Port-au-Prince  Society  for  Legislation. 
General  LEGITIME,  late  President  of  the  Republic  of  Hayti,  Member  of  the 

Hague  Court. 
M.    SOLON    MENOS,  late   Minister  of  Finance,  Commerce,  Justice,  and 

Foreign  Affairs,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 

Hungary— Count  ALBERT  APPONYI,  Deputy,  late  Minister  of  Public  Educa- 
tion, late  Speaker,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 
M.  ALBERT  DE   BERZEVICZY,  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies, 

President  of  the  Hungarian  Academy  of  Sciences,  Member  of  Hague  Court. 
Italy— M.  GUIDO  FUSINATO,  Deputy,  Councillor  of  State,  late  Minister  of 

Public  Instruction,  Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference,  Member  of 

the  Hague  Court,  late  Professor  of  International  Law. 
tM.  ANGELO  MAJORANA,  Deputy,  late  Minister  of  Finance,  Member  of 

the  Hague  Court,  Professor  of  International  Law. 
tM.  AUGUSTE  PIERANTONI,  LL.D.  (Oxford  and  Edinburgh),  Senator, 

late  President  of  the  Institute  of  International  Law,  Member  of  the  Hague 

Court,  Professor  of  International  Law. 
tM.  GUIDO    POMPILJ,  Deputy,    Under  Secretary  of  State  for   Foreign 

Affairs,  Member  of  both  Hague  Conferences. 


xxii  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

Japan— Baron  Dr.  ITCHIRO  MOTONO,  Japanese  Ambassador  at  St.  Peters- 
burg, Member  of  the  Hague  Court  and  of  the  First  Hague  Conference. 
M.   AIMARO    SATO,  Japanese   Minister  at  The   Hague,   Member  of  the 

Second  Hague  Conference. 
M.  KEIROKU  TSUDZUKI,  Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference. 

Luxemburg— TA.  EYSCHEN,  The  Minister  of  State,  President  of  the  Grand- 
Ducal  Government,  Member  of  both  Hague  Conferences. 

Mexico— M..  FRANCISCO  L.  DE  LA  BARRA,  Mexican  Ambassador  at  Wash- 
ington, Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference. 

M.  JOAQUIN  D.  CASASUS,  late  Ambassador  at  Washington,  late  Director  of 
the  National  School  of  Jurisprudence  of  Mexico,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 

M.  GONZALO  A.  ESTEVA,  Mexican  Minister  in  Rome,  Member  of  the 
Second  Hague  Conference. 

Dr.  JOAQUIN  OBREGON  GONZALEZ,  Governor  of  the  State  of 
Guanajuato,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 

M.  JOSE  IVES  LIMANTOUR,  Secretary  of  State  in  the  Ministry  of 
Finance,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 

M.  PABLO  MACEDO,  Deputy,  President  of  the  Monetary  Commission, 
Director  of  the  National  School  of  Law,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 

M.  SEBASTIAN  B.  de  MIER,  Mexican  Minister  in  Paris,  Member  of  the 

Second  Hague  Conference. 

Netherlands—  M.  T.  M.  C.  ASSER,  Minister  of  State,  Member  of  the  Council 
of  State,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court  and  of  both  Hague  Conferences, 
Foundation  Member  and  Hon.  Member  of  Institute  of  International  Law. 

The  JONKHEER  G.  L.  M.  R.  RUYS  DE  BEERENBROUCK,  late 
Minister  of  Justice,  Queen's  Commissioner  in  the  Province  of  Limburg, 
Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 

M.  F.  B.  CONINCK  LIEFSTING,  late  President  of  the  Court  of  Cassation, 
Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 

The  JONKHEER  DEN  BEER  PORTUGAEL,  Lieutenant-General,  late 
Minister  of  War,  Member  of  the  Council  of  State,  Member  of  the  First  and 
Second  Hague  Conferences. 

The    JONKHEER  J.  A.  ROELL,  Vice-Admiral   retired,  Aide-de-Camp  to 
Her  Majesty,  late  Minister  of  Marine,  Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Con- 
ference, First  Naval  Delegate  to  the  Naval  Conference  in  London. 
Nicaragua— M.   CRISANTO    MEDINA,    Minister    of   Nicaragua    in    Paris, 
Member  of  the  Hague  Court  and  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference. 

M.   DESIRE  PECTOR,   Member  of  the  Hague  Court,  Consul-General  for 

France  of  Nicaragua  and  Honduras. 

Norway— M.  JOACHIM  GRIEG,  late  Deputy,  Member  of  Second  Hague 
Conference. 

Dr.  FRANCIS  HAGERUP,  late  Premier,  Norwegian  Minister  at  Copen- 
hagen, Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference,  Member  of  the  Hague 
Court,  Member  of  the  Storting  Nobel  Committee. 

M.  H.  J.  HORST,  late  Deputy,  late  President  of"  Lagting,"  Member  of  Inter- 
Parliamentary  Council,  Member  of  the  Nobel  Committee  of  the-"  Storting," 
Member  of  the  International  Peace  Bureau,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 

Dr.  SIGURD  IBSEN,  late  Minister  of  State,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 

Dr.  CHRISTIAN  L.  LANGE,  Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference, 

General  Secretary  of  the  Inter-Parliamentary  Union. 
Panama— M.  BELISARIO  PORRAS,   Envoy  Extraordinary,  Member  of  the 

Second  Hague  Conference. 

Persia -M.  MIRZA  HASSAN-KHAN  MUCHIR-UL-DEVLET,  Minister  of 
Justice,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 

M.  MIRZA  AHMED  KHAN  SADIGHUL  MULK,  Persian  Minister  at  the 
Hague,  Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference. 

M.  MIRZA  SAMAD-KHAN   MOMTAZOS  SALTANEH,  Persian  Minister 

m  Paris,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court  and  of  both  Hague  Conferences. 
Portugal— M.  ALBERTO  D'OLIVEIRA,  late  Portuguese  Minister  at  Berne, 
Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference. 

M.  FERNANDO  MATTOSO  SANTOS,  late  Minister  of  Finance  and  of 
Foreign  AfTairs,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 


OFFICERS,  COUNCIL,  AND  SUPPORTERS      xxiii 

MARQUIS  DE  SOVERAL,  G.C.M.G.,  Councillor  of  State,  late  Minister 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  late  Portuguese  Ambassador  in  London,  Member  of 
the  Second  Hague  Conference. 

Xoumania—M.   CONSTANTIN    G.    DISSESCU,   Senator,   late    Minister    of 

Justice  and  of  Education,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court,  Member  of  the 

Inter- Parliamentary  Council,  Professor  of  Law. 
Dr.  JEAN  KALINDERU,  late  President  of  the  High  Court  of  Cassation  and 

Justice,  Member  of  the  Roumanian  Academy,  Administrator  of  the  Crown 

Domains,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 
M.  THEODORE  G.  ROSETTI,  late  Premier,  late  President  of  the  High 

Court  of  Cassation,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 

Xussta—M.  J.  OVTCHINNIKOW,  Professor  of  International  Law,   Member 

of  both  Hague  Conferences. 

M.  NICOLAS  TCHARYKOW,  Russian  Ambassador  at  Constantinople, 
Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference. 

Salvador— M.  PEDRO  J.  MATHEU,  Consul-General  of  Salvador  in   Spain, 
Member  of  the  Hague  Court  and  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference. 

Servia— General  SAVA  GROUITCH,  late  President  of  the  Council  of  State, 

Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference. 
M.  MILOVAN  MILOVANOVITCH,  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  Member  of 

the  Hague  Court  and  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference,  late  Professor  of  Law. 
M.    MILENKO     R.     VESNITCH,     Servian     Minister     for     France    and 

Belgium,    late   Minister  of  Justice,   late   President     of  the  Skouptchina, 

Member  of  the  Hague  Court,  late  Professor  of  International  Law. 
Spain— M.  GABRIEL  MAURA  Y  GAMAZO,  Comte  de  la  Mortera,   Deputy, 

Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference. 
M.  EDUARDO  DATO   IRADIER,  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies, 

late  Minister  of  the  Interior  and  of  Justice,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 
M.   RAFAEL   M.   DE   LABRA,   Senator,   Director  of  Primary  Instruction, 

Member  of  the  Hague  Court,  Member  of  the  Institute  of  International  Law; 
M.  RAFAEL  DE  URENA  Y  SMENJAUD,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court, 

Professor  of  Law. 
M.    WENCESLAO    RAMIREZ    DE   VILLA    URRUTIA,    Senator,    late 

Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  Spanish  Ambassador  in  London,  Member  of 

both  Hague  Conferences. 
Sweden,- M.  JOHAN  FREDRIK  IVAR  AFZELIUS,  Deputy,  President  of  the 

Commission  for  the  Revision  of  the  Law,  late  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court, 

Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 
M.  KNUT  HJALMAR  LEpNARD  DE  HAMMARSKJOLD,  late  Minister 

of  Justice  and  of  Education,  late  Swedish  Minister  at  Copenhagen,  late 

President  of  the  Court  of  Appeal  of  Jonkoping,  Governor  of  the  Province  of 

Upsala,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court  and  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference, 

late  Professor  of  Law. 
Switzerland— M.  GASTON  CARLIN,  Swiss  Minister  in  London,  Member  of 

the  Second  Hague  Conference. 
Dr.  EUGEN  HUBER,  Member  of  the  National  Council,   Member  of  the 

Hague  Court,  Professor  of  Law. 

Dr.  MAX  HUBER,  Member  of  Second  Hague  Conference,  Professor  of  Law. 
Turkey— M.  SAID  BEY,  President  of  the  Legislative  Section  of  the  Council  of 

State,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 
GABRIEL    EFFENDI    NORADOUNGHIAN,   Senator,   late    Minister    of 

Commerce  and  Public  Works,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 
MOUSTAFA  RECHID  PASHA,  Turkish  Ambassador  at  Vienna,  Member 

of  the  Second  Hague  Conference. 
TURKHAN    PASHA,  Ottoman  Ambassador  at  St.  Petersburg,  Member  of 

the  Second  Hague  Conference. 
United  States— The,  Hon.  JOSEPH  H.  CHOATE,  LL.D.,  late  United  States 

Ambassador  to  Great  Britain,  Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference. 
The  Hon.  GEORGE    B.   DAVIS,  Judge  Attorney  General,  Member  of  the 

Second  Hague  Conference.  --'J  •:- 
The  Hon.  JOHN  W.  GRIGGS,  late  Attorney-General,  Member  of  the  Hague 

Court. 


xxiv  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

The  Hon.  HORACE  PORTER,  late  United  States  Ambassador  in  Paris, 

Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference. 
The  Hon.  URIAH  M.  ROSE,  Ambassador   Extraordinary,  Member  of   the 

Second  Hague  Conference. 
Uruguay— Dr.  GONZALO  RAMIREZ,  Minister  of  Uruguay  at  Buenos-Ayres, 

Professor  of  International  Law  in  the  University  of  Montevideo,  Member 

of  the  Hague  Court. 
Venezuela— Dr.    FRANCISCO  ARROYO    PAREJO,   Legal   Adviser    at   the 

Ministry  for  Public  Works,   Professor  of  Civil  Law  at  the  University  of 

Caracas,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 
Dr.   CARLOS    LEON,   late   Minister  of  Public   Instruction,  late  Governor 

of  the  Federal  District,  late  Judge  at  the  Court  of  Cassation,  Professor 

of  Sociology  and  Economics  at  the  University  of  Caracas,  Member  of  the 

Hague  Court. 
General  MANUEL  ANTONIO  MATOS,  late  Minister  of  State,  late  President 

of  the  Senate,  Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 


//.  Presidents  of  Parliaments 
(At  the  time  of  acceptance — A  la  date  d 'adhesion.) 
Argentina— M.  B.  VILLANUEVA,  President  of  the  Senate. 
Belgium— M.  le  VICOMTE  SIMONIS,  President  of  the  Senate. 

M.  COOREMAN,  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 
Brazil—  M.  QUINTINO  BOCAYUVA,  President  of  the  Senate. 
Bulgaria— Dr.  P.  ORACHNOWAC,  President  of  the  National  Assembly. 
Canada— The  Hon.  CHARLES  MARCIL,  M.P.,  LL.D.,  Speaker  of  the  House 

of  Commons  of  Canada. 
Costa  Rica— M.  RICARDO  JIMENEZ,  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies, 

President  of  the  Republic  for  1910-1914. 
Denmark— Dr.  CARL  GOOS,  President  of  the  Senate. 
M.  CHR.  SONNE,  (late)  President  of  the  Senate. 
M.  A.  THOMSEN,  President  of  Folketing. 
France— M.  ANTONIN  DUBOST,  President  of  the  Senate. 

M.  HENRI  BRISSON,  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 
Germany— Graf  v.  SCHWERIN-LOWITZ,  President  of  the  Reichstag. 
ffayti—M.  F.  P.  PAULIN,  President  of  the  Senate. 

M.  GERSON  DESROSIER,  President  of  the  National  Assembly. 
Hungary— Count  ALBIN  CSAKY,  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Magnates. 
M.   ALBERT  DE    BERZEVICZY,  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 

(See  also  Section  I.) 

Count  AURELE  DESSEVFFY,  (late)  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Magnates. 
Dr.  ALEXANDER  GAL,  (late)  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 
Japan— M.  S.  HASEBA,  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 
Netherlands— M.  I.  E.  N.  Baron  SCHIMMELPENNINCK  VAN  DER  OYE 

DE  HOEVELAKEN,  President  of  the  Senate. 
Portugal—  M.  JOSE  JOAQUIM  MENDES  LEAL,  President  of  the  House  of 

Deputies,  late  Civil  Governor. 
Roumania— General  C.  BUDISTEANU,  President  of  the  Senate. 

M.  PHEREKYDE,  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 
Russia— M.  N.  A.  HOMIAKOFF,  late  President  of  the  Duma  of  the  Empire. 
Servia— M.  A.  NIKOLITCH,  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 
Spain— M.  le  MARQUIS  de  AZCARRAGA,  President  of  the  Senate. 

M.  EDUARDO  DATO  IRADIER,  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies 

(See  also  Section  I.) 

Sweden— M.  CHR.  LUNDEBERG,  President  of  the  First  Chamber. 
Switzerland—  Dr.  VIRGILE   ROSSEL,    President   of  the   National  Council 

Professor  at  the  University  of  Berne. 
Dr.  PAUL  USTERI,  President  of  the  State  Council. 

Turkey— His  Highness  SAID  PASHA,  President  of  Senate,  late  Grand  Vizier. 
M.  AHMED  RIZA,  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 


OFFICERS,  COUNCIL,  AND  SUPPORTERS      xxv 


///.  Rulers,  Ministers  of  State,  Governors,  and  A  mbassadors* 
(At  the  time  of  acceptance — A  la  date  d'adh^sion.) 

Argentina— Dr.  V.  DE  LA  PLAZA,  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs. 
Belgium— M.  le  COMTE  de  LALAING,  Belgian  Minister  in  London. 

M.  J.  RENKIN,  Minister  for  Colonial  Affairs. 

Bolivia— M.  D.  SANCHEZ  BUSTAMENTE,  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs. 
Brazil— W..  le  MARECHAL  HERMES  da  FONSECA,   President  of  the  Re- 
public. 
Bulgaria— M.  HEDJI  MISCHEFF,  Bulgarian  Charge  d'Affaires  in  London. 

General  PAPRIKOFF,  Bulgarian  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs. 
China— M.  YIN-CH'ANG,  Chinese  Minister  in  Berlin. 
M.  LI  CHING  FONG,  K.C.V.O.,  Chinese  Minister  in  London. 
M.  WOU  TSUNG-LIEN,  Chinese  Minister  at  Rome. 
Colombia— M.  C.  CALDERON,  (late)  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs. 
Denmark— M.  LIMPRICHT,  Governor  of  the  Danish  West  India  Islands. 
France— M..  G.  ANGOULVANT,  C.M.G.,  Governor  of  French  Ivory  Coast. 
M.  VICTOR  AUGAGNEUR,  Governor-General  of  Madagascar. 
M.  DIDELOT,  Administrator  of  Saint-Pierre  and  Miquelon. 
M.  LIOTARD,  Lt.-Governor  of  French  Guinea. 
M.  PASCAL,  Governor  of  French  Somaliland. 
Germany — Dr.  ALBERT  HAHL,  Governor  of  German  New  Guinea. 

Dr.  SOLF,  Governor  of  Samoan  Islands. 
Great  Britain— Admiral  Sir  DAY  H.  BOSANQUET,  G.C.V.O.,  K.C.B.,  J.P., 

D.L.,  Governor  of  South  Australia. 
Sir  CAVENDISH  BOYLE,  K.C.M.G.,  Governor  and  Commander-in-Chief 

of  Mauritius. 
The  Hon.  ALFRED  DEAKIN,  Prime  Minister  of  the  Commonwealth  of 

Australia. 
Sir  THOMAS  DAVID  GIBSON-CARMICHAEL,  Bart.,  K.C.M.G.,  M.A., 

D.L.,  Governor  of  Victoria. 
Lt.-Colonel   HENRY  LIONEL  GALLWEY,  C.M.G.,  D.S.O.,  Governor  of 

St.  Helena. 

His  Highness  the  RAJA  OF  KANIKA. 
Sir  EVERARD  im  THURN,  K.C.M.G.,  C.B.,  Governor  of    Fiji  and  High 

Commissioner  of  the  Western  Pacific. 

The  Hon.  WILLIAM  KIDSTON,  Prime  Minister  of  Queensland. 
Sir  GEORGE  R.  LE  HUNTE,  K.C.M.G.,  Governor  and  Commander-in-Chief 

of  Trinidad  and  Tobago. 

Sir  JAMES  H.  S.  LOCKHART,  K.C.M.G.,  Commissioner  of  Waihaiwai. 
Sir    WILLIAM    MAcGREGOR,    G.C.M.G.,    C.B.,    M.D.,    D.Sc.,  LL.D., 

F.F.P.S.,  Governor  of  Queensland. 

His  Highness  THE  MAHARAJA  BAHADUR  of  Darbhanga,  K.C.I.E. 
His  Highness  THE  MAHARAJADHIRAJA,  Bahadur  of  Burdwan. 
His    Highness    MAHARAJA    SAYAJIRAO    GAEKWAR    OF    BARODA, 

G. C.S.I.,  etc.,  etc. 
The  Right  Hon.   Sir  FREDERICK  ROBERT'  MOOR,  P.C.,    K.C.M.G., 

D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  M.L.A.,  Prime  Minister  of  Natal. 
Lt.-Col.  Sir  N.  J.  MOORE,  K.C.M.G.,  Premier  of  Western  Australia. 
The  Hon.  J.  H.  P.  MURRAY,  Lt.-Governor  of  Papua. 
The  Hon.  JOHN  MURRAY,  Premier  of  Victoria. 
His  Highness  THE  NAWAB  of  Dacca. 
Sir  SYDNEY  OLIVIER,  K.C.M.G.,  Governor  of  Jamaica. 
The  Hon.  A.  C.  RUTHERFORD,  Prime  Minister  of  Alberta,  Canada. 
Lieut.-Col.  Sir  JAMES  HAYES  SADLER,  K.C.M.G.,  C.B.,  Governor  and 

Commander-in-Chief  of  Windward  Islands. 
The  Hon.  J.  W.  SAUER,  M.L.D.,  Minister  of  Railways  and  Harbours  of  the 

Dominion  of  United  South  Africa. 
His  Highness  RAJA  AIPUDAMAN  SINGH  of  NABHA,  G.C.S.I.,  G.C.I.E. 

*  See  also  under  Sections  I.  and  II. — Voir  aussi  Sections  I.  et  II. 


xxvi  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

Colonel  Sir  ERIC  JOHN  EAGLES  SWAYNE,  K.C.M.G.,  C.B.,  Governor 

of  British  Honduras. 
The  Hon.  CHARLES  GREGORY  WADE,  K.C.,  Prime  Minister  of  New 

South  Wales. 
The  Right  Hon.  Sir  JOSEPH  G.  WARD,  K.C.M.G.,   LL.D.,  Premier  of 

New  Zealand. 

Greece— M.  J.  GENNADIUS,  Greek  Minister  in  London. 
Guatemala— M.  ESTRADA  CABRERA,  .President  of  the  Republic. 
Hayti—M.  MURAT    CLAUDE,    Minister    for    Foreign  Affairs    and    Public 

Instruction. 

M.  C.  FOUCHARD,  Haytian  Minister  in  Berlin. 
M.  GEORGES  SYLVAIN,  Haytian  Minister  in  Paris. 
M.  DURACINE  VAVAL,  Haytian  Minister  in  London. 
Honduras— General  MIGUEL  R.  DAVILA,  President  of  the  Republic. 

Dr.  LUIS  LAZO  ARRIAGA,  Minister  of  Honduras  at  Washington. 
Italy— M.  L.  CREDARO,  Minister  of  Public  Instruction. 
Liberia— M.  ARTHUR  BARCLAY,  President  of  the  Republic. 
M.  J.  CROMMELIN,  Liberian  Minister  in  London. 
M.  M.  DINKLAGE,  Charge  d 'Affaires  for  Liberia  in  Germany. 
The  Hon.  F.  E.  R.  JOHNSON,  Secretary  of  State. 
Mexico—  M.  MIGUEL  COVARRUBIAS,  Mexican  Minister  in  London. 
Netherlands — Dr.  D.   FOCK,   Governor  of  Surinam,  late    Colonial   Minister, 

Member  of  the  Institut  Colonial  International. 

Baron  GERICKE  VAN  HERWIJNEN,  Netherlands  Minister  in  London. 
M.  J.-H.  de  WAAL  MALEFYT,  Minister  for  Colonial  Affairs. 
Dr.  Th.  J.  A.  NUYENS,  Governor  of  Cura?ao,  West  Indies. 
Baron  A.  J.  QUARLES  DE  QUARLES,  Governor  of  Island  of  Celebes. 
Nicaragua— M.  JOS£  MADRIZ,  President  of  the  Republic. 
Persia— M.  HAKIM-EL-MOLK,  Minister  of  Public  Instruction. 

M.    MAHMOUD    KHAN,    Persian  Minister    at    Brussels,    Corresponding 

Member  of  the  Lisbon  Geographical  Society. 
M.  MIRZA  MEHDI   KHAN  MUSHIR-UL-MULK,   Persian   Minister  in 

London. 

M.  MOHTACHEMOS-SALTANEH,  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs. 
M.  MIRZA  MOUSTAPHA  KHAN  SAFAOL  MEMALEK,  Persian  Minister 

in  Vienna 

M.  ISAAC  KHAN  MOFAKHAM-ED-DOVLEH,  Persian  Minister  at  Rome. 
M.  MOKHBER-ES-SALTANEH,  Governor-General  of  Azerbaijan  (Tabriz). 
M.  MIRZA  MAHMOUD  KHAN  EHTECHAM-OS-SALTANE,  Persian 

Minister  in  Berlin. 

M.  VUSOUK  ED  DAULEH,  Minister  of  Justice. 

Peru— M.  EDUARDO  LEMBCKE,  Charge  d'Affaires  of  Peru  in  London. 
Portugal— M.  A.  A.  FREIRE  D'ANDRADE,  Governor-General  of  Portuguese 

East  Africa. 

M.  MAGALHAES  LIMA,  Portugese  Minister  in  London. 
M.  MARQUES,  Governor  of  Macao. 
M.  ROCADAS,  Governor  of  Angola. 

Roumania — M.  A.  C.  CATARGI,  Roumanian  Minister  in  London. 
Salvador—  General  F.  FIGUEROA,  President  of  the  Republic. 
Servia.— M.  S.  Y.  GROUITCH,  Servian  Charg<$  d'Affaires. 
Siam— The   Ven.   P.  C.   JINAVARAVANSA,    S'yam     Rajakumara    Nayaka 
Thera,  M.R.A.S.  (the  late  Col.  Prince  Prisdang,  C.M.G.,  etc.,   of  Siam), 
Ratna  Chetiyarama,  Colombo. 
Spain—  M. .FIDE  LEON  Y  CASTILLO,  MARQUIS  DEL  MUNI,  Senator, 

late  Minister  of  State,  Spanish  Ambassador  in  Paris. 
Sweden— Count  H.  WRANGEL,  Swedish  Minister  in  London. 
Turkey—  NAOUM  PASHA,  Turkish  Ambassador  in  Paris. 
RIFAAT  PASHA,  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs. 
TEWF1K  PASHA,  Turkish  Ambassador  in  London. 

Ventsuela— General  JUAN  VICENTE  GOMEZ,  President  of  the  Republic. 
United  States- T.  J.  O'BRIEN,  LL.D.,  United  States  Ambassador  at  Tokyo. 


OFFICERS,  COUNCIL,  AND  SUPPORTERS    xxvii 


HON.  GENERAL  COMMITTEE. 

President : 

PROF.  FELIX  ABLER,  New  York. 

Vice-Presidents : 

PROF.  FELIX  v.  LUSCHAN,  Berlin.  SIR  EDWARD  BUSK,  London. 

BARON  D'ESTOURNELLES  DE  CONSTANT,  Paris. 

His  HIGHNESS  PRINCE  DE  CASSANO,  Rome. 

AFGHANISTAN. 
Fakir  SYED  IFTIKHARUDDIN,  British  Agent  at  Kaboul. 

ARGENTINA. 

Dr.  F.  AMEGHINO,  Director  National  Natural  History  Museum  at  Buenos  Ayres. 

Prof.  EDUARDO  L.  BIDAU,  Argentine  Delegate  to  the  fourth  Pan-American  Con- 
gress (International  Law,  U.  of  Buenos  Ayres). 

M.  NESTOR  CARETO,  Cordova. 

Dr.  MANUEL  DESSEIN,  Buenos  Ayres. 

M.ViCTOR  O.  DIARD,  Buenos  Ayres,  President-General  of  the  Universal  Scientific 
Alliance  for  America. 

M.  AUGUSTE  LAPPA,  Buenos  Ayres. 

Dr.  GUILLERMO  MATTI,  Buenos  Ayres. 

Prof.  Dr.  ENRIQUE  MARTINEZ  PAZ  (Sociology,  U.  of  Cordova). 

Prof.  ARNAUD  SARRAT,  Buenos  Ayres. 

M.  THEODORE  SOURDILLE,  Mathematician,  Cordova. 

Prof.  Jos£  LEON  SUAREZ  (International  Law,  U.  of  Buenos  Ayres). 

AUSTRIA. 

Prof.  Dr.  J.  DE  BLOCISZEWSKI  (Diplomatic  History  and  International  Law, 
Consular  Academy,  Vienna). 

Dr.  RUDOLF  EISLER,  Secretary  of  the  Vienna  Sociological  Society,  Editor  of 
"  Philos.-Sociologische  Biicherei." 

M.  ALFRED  H.  FRIED,  Vienna,  Editor  of  Friedenswarte,  Member  of  the  Inter- 
national Peace  Bureau. 

Prof.  Dr.  RUDOLF  GEYER  (Arabic,  U .  of  Vienna). 

Dr.  RUDOLF  GOLDSCHEID,  Sociological  Society  of  Vienna. 

Prof.  Dr.  HANS  GROSS  (Law,  U.  of  Graz). 

Prof.  Dr.  MAX  GRUNERT,  Rector  of  the  German  University  in  Prague. 

Prof.  Dr.  WLADYSLAW  HEINRICH  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Cracow). 

Dr.  FRIEDRICH  HERTZ,  Vienna,  Author. 

Prof.  Dr.  MAURICE  HOERNES  (Prehistorical  Archaeology,  U.  of  Vienna). 

Prof.  Baron  ALEXANDER  v.  HOLD-FERNECK  (International  Law,  U.  of  Vienna). 

Prof.  Dr.  FRIEDRICH  JODL  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Vienna). 

Prof.  Dr.  J.  KlRSTE  (Oriental  Philology,  U.  of  Graz). 

Prof.  Dr.  RUDOLF  KOBATSCH  (Commercial  Politics,  Konsular  Akademie,  Vienna). 

Prof.  Dr.  KARL  KRETSCHMER  (Comparative  Philology,  U.  of  Vienna). 

Prof.  T.  G.  MASARYK,  Member  of  Reichsrat  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Prague). 

Prof.  Dr.  ALEXIUS  MEINONG  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Graz). 

Dr.  JULIUS  OFNER,  Vienna,  Member  of  Reichsrat. 

Dr.  ALBERT  REIBMAYER,  Brixen,  Tyrol. 

Prof  Dr.  EMIL  REICH  (Aesthetics,  U.  of  Vienna). 

Count  MICHEL  ROSTWOROWSKI,  Associate  of  the  Institut  de  Droit  International 
(Constitutional  and  International  Law,  U.  of  Cracow). 

Prof.  Dr.  FRANCO  SAVORGNAN  (Economics,  Higher  Commercial  School,  Trieste). 

Father  WILHELM  SCHMIDT,  S.V.D.,  Editor  of  Anthropos,  Modling,  Vienna. 


xxviii  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

Prof.  Dr.  LEO  STRISOWER  (International  Law,  U.  of  Vienna). 
Baroness  BERTHA  V.  SUTTNER,  Vienna,  Authoress,  Hon.  President  of  the  Inter- 
national Peace  Bureau,  Nobel  Prize  Laureate. 
Prof.  Dr.  M.WlNTERNlTZ(£'//&»0/<?gj'and  Indian  Philology,  German  U.  of  Prague). 

BELGIUM. 

Prof.  MAURICE  ANSIAUX  (Economics,  U.  of  Brussels). 

Prof.  Dr.  BONMARIAGE  (Colonial  Hygiene,  Institut  des  Hautes  Etudes,  Brussels). 

Prof.  JEAN  C APART  (Egyptology,  U.  of  Liege). 

The  Very  Rev.  Father  A.  DE  CLERCQ,  Scheut,  Rector  of  the  Seminaire  des  Mis- 
sions Etrangeres. 

Prof.  HECTOR  DENIS  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Brussels). 

M.  V.  DENYN,  Brussels,  Director- General  at  the  Belgian  Colonial  Office  and  Chief 
of  the  Colonial  Minister's  Cabinet. 

Prof.  R.  DE  RIDDER  (International  Law,  U.  of  Ghent). 

M.  DESTR£E,  Deputy,  Brussels. 

Prof.  Dr.  EMILE  DE  WILDEMAN,  General  Secretary  of  the  Third  International 
Congress  of  Botany. 

M.  NORBERT  DIDERRICH,  Brussels,  Member  of  Colonial  Council,  Member  of 
Institut  Colonial  International. 

Dr.  GUSTAVE  DRYEPONDT,  Brussels,  Associate  of  Institut  Colonial  International. 

Prof.  L.  DUPRIEZ,  Member  of  Colonial  Council  (Comparative  Law,  U.  of  Louvain). 

M.  PAUL  ERRERA,  Rector  of  Brussels  University,  Associate  Institut  de  Droit 
International  (Public  Law,  U.  of  Brussels). 

M.  LEON  FURNEMONT,  Brussels,  Barrister,  Deputy. 

Prof.  GOFFART  (Economics  and  Industrial  Geography,  U.  of  Ghent). 

Prof.  TH.  COLLIER  (Japanese,  U.  of  Li&ge). 

M.  MICHEL  HALEWYCK,  Brussels,  Director  at  the  Belgian  Colonial  Office  of 
Belgium,  Second  Secretary  of  Belgian  Colonial  Council. 

Prof.  Dr.  E.  HOUZ6  (Anthropology,  U.  of  Brussels). 

Prof.  MICHEL  HUISMAN  (History  and  Economic  Geography,  U.  of  Brussels). 

Dr.  JULES  INGENBLEEK,  Brussels,  Private  Secretary  to  Their  Majesties  the  King 
and  Queen  of  Belgium. 

M.  T.  JANSON,  Brussels,  Deputy,  late  Batonnier. 

M.  CAMILLE  JANSSEN,  late  Governor-General  of  the  Belgian  Congo,  General 
Secretary  of  the  International  Colonial  Institute. 

M.  H.  LA  FONTAINE,  Senator,  President  of  the  International  Peace  Bureau  (Inter- 
national Law,  U.  of  Brussels). 

M.  AUG.  HOUZEAU  DE  LEHAIE,  Senator,  Member  and  Treasurer  of  the  Inter- 
Parliamentary  Council. 

M.  MAURICE  MAETERLINCK,  Author,  Grasse  (France). 

Prof.  ERNEST  MAHAIM  (International  Law,  U.  of  Liege). 

M.  PAUL  OTLET,  Brussels,  General  Sec.  of  Institut  International  de  Bibliographic 
and  of  Office  Central  des  Institutions  Internationales. 

M.  CYRIL  VAN  OVERBERGH,  Brussels,  Director-General  for  Higher  Education, 
President  of  the  Belgian  Sociological  Society,  President  of  the  Provisory 
International  Bureau  of  Ethnography. 

Prof.  P.  POULLET,  Deputy,  Associate  of  the  Institut  de  Droit  International  (Inter- 
national Law,  U.  of  Louvain) 

M.  ADOLPHE  PRINS,  Inspector-General  of  Belgian  Prisons,  President  of  the  Union 
Internationale  de  Droit  Pe*nal  (Law,  U.  of  Brussels). 

Pro£  ALBERIC  ROLIN,  General  Secretary  of  the  Institute  of  International  Law 
(International  Law,  U.  of  Ghent). 

M.  HENRI  ROLIN,  Judge  (Law,  U.  of  Brussels). 

M.  F.  C.  DE  SKEEL-GIORLING,  Brussels,  Editor  of  Revuo  de  la  Kongresoj. 

Prof.  H.  SPEYER,  Member  of  Colonial  Council,  Associate  of  Institut  Colonial 
International  (Criminal  Law,  U.  of  Brussels). 

Colonel  THYS,  Brussels,  President  of  the  Compagnie  du  chemin  de  fer  du  Congo, 
Member  of  the  Institut  Colonial  International. 

M.  J.  VAN  DEN  GHEYN,  S.J.,  Brussels,  Chief  Librarian  Royal  Library  of  Belgium. 

Prof.  A.  VERMEERSCH,  S.J.  (Moral  Theology,  Theological  College,  Louvain). 

M.  G.  VOUCHARD,  Brussels,  Editor  of  Mouvement  Giiographique. 


OFFICERS,  COUNCIL,  AND  SUPPORTERS      xxix 

M.  A.  J.  WAUTERS,  Brussels,  General  Sec.  of  Congo  Railway,  Member  of  the 

Belgian  Royal  Academy,  Associate  of  Institut  Colonial  International. 
Prof.  E.  WAXWEILER,  Director  of  the  Institut  de  Sociologie,  Brussels. 

BRAZIL. 

Madame  AMELIA  DE  FREITAS  BEVILAQUA,  Author,  Rio  de  Janeiro. 
Prof.  JOAO  BAPTISTE  DE  LACERDA,  Director  National  Museum  of  Rio  de  Janeiro. 
M.  JACQUES  HUBER,  Ph.D.,  Pard,  Director  of  Museo  Goeldi  de  Historia  Natural 
e  Ethnographia. 

BULGARIA. 

M.  STEFAN   S.   BOBTCHEV,  Deputy,  President  of  the  Soci^te"  Slave  and  of  the 

Socie'te'  des  Publicistes  Bulgares  (History  of  Law,  U.  of  Sophia). 
Prof.  Dr.  T.  GH£ORGOV  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Sophia). 
Prof.  Dr.  ISIRKOL  (Geography,  U.  of  Sophia). 
Prof.  M.  POPOVILIEV,  Dean  of  Faculty  of  Law  (International  Law,  U.  of  Sophia). 

CHILE. 

M.  ANTONIO  HUNEEUS,  Santiago,  late  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs. 

M.  MARCIAL  MARTINEZ,  LL.D.  (of  Yale  and  Edinburgh). 

Prof.  CARLOS  E.  PORTER,  Director  of  the  Natural  History  Museum  of  Valparaiso. 

CHINA. 
C.  W.  CAMPBELL,  C.M.G.,  F.R.A.I.,  British  Legation,  Peking. 

COSTA  RICA. 
Dr.  THEODORE  PICADO  MARIN,  San  Jose. 

DENMARK. 

Prof.  Dr.  DINES  ANDERSEN  (Indian  Philology,  U.  of  Copenhagen). 

M.  FREDRIK  BAJER,  Copenhagen,  late  Hon.  President  of  the  International  Peace 

Bureau,  Nobel  Prize  Laureate,  Member  of  Inter-Parliamentary  Council. 
Commodore  E.  BLUHME,  Norlund,  late  Deputy,  Member  of  the  Danish  Committee 

of  the  Inter-Parliamentary  Union. 
M.  JENS  CHRISTIAN  CHRISTENSEN,  Copenhagen,  late  Prime  Minister,  Member 

of  the  Danish  Committee  of  the  Inter-Parliamentary  Union. 

M.  CARL  Goos,  late  Minister  of  Justice,  Member  of  Institut  de  Droit  International. 
Prof.  Dr.  HARALD  HOEFFDING  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Copenhagen). 
Prof.  Dr.  VILHELM  THOMSEN,  Hon.  M.R.A.S.,  President    of   the  Royal  Danish 

Academy  (Comparative  Philology,  U.  of  Copenhagen). 

DOMINICAN  REPUBLIC. 
General  CASIMIRO  N.  DE  MOYA,  Santo  Domingo. 

EGYPT. 

Dr.  M.  MUHAMMAD  BADRE,  F.R.S.E.,  M.R.A.S.,  Cairo,  of  Edinburgh  and  Bonn 

Universities. 

His  Excellency  HASSAN  SABRY  BEY,  Cairo. 
His   Excellency   Shiek   ALY    YUSIF,   Cairo,    Editor-Proprietor    of    Al-Moayad, 

President  of  the  Constitutional  Reform  League. 

FRANCE. 

M.  EMILE  ARNAUD,  Luzarches,  Notary,  General  President  of  the  Ligue  Interna- 
tionale de  la  Paix  et  de  la  Libert^,  Vice-President  International  Peace  Bureau. 

M.  ALFRED  BARRIOL,  General  Secretary  of  the  Societe  de  Statistique  of  Paris. 

M.  GUILLAUME  LE  BARS,  Barrister,  Vitry-le-Frangois. 

M.  AUGUSTE  BARTH,  Paris,  Membre  de  1'Institut. 

Prof.  BASDEVANT  (International  Law,  U.  of  Grenoble). 

M.  CHARLES  BEAUQUIER,  Deputy,  Vice-President  of  the  Parliamentary  Peace 
Group,  President  of  the  Franco-Italian  League,  and  Hon.  President  of  the 
Franco-Ottoman  League. 

Prof.  ALEXIS  BERTRAND  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Lyons). 


xxx  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

Prof.  P.  VIDAL  DE  LA  BLACHE,  Membre  de  PInstitut  (Geography,  U.  of  Paris). 

Prof.  CHARLES  DE  BOECK  (International  Law,  U.  of  Bordeaux). 

M.  LEON  BOLLACK,  Paris,  President  of  the  Paris  section  of  the  Association  de  la 

Paix  par  le  Droit,  Author  of  La  Langue  Bleue. 

Prof.  EMILE  BOREL,  Editor  of  Revue  du  Mots  (MatJtematics,  U.  of  Paris). 
Dr.  RODOLPHE  BRODA,  Paris,  Editor  of  Les  Documents  du  Progrh. 
Prof.  LUCIEN  LEVY  BRUHL  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Paris). 
Prof.  LEON  BRUNSCHVICG  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Paris). 

M.  FERDINAND  BUISSON,  Paris,  Deputy,  Member  Inter- Parliamentary  Council. 
Prof.  PAUL  BUREAU  (International  Law,  Faculte  libre  de  Droit,  Paris). 
Prof.  JULES  CABOUAT  (International  Law,  U.  of  Caen). 
Prof.   J.  CHAILLEY,  Deputy,   Director-General   of  the    French    Colonial  Union, 

Member  of  the   Institut  Colonial   International   (Comparative   Colonisation, 

Ecole  des  Sciences  Politiques,  Paris). 

Prof.  ALFRED  CHRETIEN,  Associate  of  the  Institute  of  International  Law  (Inter- 
national Law,  U.  of  Nancy). 
M.  ARTHUR  CHUQUET,  Membre  de  1'Institut  (History  and  Germanic  Languages, 

U.  of  Paris). 

Prof.  AMBROISE  COLIN  (Comparative  Law,  U.  of  Paris). 
Dr.  REN 6  COLLIGNON,  Hon.  F.R.A.I.,  Cherbourg. 
M.  GABRIEL  COMPAYRE,  Paris,  Membre  de  PInstitut. 
Prof.  LOUIS  COUTURAT  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Paris). 
Prof.  JOSEPH  DELPECH  (International  Law,  U.  of  Dijon). 

Dr.  J.  DENIKER,  Hon.  F.R.A.I.,  Paris,  Librarian  of  the  Museum  d'Histoire  Naturelle. 
M.  PAUL  DESCHANEL,  Paris,  Deputy,  Member  of  the  Academic  Franchise,  late 

President  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 
Prof.  L.  DUGUIT  (International  Law,  U.  of  Bordeaux). 
Prof.  EMILE  DURKHEIM  (Sociology,  U.  of  Paris). 

Prof.  E.  DOUTT£  (Mohammedan  Civilisation,  Ecole  Superieure  des  Lettres,  Algiers). 
M.   PAUL  FAUCHILLE,   Sceaux,   Editor  of  the  Revue  Gdnerale  de  Droit  Inter- 
national Public. 

M.  JEAN  FINOT,  Paris,  Editor  of  La  Revue. 
M.  ALFRED  FOUILLEE,  Mentone,  Membre  de  PInstitut. 

M.  LUCIEN  LE  FOYER,  Deputy,  Vice-President  Association  de  la  Paix  par  le  Droit. 
Prof.  E.  F.  GAUTIER  (Comparative  Philology,  Ecole  des  Lettres,  Algiers). 
Prof.  HENRI  GERARD  (International  Law,  U.  of  Algiers). 
Prof.  GILBERT  GIDEL  (International  Law,  U.  of  Rennes). 
Prof.  ARTHUR  GIRAULT,  Member  of  the  Institut  Colonial  International  (Colonial 

Legislation,  U.  of  Poitiers). 

Prof.  J.  HALEVY  (Egyptology,  Ecole  Pratique  des  Hautes  Etudes,  Paris). 
M.  CLEMENT  HUART,  Professeur  a  PEcole  des  Langues   Orientales  Vivantes 

Directeur  deludes  a  PEcole  Pratique  des  Hautes  Etudes,  Paris. 
Prof.  JULES  JACQUEY  (International  Law,  U.  of  Lille). 
M.  EMILE  LABICHE,  Paris,  Senator,  President  of  the  French  Inter- Parliamentary 

Peace  Group,  Member  of  Inter- Parliamentary  Council. 
Prof.  A.  DE  LAPRADELLE,  Editor  of  the  Revue  de  Droit  International  Prive,  and 

Co-Editor  of  the  Recueil  des  Arbitrages  Internationaux  (International  Law, 

U.  of  Paris). 

M.  PAbbe^  ADRIEN  LAUNAY,  Se"minaire  des  Missions  Etrangeres,  Paris. 
Sa  Grandeur  Msgr.  ALEXANDRE  LE  ROY,  Paris,    Eveque    d'Alinda,  Supdrieur 

GeneYal  de  la  Congregation  du  St.-Esprit. 
M.  le  Vicomte  COMBES  DE  LESTRADE,  Paris,  Member  of  the  International  Institute 

of  Sociology. 
Prof.  E.  LEVASSKUR,  Membre  de  PInstitut,  Administrator  of  the  College  de  France 

(Economic  History  and  Statistics,  U.  of  Paris). 
Prof.   L.   MANOUVKIER,   Hon.   F.R.A.I.   (Anthropology,  Ecole  d'Anthropologie, 

Paris). 

Prof.  C.  MELINAND  (Ethics,  Ecole  Normale  Supdrieure,  St.  Cloud). 
M.  GASTON   MOCH,   Paris,    Member  of  the    International   Peace  Bureau,  Hon. 

President  of  the  Institut  International  de  la  Paix  of  Monaco,  and  Member  of 

the  Paris  Committee  for  the  Defence  and  Protection  of  Aborigines. 
Prof.  GABRIEL  MONOD,   Membre  de  PInstitut,  President  of  the  Historical  and 

Philological  Section  at  the  Ecole  Pratique  des  Hautes  Etudes  (History  and 

Historical  Method,  U.  of  Paris). 


XXXI 

Prof.  MARCEL  MOVE  (International  Law,  U.  of  Montpellier). 

M.  Louis  OLIVIER,  Editor  of  the  Revue  Ge"nerale  des  Sciences. 

Prof.  Dr.  G.  PAPILLAULT  (Sociology,  Ecole  d'Anthropologie,  Paris). 

Prof.  D.  PARODI  (Philosophy,  Lycee  Michelet,  Paris). 

Prof.  JEAN  PERRINJAQUET  (International Law,  U.  of  Aix-Marseille). 

Prof.  P.  Pic  (International  Law,  U.  of  Lyons). 

Prof.  N.  POLITIS,  Associate  of  the  Institute  of  International  Law,  Editor  of  the 
Recueil  des  Arbitrages  Internationaux  (International  Law,  U.  of  Poitiers). 

Prof.  MICHEL  REVON  (Civilisation  of  the  Extreme  East,  U.  of  Paris). 

Prof.  Dr.  C.  RICHET,  Member  International  Peace  Bureau  (Physiology,  U.  of  Paris). 

Dr.  J.  A.  RIVIERE,  President  of  the  International  Medical  Association  for  Aiding 
the  Suppression  of  War,  Editor  of  Annales  de  Physicothe'rapie. 

Prof.  L£ON  DE  ROSNY,  Paris,  Founder  and  European  President  of  the  Inter- 
national Association  of  Men  of  Science,  formerly  Professor  of  Eastern  Religions 
at  the  Sorbonne  and  Professor  of  Japanese  at  Ecole  des  Langues  Orientales. 

Prof.  TH.  RUYSSEN,  President  of  the  Association  de  la  Paix  par  le  Droit 
(Philosophy,  U.  of  Bordeaux). 

Prof.  GABRIEL  S FAILLES  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Paris). 

Prof.  A.  GAIRAL  DE  Sf  REZIN  (International  Law,  U.  of  Lyon). 

Dr.  PAUL  TOPINARD,  Paris,  late  Gen.-Sec.  of  the  Societe  d'Anthropologie  of  Paris. 

Prof.  ARNOLD  VISSIERE  (Chinese,  Ecole  des  Langues  Orientales,  Paris). 

M.  WAILLE-MARYAL,  Oran,  President-General  of  the  Alliance  Scientifique 
Universelle  for  Africa. 

Prof.  ANDRE  WEISS,  Member  of  the  Institut  de  Droit  International  (International 
Law,  U.  of  Paris). 

Prof.  REN£  WORMS,  Paris,  Permanent  Secretary  Institut  International  de 
Sociologie,  Editor  of  the  Revue  Internationale  de  Sociologie  (History  of 
Sociology,  Ecole  des  Hautes  Etudes  Sociales,  Paris). 

GERMANY. 

Prof.  Dr.  PHILIPP  ALLFELD  (International  Law,  U.  of  Erlangen). 

Prof.  Dr.  RICHARD  ANDREE,  Munich. 

Prof.  Dr.  G.  K.  ANTON,  Member  of  the  Institut  Colonial  International  (Political 

Economy,  U.  of  Jena). 

Prof.  Dr.  PAUL  BARTH  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Leipzig). 
Prof.  Dr.  C.  H.  BECKER,  Associate  of  the  Institut  Colonial  International  (Oriental 

History,  Colonial  Institute  in  Hamburg). 
Prof.  Dr.  Lujo  BRENTANO  (Economics,  U.  of  Munich). 
Prof.  Dr.  SIEGFRIED  BRIE  (International  Law,  U.  of  Breslau). 
Prof.  Dr.  HERMANN  COHEN  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Marburg). 
Prof.  Dr.  FRIEDRICH  DELITZSCH,  Hon.  M.R.A.S.  (Assyriology,  U.  of  Berlin). 
Prof.  Dr.  ALFRED  DOREN  (History,  U.  of  Leipzig). 
Prof.  Dr.  AUGUST  DORING  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Berlin). 
Prof.  Dr.  GODEHARD  JOSEF  EBERS  (International  Law,  U.  of  Breslau). 
Prof.  RICHARD  EICKHOFF,  Remscheid,  Member  of  Reichstag  and  Prussian  Diet 

Member  of  the  Inter- Parliamentary  Council. 
Prof.  Dr.  BENNO  ERDMANN  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Berlin). 
Frau  LUCY  HOESCH  ERNST,  Ph.D.,  F.R.A.I.,  Godesberg. 
M.  ERZBERGER,  Member  of  Reichstag. 

Prof.  Dr.  RUDOLF  EUCKEN,  Nobel  Prize  for  Literature  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Jena). 
.Dr.  L.  FEYERABEND,  President  of  the  Anthropological  Society  of  Oberlausitz,  and 

President  of  the  Society  of  Natural  Sciences  of  Gorlitz. 
Prof.  Dr.  A.  FINGER  (International  Law,  U.  of  Halle). 
Prof.  Dr.  AUGUST  FISCHER  (Semitic  Philology,  U.  of  Leipzig). 
Prof.  Dr.  EUGEN  FISCHER  (Anthropology,  U.  of  Freiburg). 
Prof.  Dr.  WlLHELM  FOERSTER  (Astronomy,  U.  of  Berlin). 
Prof.  Dr.  ERNST  FRIEDRICH  (Geography,  U.  of  Leipzig). 

Sr.  Hochw.  P.  Provinzial  Dr.  J.  FROBERGER,  Missionshaus  der  Weissen  Vater,  Trier. 
Prof.  Dr.  FRANZ  ADAM  GOEPFERT  (Moraltheology,  U.  of  Wiirzburg). 
Prof.  Dr.  ERNST  HAECKEL  (Zoology,  U.  of  Jena). 
Prof.  Dr.  H.   HARBURGER,  Judge  of  the  Supreme   Court  of  Bavaria,  Member 

Institut  de  Droit  International  (International  Law,  U.  of  Munich). 
Prof.  Dr.  W.  HASBACH  (Economics,  U.  of  Kiel). 
Prof.  Dr.  JULIUS  HATSCHEK  (Law,  U.  of  Gottingen). 


xxxii  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

Prof.  Dr.  FELIX  HAUPTMANN,  Member  of  Prussian  Diet,  Member  of  Inter- 
Parliamentary  Council  (Methodology  of  Law,  U.  of  Bonn). 

Justizrat  Dr.  A.  HEILBERG,  Breslau,  Member  of  the  International  Peace  Bureau. 

Prof  Dr.  Paul  HEILBORN  (International  Law,  U.  of  Breslau). 

Prof.  Dr.  H.  HERKNER  (Political  Economy,  Technische  Hochschule,  Berlin). 

Prof.  Dr.  J.  JASTROW  (Economics,  Handelshochschule,  Charlottenburg). 

Prof.  Dr.  GEORG  JELLINEK  (International  Law,  U.  of  Heidelberg). 

Prof.  Dr.  WILHELM  KAUFMANN  (International  Law,  U.  of  Berlin). 

Prof.  Dr.  A.  VON  KIRCHENHEIM  (International  Law,  U.  of  Heidelberg). 

Dr.  THEODOR  KOCH-GRUNBERG  (Ethnology,  U.  of  Freiburg). 

Prof.  Dr.  JOSEF  KOHLER  (International  Law,  U.  of  Berlin). 

Prof.  Dr.  ERNST  KUHN,  Hon.  M.R.A.S.  (Arian  Philology,  U.  of  Munich). 

Prof.  Dr.  EUGEN  KtJHNEMANN  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Breslau). 

Prof.  Dr.  PAUL  LABAND,  Member  of  the  Council  of  State  of  Alsace-Lorraine, 
Associate  of  the  Institut  Colonial  International  (Public  Law,  U.  of  Strassburg). 

Prof.  Dr.  P.  VON  LlLIENTHAL  (International  Law,  U.  of  Heidelberg). 

Prof.  Dr.  THEODOR  LINDNER  (History,  U.  of  Halle). 

Prof.  Dr.  FRANZ  v.  LISZT  (International  Law,  U.  of  Berlin). 

Prof.  Dr.  F.  v.  LUSCHAN,  Hon.  F.R.A.I.  (Anthropology,  U.  of  Berlin). 

Prof.  Dr.  GEORG  VON  MAYR,  President  of  the  Munich  Oriental  Society,  Under- 
secretary of  State  (Economics,  U.  of  Munich). 

Prof.  Dr.  FRIEDRICH  MEINECKE  (Modern  History,  U.  of  Freiburg). 

Prof.  Dr.  CARL  MEINHOF  (African  Languages,  Colonial  Institut,  Hamburg). 

Prof.  Dr.  MEURER  (International  Law,  U.  of  Wiirzburg). 

Prof.  Dr.  PAUL  NATORP  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Marburg). 

Prof.  ALBERT  NEISSER  (Medicine,  U.  of  Breslau). 

Baron  E.  DE  NEUFVILLE,  Francfort  o/M.,  Member  International  Peace  Bureau. 

Prof.  Dr.  KARL  NEUMEYER  (International  Law,  U.  of  Munich). 

Prof.  Dr.  THEODOR  NIEMEYER  (International  Law,  U.  of  Kiel). 

Prof.  Dr.  HERMANN  ONCKEN  (Modern  History,  U.  of  Heidelberg). 

Prof.  Dr.  WILHELM  OSTWALD,  Gross-Bothen. 

Dr.  RUDOLPH  PENZIG,  Editor  of  "  Ethische  Kultur,"  Berlin. 

Dr.  ARTHUR  PFUNGST,  M.R.A.S.,  Francfort-on-Main. 

Prof.  Dr.  L.  PLATE  (Zoology,  U.  of  Jena). 

Prof.  QUIDDE,  Munich,  Member  of  the  International  Peace  Bureau. 

Prof.  Dr.  J.  RANKE,  Hon.  F.R.A.I.  (Anthropology,  U.  of  Munich). 

Prof.  Dr  PAUL  RATHGEN,  Associate  of  the  Institut  Colonial  International  (Political 
Economy,  Colonial  Institute  in  Hamburg). 

Prof.  Dr.  FRITZ  REGEL  (Geography,  U.  of  Wiirzburg). 

Dr.  ADOLF  RICHTER,  Pforzheim,  President  of  the  German  Peace  Society,  Member 
of  the  International  Peace  Bureau. 

Prof.  Dr.  ALOIS  RlEHL  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Berlin). 

Prof.  Dr.  ROBERT  SCHACHNER  (Political  Economy,  U.  of  Jena). 

Prof.  Dr.  L.  SCHEMANN,  Freiburg,  President  of  Gobineau-Vereinigung. 

Prof.  Dr.  JOSEPH  SCHMIDLIN  (Church  History,  Catholic  Faculty,  U.  of  Miinster). 

Prof.  Dr.  PAUL  SCHOEN  (International  Law,  U.  of  Gottingen). 

Prof.  Dr.  WALTER  SCHUCKING  (International  Law,  U.  of  Marburg). 

Prof.  Dr.  GEORG  SIMMEL  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Berlin). 

Prof.  Dr.  WERNER  SOMBART  (Economics,  Handelshochschule,  Charlottenburg). 

Prof.  Dr.  CARL  STUMPF,late  Rector  University  of  Berlin  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Berlin). 

Prof.  Dr.  G.  THILENIUS,  Gen.  Sec.  of  the  German  Anthropological  Society, 
Director  of  the  Ethnological  Museum  of  Hamburg  (Anthropology  and 
Ethnology,  Hamburg). 

Prof.  Dr.  FERDINAND  TONNIES  (Sociology,  U.  of  Kiel). 

Prof.  Dr.  C.  UHLIG  (Geography,  U.  of  Berlin). 

Prof.  Dr.  v.  ULLMANN  (International  Law,  U.  of  Munich). 

Dr.  A.  VlERKANDT  (Ethnology,  U.  of  Berlin). 

Prof.  Dr.  WEULE,  Director  Leipzig  Ethnological  Museum  (Ethnology,  U.  of  Leipzig). 

Prof.  Dr.  JULIUS  WOLF  (Political  Economy,  U.  of  Breslau). 

GREAT  AND  GREATER  BRITAIN. 

(a)  BRITISH  EMPIRE,  EXCLUDING  INDIA. 
Prof.  ALBERT  H.  ABBOTT  (Philosophy ;  U.  of  Toronto). 
Dr.  A.  ABDURAHMAN,  Cape  Town. 


OFFICERS,  COUNCIL,  AND  SUPPORTERS    xxxiii 

ISRAEL  ABRAHAMS,  M.A.  (Talmudic,  U.  of  Cambridge). 

Prof.  S.  ALEXANDER  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Manchester). 

JUSTIN  CHARLES  WILLIAM  ALVAREZ,  I.S.O.,  Tripoli,  H.B.M.'s  Consul-General 

for  Tripoli  of  Barbary. 

THE  OMANHENE  AMONOO  V.,  Anumabu,  West  Africa. 
The  Rt.  Rev.  WALTER  ANDREWS,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Hokkaido,  Japan. 
Prof.  EDWARD  ANWYL,  M.A.  (Comparative  Philology,  U.  College  of  Aberystwyth). 
The   Rt.    Rev.   THOMAS   HENRY  ARMSTRONG,   D.D.,  Bishop  of  Wangaratta. 

Australia. 

The  Right  Hon.  W.  F.  BAILEY,  C.B.,  F.R.G.S.,  Dublin. 
Rev.  RAMSDEN  BALMFORTH,  Cape  Town. 

The  Rt.  Rev.  CHRISTOPHER  GEORGE  BARLOW,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Goulburn. 
Prof.  CHARLES  F.  BASTABLE,  M.A.,  LL.D.,  (International  Law,  U.  of  Dublin). 
JOHN  BEDDOE,  M.D.,  LL.D.,  F.R.S.,  V.P.R.A.I.,  etc.,  late  President  Royal  Anthro- 
pological Institute,  Bradford-on-Avon. 
Sir  HENRY   ARTHUR    BLAKE,    G.C.M.G.,   Youghal    (Ireland),    late    Governor 

Bahamas,  Newfoundland,  Jamaica,  Hong-Kong,  Ceylon. 
EDWARD  WILMOT  BLYDEN,  LL.D.,  Sierra  Leone. 

Rev.  W.  COPELAND  BOWIE,  London,  Sec.  British  and  Foreign  Unitarian  Association. 
Prof.  GEORGE  SIDNEY  BRETT,  M.A.  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Toronto). 
Rev.  DAVID  BROOK,  M.A.,  D.C.L.  (Oxon),  Southport,  ex-President  National  Free 

Church  Council. 

Prof.  J.  BROUGH,  LL.D.  (Philosophy,  U.  College  of  Aberystwyth). 
The  Hon.  JOSEPH  PETER  BROWN,  Cape  Coast  Castle,  West  Africa. 
Sir  CHARLES  BRUCE,  G.C.M.G.,  J.P.,  D.L.,  Leslie,  late  Governor  of  Mauritius. 
Prof.  THOMAS  H.  BRYCE,  M.A.,  M.D.  (Anatomy,  U.  of  Glasgow). 
Prof.  T.  L.  BULLOCK,  M.A.  (Chinese,  U.  of  Oxford). 

Sir  PERCY  BUNTING,  M.A.,  London,  Editor  of  the  Contemporary  Review. 
HERBERT  BURROWS,  London. 
The  Rt.  Rev.  HERBERT  BURY,  D.D.  (Oxon),  Bishop  of  British  Honduras  with 

Central  America. 

WILLIAM  P.  BYLES,  M.P.,  London. 
Mrs.  W.  P.  BYLES,  London. 
CHARLES  CALLAWAY,  M.A.,  D.Sc.,  Cheltenham. 
EDWARD  CARPENTER,  Author,  Sheffield. 

Prof.  J.  ESTLIN  CARPENTER,  D.Litt,  Principal  of  Manchester  College,  U.  of  Oxford. 
ROGER  CASEMENT,  C.M.G.,  Consul-General  at  Rio  de  Janeiro. 
JOSEPH  CHARLES  CASSON,  Superintendent  of  Native  Affairs,  Zomba,  Nyasaland. 
The  Rt.  Rev.  ARTHUR  CHANDLER,  Bishop  of  Bloemfontein,  Orange  Free  State. 
Prof.  S.  J.  CHAPMAN,  M.A.  (Political  Economy,  U.  of  Manchester). 
GEORGE  G.  CHISHOLM,  M.A.,  B.Sc.  (Geography,  U.  of  Edinburgh). 
The  Most  Rev.  HENRY  LOWTHER  CLARKE,  Archbishop  of  Melbourne. 
Rev.  JOHN  CLIFFORD,  M.A.,  LL.D.,  D.D.,  London. 
EDWARD  CLODD,  Author,  London. 
STANTON  COIT,  Ph.D.,  London. 
ROBERT  J.  COLENSO,  M.D.  (Oxon),  etc.,  London. 
Dr.  FRANK  CORNER,  F.G.S.,  F.R.A.I.,M.R.C.S.,  London. 
W.  L.  COURTNEY,  M.A.,  LL.D.,  London,  Editor  of  the  Fortnightly  Review. 
WILLIAM  MONTGOMERY  CROOK,  B.A.,  F.R.G.S.,  London. 
WILLIAM  CROOKE,  B.A.,  F.R.A.I.,  M.F.L.S.,  Cheltenham. 
Major  S.  LYLE  CUMMINS,  R.A.M.C.,  F.R.A.I.,  Netley,  Hants. 
Dr.  W.  EVANS  DARBY,  London,  Secretary  of  the  Peace  Society,  Member  of  the 

International  Peace  Bureau. 

Canon  G.  DAUTH,  Vice- Rector  of  the  University  of  Laval,  Montreal. 
Mrs.  RHYS  DAVIDS,  M.A.,  Ashton-on -Mersey,  Hon.  Sec.  Pali  Text  Society. 
Prof.  T.  W.  RHYS  DAVIDS,  F.B.A.,  LL.D.,  Ph.D.  (Comparative  Religion,  U.  of 

Manchester). 

Rev.  J.  G.  DAVIES,  Barmouth,  Sec.  Welsh  Calvinistic  Methodist  General  Assembly. 
Prof.  T.  WITTON  DAVIES,  Ph.D.,  D.D.  (Semitic  Languages,  U.  College  Bangor). 
W.  BOYD  DAWKINS,  M.A.,  D.Sc.,  F.R.S.,  F.S.A.,  F.G.S.,  F.R.A.I.,  Hon.  Professor 

of  Palaeontology  in  U.  of  Manchester. 
Mrs.  C.  DESPARD,  London. 

ROBERT  DONALD,  London,  Editor  of  the  Daily  Chronicle. 
The  Most  Rev.  ST.  CLAIR  G.  DONALDSON,  Archbishop  of  Brisbane,  Queensland. 


xxxiv  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

The  Rt.  Rev.  JOHN  P.  Du  MOULIN,  Bishop  of  Niagara,  Canada. 

The  Rt.  Rev.  A.  H.  DUNN,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Quebec,  Canada. 

The  Rt.  Rev.  Dr.  F.  H.  DUVERET,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Caledonia. 

Rev.  CHARLES  S.  EBY,  D.D.,  Sec.  Peace  and  Arbitration  Society,  Toronto. 

Prof.  EDWARD  EDWARDS,  M.A.  (History,  U.  College  of  Aberystwyth). 

The  Rt  Hon.  Sir  EDWIN  EGERTON,G.C.M.G.,  K.C.B.,  York, late  British  Ambassador 

at  Rome. 

ROBERT  WILLIAM  FELKIN,  M.D.,  F.R.S.E.,  F.R.G.S.;  F.R.A.I.,  London. 
Prof.  HENRY  O.  FORBES,  LL.D.,  F.R.G.S.,  F.R.A.I.,  Director  of  Liverpool  City 

Museums  (Ethnography,  U.  of  Liverpool). 

The  Rt.  Rev.  GEORGE  H.  FORDHAM,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  North  Queensland. 
Rev.  J.  R.  FREDERICK,  Native  Wesleyan  Minister,  Sierra  Leone. 
ALFRED  G.  GARDINER,  London,  Editor  of  the  Daily  News. 
ARTHUR  EARDLEY  MAXWELL  GIBSON,  M.A.,  B.C.L.,  Southern  Nigeria. 
Rev.  T.  MONRO  GIBSON,  M.A.,  D.D.,  L.L.D.,  late  President  National  Free  Church 

Council. 

REGINALD  JOHN  GLADSTONE,  M.D.,  F.R.C.S.,  London. 

The  Rt  Rev.  FREDERICK  GOLDSMITH,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Bunbury,  Western  Australia. 
GEORGE  PEABODY  GOOCH,  M.A.,  late  M.P.,  London. 
Prof.  HENRY  GOUDY,  M.A,,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.  (Civil  Law,  U.  of  Oxford). 
Prof.  FRANK  GRANGER,  D.Litt.  (Philosophy,  U.  College  of  Nottingham). 
Prof.  ARTHUR  J.  GRANT,  M.A.  (History,  U.  of  Leeds). 
J.  FREDERICK  GREEN,  London,  Member  of  International  Peace  Bureau,  Secretary 

of  International  Peace  and  Arbitration  Association. 

The  Rt.  Rev.  JOHN  GRISDALE,  D.D.,  D.C.L.,  Bishop  of  Qu'appelle,  Canada. 
Dr.  HADEN  GUEST,  London. 

H  ADIR-UD-DEEN,  Sec.  Government  Mohammedan  Board  of  Education,  Sierra  Leone. 
The  Most  Rev.  CHARLES  HAMILTON,  D.D.,  Archbishop  of  Ottawa. 
Rev.  JAMES  HASTINGS,  M.A.,  D.D.,  St.  Cyrus,  Scotland. 
Prof.  MATTHEW  HAY,  M.D.,  F.R.A.I.  (Forensic  Medicine,  U.  of  Aberdeen). 
Prof.  F.  J.  C.  HEARNSHAW,  M.A.,  LL.B.  (History,  U.  College  of  Southampton). 
CARL  HEATH,  London,  Sec.  National  Peace  Council. 
Rev.  ARCHIBALD  HENDERSON,  D.D.,  Crieff,  Moderator  of  Assembly  of  the  United 

Free  Church  of  Scotland. 

D.  F.  A.  HERVEY,  C.M.G.,  R.A.S.,  F.R.G.S.,  F.R.A.I.,  Aldeburgh. 
ALEXANDER  PEARCE  HIGGINS  (International  Law,  Cambridge  and  London). 
Prof.  R.  F.  ALFRED  HOERNL£  (Philosophy,  S.  African  College,  Cape  Town). 
Prof.  HOPE  W.  HOGG,  M.A.,  B.Litt  (Semitic  Languages  and  Literature,  U.  of 

Manchester). 

A.  C.  HOLLIS,  Secretary  Native  Affairs,  Nairoli,  E.  Africa  Protectorate. 
The  Rt.  Rev.  WILFRID  BIRD  HORNBY,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Nassau,  Bahamas. 
Rev.  Dr.  R.  F.  HORTON,  M.A.,  London,  late  Chairman  of  Congregational  Union 

of  England  and  Wales. 

The  Rt  Rev.  GEOFFREY  D.  ILIFF,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Shantung,  N.  China. 
The  Hon.  Sir  JAMES  ROSE-!NNES,  K.C.,  Chief  Justice  of  the  Transvaal,  Pretoria. 
-  HUGH,  Editor  The  Voice,  St  Lucia,  British  W.  Africa. 
The  Rt.  Rev.  JAMES  JOHNSON,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Western  Equatorial  Africa. 
Sir  HARRY  H.  JOHNSTON,  G.C.M.G.,  K.C.B.,  D.Sc.,  etc.,  etc.,  Arundel,  Sussex. 
Rev.  J.  D.  JONES,  M.D.,  B.D.,  Bournemouth,  President  Congregational  Union. 
Prof.  W.  JENKYN  JONES,  M.A.  (Political  Science,  U.  College,  Aberystwyth). 
Prof.  CHARLES  H.  KEITH  JOPP  (Maratta,  U.  of  Oxford). 
A.  H.  KEANE,  LL.D.,  F.R.A.I.,  London. 

The  Rt.  Rev.  G.  LANCHESTER  KING,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Madagascar. 
Dr.  Louis  LABERGE,  Montreal. 

The  Rt  Rev.  GERARD  H.  LANDER,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Victoria,  Hong  Kong. 
Rev.  WILLIAM  B.  LARK,  Bude,  President  of  the  United  Methodist  Church. 
Prof.  ROBERT  LATTA,  Ph.D.  (Logic  and  Rhetoric,  U.  of  Glasgow). 
ALFRED  LIONEL  LEWIS,  F.C.A.,  F.R.A.I.,  Wallington,  Surrey. 
Rev.  J.  SCOTT  LIDGETT,  M.A.,  D.D.,  late  President  Wesleyan  Methodist  Confer- 
ence and  late  President  National  Free  Church  Council. 
The  Rt  Rev.  JOSEPH  LOFTHOUSE,  Bishop  of  Keewatin,  Canada. 
Prof.  JOSEPH  HENRY  LONGFORD,  late  H.M.  Consul  at  Nagasaki  (Japanese,  King's 

College,  London). 
Dr.  J.  J.  McCLURE,  Cape  Town,  Ex-Moderator  Presbyterian  Church  of  S.  Africa. 


OFFICERS,  COUNCIL,  AND  SUPPORTERS     xxxv 

Prof.  J.  FREDERICK  McCuRDY  (Oriental  Languages,  U.  of  Toronto). 

A.  C.  MACDONALD,  F.R.G.S.,  F.R.Hist.Soc.,  F.I.Inst.,  Melbourne. 

J.  A.  MURRAY  MACDONALD,  M.A.,  M.P.,  London. 

Sir  JOHN  MACDONELL,  C.B.,  LL.D,  M.A.  (International  Law,  U.  of  London). 

Prof.  J.  S.  MACKENZIE  (Philosophy,  U.  College,  Cardiff). 

HENRY  ELLIOT  MALDEN,  M.A.,  London,  Hon.  Sec.  Royal  Historical  Society. 

JOSEPH  MALINS,  J.P.,  Birmingham,  Grand  Chief  Templar  for  England  of  the 
International  Order  of  Good  Templars. 

ALFRED  MANGENA,  of  Zululand,  Barrister,  Pretoria. 

HENRY  COLLEY  MARCH,  M.D.,  F. R.A.I.,  Dorchester. 

Rev.  JOHN  TURNER  MARSHALL,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Manchester,  President  Baptist  Church. 

R.  H.  MARTEN,  M.D.,  F.R.A.I.,  Adelaide,  S.  Australia. 

H.  W.  MASSINGHAM,  London,  Editor  of  the  Nation. 

F.  JAMES  MATHESON,  London. 

The  Most  Rev.  S.PRlTCHARDMATHESON,D.D.,Archbishopof  Rupert's  Land, Canada. 

The  Rt.  Rev.  JOHN  EDWARD  MERCER,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Tasmania. 

J.  C.  MILLINGTON,  M.A.,  London. 

P.  CHALMERS  MITCHELL,  M.A.,  D.Sc.,  LL.D.,  F.R.S., London,  Sec.  Zoological  Soc. 

Prof.  WILLIAM  MITCHELL  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Adelaide). 

The  Rev.  J.  S.  MOFFAT,  C.M.G.,  Cape  Town,  late  South  African  Missionary  and 

Resident  Magistrate. 
The  Rt.  Rev.  HERBERT  JAMES  MOLONY,  D.D.,  Bishop  in  Chekiang,  China. 

E.  D.  MOREL,  London. 

FELIX  MOSCHELES,  London,  Chairman  of  International  Arbitration  and  Peace 
Association,  Member  of  the  International  Peace  Bureau. 

The  Rt.  Rev.  H.  CARR  GLYN  MOULE,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Durham. 
The  Rt.  Rev.  W.  ROBERT  MOUNSEY,  Bishop  of  Labuan  and  Sarawak. 

CHARLES  S.  MYERS,  M.A.,  M.D.,Sc.D.  (Experimental Psychology,  U.  of  Cambridge). 
The  Rt.  Rev.  SAMUEL  TARRATT  NEVILL,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Dunedin  and  Primate 
of  New  Zealand. 

H.  W.  NEVINSON,  War  Correspondent,  London. 

Prof.  REYNOLD  ALLEYNE  NICHOLSON,  LittD.  (Persian,  U.  of  Cambridge). 

Prof.  L.  OPPENHEIM,  M.A.,  LL.D.  (International  Law,  U.  of  Cambridge). 

ERNEST  PARKE,  J.P.,  London,  Editor  of  the  Morning  Leader. 

CHARLES  PARTRIDGE,  M.A.,  F.S.A.,  F.R.G.S.,  District  Commissioner  in  S.  Nigeria. 

Prof.  A.  MELVILLE  PATERSON,  M.D.,  F.R.A.I.  (Anatomy,  U.  of  Liverpool). 

FRANCIS  JOHN  PAYNE,  London,  Hon.  Gen.  Sec.  Buddhist  Society  of  Great  Britain 

and  Ireland,  Editor  of  the  Buddhist  Review. 
The  Rt.  Rev.  JOHN  PERCIVAL,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Hereford. 
J.  S.  R.  PHILLIPS,  Leeds,  Editor  of  the  Yorkshire  Post. 

The  Rt.  Rev.  W.  CYPRIAN  PINKHAM,  D.D.,  D.C.L.,  Bishop  of  Calgary,  Canada. 
Capt.  D.  V.  PIRIE,  M.P.,  Member  of  the  Inter- Parliamentary  Council. 
Prof.  THOMAS  POWEL,  M.A.  (Celtic,  U.  College  of  Cardiff). 
The  PRESIDENT  Gold  Coast  Aborigines  Society,  Cape  Coast  Castle,  W.  Africa. 
The  Rt.  Rev.  H.  M.  C.  E.  PRICE,  Bishop  in  Fuhkien,  S.  China. 
Miss  B.  PULLEN-BURRY,  F.R.A.I.,  Croydon. 
ERNEST  G.  RAVENSTEIN,  Ph.D.,  F.R.G.S.,  F.R.A.I.,  London. 
Col.  HERBERT  EDWARD  RAWSON,  C.B.,  York,  late  Imperial  Representative  Natal 

Native  Affairs  Commission. 

Prof.  WILLIAM  RIDGEWAY,  M.A.,  D.Sc.,  President  Royal  Anthropological  Insti- 
tute (Archceology,  U.  of  Cambridge). 
The  Most  Rev.  JAMES  ROBERTSON,  D.D.,  Prestonkirk,  Moderator  of  the  General 

Assembly  of  the  Church  of  Scotland. 

W.  C.  F.  ROBERTSON,  Secretary  Native  Affairs,  Gold  Coast. 
WILLIAM  ROTHENSTEIN,  Artist,  London. 
M.  EUGENE  ROUILLARD,  Publicist,  Quebec. 
The  Hon.  ADOLPHE  B.  ROUTHIER,  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Admiralty  at  Quebec 

(International  Law,  U.  of  Laval). 

Sir  EDWARD  R.  RUSSELL,  Liverpool,  Editor  of  the  Liverpool  Daily  Post. 
JOHN  RUSSELL,  M.A.,  London. 
SAMUEL  SACOOM,  Axim,  Gold  Coast,  W.  Africa. 

Sir  FREDERICK  R.  ST.  JOHN,  K.C.M.G.,  Shanklin,  late  Minister  Plenipotentiary. 
C.  W.  SALEEBY,  M.D.,  F.R.S.E.,  London. 
The  Hon.  JOHN  MENSAH  SARBAH,  Cape  Coast  Castle,  W.  Africa. 


xxxvi  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

The  Hon.  Sir  FRANCIS  C.  SCANLEN,  K.C.M.G.,  Salisbury,  Rhodesia,  late  Adminis- 
trator of  Rhodesia. 

F.  C.  S.  SCHILLER,  M.A.,  D.Sc.  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Oxford). 

OLIVE  SCHREINER,  Author,  Cape  Colony. 

C.  P.  SCOTT,  J.P.,  Manchester,  Editor  of  the  Manchester  Guardian. 

Rev.  THOMAS  G.  SELBV,  Missionary  and  Traveller  in  China,  Bromley,  Kent. 

CHARLES  G.  SELIGMANN,  M.D.,  F.R.A.I.,  London. 

Sir  HENRY  SETON-KARR,  C.M.G.,  J.P.,  London. 

H.  W.  SETON-KARR,  F.R.G.S.,  F.R.A.I.,  London. 

FRANK  CHARLES  SHRUBSALL,  M.A.,  M.D.,  F.R.A.I.,  London. 

WALTER  W.  SKEAT,  M.A.,  F.R.A.I.,  St.  Albans. 

J.  W.  SLAUGHTER,  Ph.D.,  London. 

The  Rev.  Canon  F.  C.  SMITH,  Sierra  Leone. 

The  Rt.  Rev.  W.  E.  SMYTH,  M.A.,  M.B.,  Bishop  of  Lebombo,  Lourenc,o  Marques. 

Mrs.  JULIA  F.  SOLLY,  Cape  Colony. 

Mrs.  SAUL  SOLOMON,  of  Cape  Colony,  London. 

Capt.  BOYLE  T.  SOMERVILLE,  R.N.,  F.R.A.I.,  Tenby,  S.  Wales. 

The  Hon.  Sir  R.  STOUT,  K.C.M.G.,  Chief  Justice  of  New  Zealand,  late  Premier. 

The  Rt.  Rev.  HERBERT  TAGWELL,  D.D.,  Bishop  in  W.  Eq.  Africa,  S.  Nigeria. 

Prof.  F.  ROBERT  TENNANT,  D.D.,  B.Sc.  (Philosophy  of  Religion,  U.  of  Cambridge). 

The  Hon.  JONATHAN  JAMES  THOMAS,  C.M.G.,  Unofficial  Member  of  the  Legis- 
lative Council  of  Serria  Leone. 

SIMEON  CORNELIUS  THOMPSON,  Old  Harbour,  Jamaica. 

Prof.  ARTHUR  THOMSON,  M.B.  (Human  Anatomy,  U.  of  Oxford). 

BASIL  THOMSON,  London,  late  Colonial  Service,  late  Prime  Minister  of  Tonga. 

Rev.  W.  T.  TOWNSEND,  D.D.,  late  President  of  National  Free  Church  Council  and 
of  United  Methodist  Church. 

Rev.  JAMES  TRAVIS,  Chester,  ex-President  Primitive  Methodist  Conference,  ex- 
President  National  Free  Church  Council. 

The  Rt.  Rev.  A.  B.  TURNER,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Corea. 

Prof.  E.  J.  URWICK  (Political Economy,  King's  College,  London). 

Dr.  R.  VILLECOURT,  Montreal. 

Prof.  PAUL  VINOGRADOFF,  M.A.,  F.B.A.,  LL.D.  (Jurisprudence,  U.  of  Oxford). 

Rev.  THOMAS  A.  WALKER,  LL.D.,  LitLD.  (International  Law,  U.  of  Cambridge). 

GRAHAM  WALLAS,  M.A.,  London. 

H.  G.  WELLS,  B.Sc.,  Author,  London. 

The  Rt.  Rev.  GILBERT  WHITE,  Bishop  of  Carpentaria,  Queensland. 

The  Rt.  Rev.  CECIL  WILSON,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Melanesia,  Norfolk  Island. 

BERTRAM  C.  A.  WINDLE,  M.A.,  D.Sc.,  F.R.S.,  President  of  U.  College,  Cork. 

Sir  JAMES  S.  WINTER,  K.C.M.G.,  K.C.,  St.  John's  (Newfoundland),  late  Speaker, 
Solicitor-General,  Attorney-General,  Judge  of  Supreme  Court,  and  Premier. 

Prof.  GEORGE  M.  WRONG  (History,  U.  of  Toronto) 

ISRAEL  ZANGWILL,  London,  President  International  Jewish  Territorial  Organi- 
sation. 

A.  E.  ZIMMERN,  M.A.,  Surbiton,  late  Fellow  and  Tut«r  of  New  College,  Oxford. 

(b)  INDIA.* 

SYED  ABUL  AAs,  M.A.S.,  Zemindar  and  Hon.  Magistrate,  Bankipur. 
The  Hon.  Mr.  P.  S.  SIVASWANY  AIYER,  C.I. E.,  Advocate-General,  Madras. 
SIR  ARUNDEL  T.  ARVNDEL,  K. C.S.I.,  Woking,  late  Member  of  the  Council  of  the 

Viceroy  of  India. 

Hon.  AHMAD  MUHIUDDIN  KHAN  BAHADUR,  Mylapur,  Madras. 
The  Hon.  NAWAB  SYED  MOHAMMED  SAHEB  BAHADUR,  Madras. 
SURENDRANATH  BANERJEE,  Calcutta,  Editor  of  Bengalee. 
Sir  DAVID  M.  BARBOUR,  K.C.S.I.,  K.C.M.G.,  Crawley  Down. 
Mrs.  ANNIE  BESANT,  Adyar,  President  of  the  Theosophical  Society. 
SRISH  CHANDRA  BISWA,  B.A.,  B.L.,  Calcutta,  Pleader,  Editor  of  Lawyer. 
BUSSANTA  COOMAR  BOSE,  Pleader,  High  Court,  Calcutta. 
DIWAN  TEK  CHAND,  B.A.,  I.C.S.,  M.R.A.S.,  Deputy  Commissioner  in  the  Punjab, 

Revenue  Minister,  Baroda. 

AMANDA  K.  COOMARASWAMY,  D.Sc.,  F.G.S.,  F.L.S.,  Broad  Campden. 
HARRY  EVAN  AUGUSTS  COTTON,  London,  Editor  of  India. 

•  See  also  Hon.  Vice* Presidents  and  Executive  Committee. 


OFFICERS,  COUNCIL,  AND  SUPPORTERS     xxxvii 

Sir  HENRY  JOHN  STEDMAN  COTTON,  K.C.S.I.,  London,  late  Chief-Commissioner 

of  Assam. 

ISWAS  DAS,  Advocate.,  Chief  Court,  Lahore. 
The  Hon.  M.  S.  DAS,  C.I.E.,  M.A.,  M.R.A.S.,  Cuttack,  Member  of  Bengal  Legisla- 

lative  Council. 

The  Rt.  Rev.  C.  J.  FERGUSON  DAVIE,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Singapore. 
Sir  V.  C.  DESIKA-CHARRY,  B.A.,  B.L.,  F.M.U.,  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Small  Causes, 

Madras. 

The  Hon.  H.  S.  DIKSHIT,  B.A.,  LL.B.,  Solicitor,  Bombay. 
J.  C.  DUTT,  M.A.,  B.L.,  Calcutta. 

Prof.  S.  M.  EDWARDES,  I.S.S.,  President  Anthropological  Society  of  Bombay. 
The  Rt.  Rev.  ROLLESTONE  S.  FYFFE,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Rangoon. 
E.  A.  GAIT,  C.I.E.,  Simla,  Census  Commissioner  for  India. 
MOHANDAS  KARAMCHAND  GANDHI,  Johannesburg,  Barrister-at-Law. 
Prof.  M.  A.  GHANI,  M.A.  (English  Literature,  Islamic  College,  Lahore). 
Prof.  JOGENDRA  CHUNDER  CHOSE,  M.H.,  B.L.,  Bhowanipore,  Tagore  Prof,  of  Law, 

Pleader  High  Court,  late  Member  Bengal  Legislative  Council. 
The  Rt.  Rev.  CHARLES   HOPE  GILL,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Bishop  in  Travancore  and 

Cochin. 
The  Hon.  G.  K.  GOKHALE,  C.I.E.,  Poona,  Representative  of  non-official  Members 

of  Bombay  Legislature  on  Viceroy's  Legislative  Council,  late  President  of 

Indian  Congress. 

The  Hon.  KISORI  LAL  GOSWAMI,  Rai  Bahadur,  M.A.,  B.L.,  Serampore,  India. 
Dr.  A.  F.  R.  HOERNLE,  M.A.,  C.I.E.,  Oxford. 
Sir  FREDERICK  RUSSELL  HOGG,  K.C.I. E.,  C.S.I.,  London,  late  Director-General 

Post  Office  of  India. 

Col.  Sir  THOMAS  HOLDICH,  K.C.M.G.,  K.C.I.E.,  C.B.,  D.Sc. 
Sir  THOMAS  H.  HOLLAND,  K.C.I.E.,  D.Sc.,  F.R.S.,  late  Director  of  the  Geological 

Survey  of   India  and   President  Asiatic   Society   of  Bengal   (Geology    and 

Mineralogy,  U.  of  Manchester). 

T.  HUSAIN,  M.A.,  M. R. A. S.,  Arabic  College,  Lucknow. 
MIRZA  HASHEM  ISPAHANI,  Calcutta. 

M.  ADINARAYANA  I  YAH,  Rao  Bahadur,  Retired  District  Commissioner,  Madras. 
The  Hon.  V.  KRISHNASWAMY  IYER,  Judge  of  the  High  Court,  Madras. 
T.  SADASIVA    IYER,  B.A.,  M.L.,  F.I.S.,  Chief  Justice,  High  Court, Travancore. 
Sir  S.  SUBRAMANIA   IYER,  K.C.I.E.,  LL.D.,  Judge  of  Madras  High  Court. 
Sir  H.  EVAN  M.  JAMES,  K.C.I. E.,  C.S.I.,  late  Under-Secretary  to  Government  of 

Bombay,  late  Member  of  Governor-General's  Legislative  Council. 
Sir  JOHN  JARDINE,  K.C.I.E.,  LL.D.,  M.P.,  Godalming,  late  Acting  Chief  Justice, 

Bombay,  and  Vice-Chancellor  University  of  Bombay. 
JAMES  KENNEDY,  I.C.S.  (retired),  London. 

TAW  SEIN  Ko,  M.R.A.S.,  Office  of  Superintendent  Archaeological  Survey,  Burma. 
MANGBSH  BAL  KOLASKER,  M.R.A.S.,  Barrister,  High  Court,  Bombay. 
The  Hon.  SHADI  LAL,  M.A.,  B.C.L.  (Oxon.),  Rai  Bahadur,  Barrister,  Lahore. 
The  Rt.  Rev.  GEORGE  A.  LEFROY,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Lahore. 

Sir  FREDERIC  S.  P.  LELY,  K.C.I.E.,  Sevenoaks,  late  Member  of  Viceroy's  Legis- 
lative Council  and  Chief  Commissioner  Central  Provinces. 
FRANKLIN  MARSTON  LESLIE,  B.A.,  Solicitor,  Calcutta. 
Sir  ROPER  LETHBRIDGE,  K.C.I.E.,  M.A.,   J.P.,  D.L.,  Exbourne,  late   Secretary 

Simla  Education  Commission  and  Indian  Political  Agent. 
Prof.  C.  S.  MAHALANOBIS,  B.Sc,  F.R.M.S.,  F.R.S.E.,  Calcutta  University. 
Prof.  D.  N.  MALLIK,  B.A.,  Sc.D.,  F.R.S.E.,  Presidency  College,  Calcutta. 
Sir  WILLIAM  MARKBY,   D.C.L.,  K.C.I. E.,  Oxford,   late  Judge  of  High  Court, 

Calcutta,  late  Reader  in  Indian  Law,  Oxford. 
J.  H.  MARSHALL,  M.A.,  Director-General  of  Archaeology  for  India. 
B.  C.  MAZUMDAR,  B.A.,  B.L.,  M.R.A.S.,  Vakil  High  Court,  Sambalpur. 
BHASKARRAO  V.  MEHTA,  M.A.,  LL.B.,  M.R.A.S.,  High  Court  Pleader,  Bombay. 
R.  D.  MEHTA,  C.I.E.,  J.P.,  Calcutta. 

S.  M.  MITRA,  M.R.A.S.,  London,  late  Editor  of  The  Deccan  Post. 
Prof.  KH.  DlL  MOHD,  M.A.  (Mathematics,  Islamic  College,  Lahore). 
Sir  THEODORE  MORISON,  K.C.I.E.,  Weybridge,  Vice-President  of  Council  of  India. 
BRAJA  LAL  MUKHERJEE,  M.A.,  M.LR.S.,  Attorney- at- Law,  Calcutta. 
PHANIBHUSAN    MUKERJI,  B.Sc.   (London),   M.R.A.S.,    F.C.U.,    Inspector  of 

Schools,  Presidency  Division,  Bengal. 


xxxviii  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

Sir  P.  N.  KRISHNA  MURTI,  K.C.I.E.,  Bangalore,  late  Prime  Minister  of  Mysore 

State,  late  Deputy  Commissioner  and  Judge  of  High  Court. 
The  Hon.  C.  SANKARAN  NAIR,  C.I.E.,  Judge  of  the  High  Court,  Madras. 
R.  NARASIMHACHAR,  M.A.,M.R.A.S.,  Officer  in  Charge  of  Archaeological  Researches 

in  Mysore,  Bangalore. 

Prof.  J.  W.  NEILL  (Indian  Law,  U.  of  London). 
Hon.  N.  SUBBARAO  PANTULU,  B.A.,  B.L.,  Member  Imperial  Legislative  Council 

of  India. 

T.  RAMA  KRISHNA  PILLAI,  B.A.,  F.M.W.,  F.R.Hist.  Society  (London),  Madras. 
Lieut-Colonel  JOHN  POLLEN,  C.I.E.,  LL.D.,   London,   Hon.    Sec.   East    India 

Association,  President  British  Esperanto  Association. 
GUYADHUR  PRASAD,  Patna,  late  Member  Bengal  Legislative  Council. 
SHAIKH  ABDUL  QADIR,  B.A.,  M.R.A.S.,  Barrister-at-Law,  Lahore. 
The  Hon.  IBRAHIM  RAHIMTOOLA,  C.I.E.,  Bombay. 

Prof.  LALA  HANS  RAJ,  Principal  of  Dayanand  Anglo- Vedic  College,  Lahore. 
R.  RAGHUNATH  Row,  Divvan  Bahadur,  C.S.I.,  Madras  Presidency. 
K.  B.  RAMAN ATHAN,  M.A.,  B.L.,  L.T.  (English,  Pachaiyappa's  College,  Madras). 
C.  HAYAVADANA  RAO,  B.A.,  B.L.,  Madras. 
Sir  J.  D.  REES,  K.C.S.I.,  C.V.O.,  C.I.E.,  J.P.,  London,  late  Additional  Member  of 

Governor-General  of  India's  Council. 
Colonel  H.  RiVETT-CARNAC,  C.I.E.,  F.S.A.,  Chateau  de  Rougemont,  Switzerland, 

Corresponding  Member  of  the  Royal  Academies  of  Spain,  Sweden,  Belgium, 

etc. 

The  Hon.  DEVA  PRASAD  SARVADHIKARY,  M.A.,  B.L.,  Calcutta. 
Sir  J.  GEORGE  SCOTT,  K.C.I.E.,  London,  late  Superintendent  and  Political  Officer 

in  Southern  Shan  States. 
The    Hon.    KHAN    BAHADUR    MIAN    MUHAMMAD    SHAFI,    Barrister-at-Law, 

Lahore. 

Prof.  BOHUVALLABHA  SHASTRI,  Headmaster,  Sanskrit  College,  Calcutta. 
Prof.  PRABHU  DUTT  SHASTRI,  M.A.,  Lahore. 
S.  N.  SINK  A,  Barrister-at-Law,  Lucknow. 
R.  K.  SORABJI,  M.A.,  Barrister-at-law,  Officiating  Principal,  University  School  of 

Law,  Allahabad. 
His   Holiness  SRI  SUMANGALA,  Hon.  M.R.A.S.,   Colombo,  Ceylon,  Chief  High 

Priest  of  Adam's  Peak,  Principal  of  Vidyodaya  Oriental  College. 
P.  C  TARAPORE,  F.R.G.S.,  Barrister-at-Law,  London. 
RATAN  J.  TATA,  F.R.A.I.,  Bombay. 
Prof.  MAUNG  TIN  TUT,  Rangoon  College. 
Prof.  SATIS  CHANDRA  VIDYABHUSANA,  M.A.,Ph.D.,  M.R.A.S.  (Sanscrit,  Presidency 

College,  Calcutta). 

J.  PH.  VOGEL,  Ph.D.,  Archaeological  Department,  Lahore. 
Lt.-Colonel  LAURENCE  AUSTINE  WADDELL,  C.B ,  C.I.E.,  LL.D.,  M.B.,  F.L.S., 

F.R.A.I.,  Hastings. 
Sir  DONALD  MACKENZIE  WALLACE,  K.C.I.E.,  K.C.V.O.,  London,  late  Private 

Secretary  to  Marquess  of  Dufferin  and  Marquess  of  Lansdowne  as  Viceroys 

of  India,  Member  of  Institut  de  Droit  International. 
Sir  RAYMOND  WEST,  K.C.I.E.,  LL.D.,  M.A.,  London,  late  Member  of  Bombay 

Government,  Director  of  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 
The  Rt.  Rev.  Foss  WESTCOTT,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Chota  Nagpore. 
The  Rt.  Rev.  HENRY  WHITEHEAD,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Madras. 
Don  M.  DE  ZILVA  WlCKREMASlNGHE  (Tamil  and  Telugu,  U.  of  Oxford). 
ABDULLAH  Yusur-ALi,  I.C.S.,  M.A.,  LL.M.,  M.R.A.S.,  Sultanpur. 

GREECE. 

Prof.  S.  HADJI  SoucA,  Athens. 
Profc  Dr.  CYPARISSOS  STEPHANOS,  Rector  of  the  University  of  Athens,  1908-9. 

HUNGARY. 

Prof.  LADISLAS  BUZA  (International  Law,  U.  of  SaVospatak). 

Prof.  Dr.  JENO"  DE  CHOLNOKY  (Geography,  U.  of  Kolozsva>). 

Director  F.  R.  KEM£NY,  Budapest,' Member  of  the  International  Peace  Bureau. 

Dr.  MIKLOS  KRAL,  Budapest. 


OFFICERS,  COUNCIL,  AND  SUPPORTERS    xxxix 

Prof.   GUILLAUME   DE  L.ERZ,  Ministerial   Councillor  (International  Law,  U.  of 

Budapest). 

M.  EMILE  DE  NAGY,  Budapest,  Deputy,  Member  of  Inter-Parliamentary  Council. 
Prof.  Dr.  FELIX  SOMLO  (International  Law,  U.  of  KolozsvaV). 
E.  TORDAY,  F.R.A.I.,  London. 
Prof.  Dr.  ALEXANDER  VUTKOVICH  (International  Law,  U.  of  Pozsony). 

ITALY. 

Prof.  DIONISIO  ANZILOTTI  (International  Law,  U.  of  Bologna). 

Prof.  MICHELE  BARILLARI  (Philosophy  of  Law,  U.  of  Naples). 

Prof.  LANFRANCO  BELLEGOTTI  (International  Law,  U.  of  Pisa). 

Dr.  GINO  BERTOLINI,  Barrister,  Associate  International  Institute  of  Sociology. 

Prof.  Dr.  LUIGI  BONELLI  (Turkish,  Persian,  Oriental  Institute,  Naples). 

Prof.  G.  C.  BUZZATI,  Member  of  the  Institut  de  Droit  International  (International 

Law,  U.  of  Pavia). 

Prof.  Dr.  LUIGI  CAPPELLETTI  (Anthropology,  U.  of  Ferrara). 
Prof.  CARNAZZA-AMARI,  Senator  (International  Law,  U.  of  Catania). 
Prof.  Dr.  ENRICO  CATELLANI  (International  Law,  U.  of  Padua). 
Prof.  ARRIGO  CAVAGLIERI  (International  Law,  Higher  Institute,  Florence). 
Prof.  GUIDO  CAVAGLIERI,  Editor  of  the  Ri-vista  Italiana  di  Sociologia  (Law  of 

Administration,  U.  of  Rome). 
Prof.  P.  CHIMIENTI,  Deputy,  late  Under-Secretary  of  State  (Constitutional  Law, 

U.  of  Cagliari). 

Prof.  EDOARDO  CIMBALI  (International  Law,  U.  of  Sassari). 
Prof.  Dr.  NAPOLEONE  COLAJANNI  (Statistics,  U.  of  Naples). 

Marquis  CHARLES  COMPANS,  deputy,  Member  of  the  Inter- Parliamentary  Council. 
Prof.  Dr.  FRANCESCO  PAOLO  CONTUZZI  (International  Law,  U.  of  Cagliari). 
Prof.  ALESSANDRO  CORSI  (International  Law,  U.  of  Pisa). 
Prof.  AMEDEO  CRIVELLUCI  (Modern  History,  U.  of  Pisa). 
Prof.  NICOL6  D'ALFONSO  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Rome). 

Prof.  RICCARDO  DALLA-VOLTA,  Director  of  the  Institute  of  Social  Sciences  (Poli- 
tical Economy,  Institute  of  Social  Sciences,  Florence). 
Prof.  IL  CONTE  ANGELO  DEGUBERNATIS,  President  of  the  International  Union 

for  Peace,  Director  of  Oriental  School,  U.  of  Rome. 
Prof.  GIORGIO  DEL  VECCHIO  (Philosophy  of  Law,  U.  of  Sassari). 
Prof.   GIULIO   DIENA,  Associate  of  the  Institut  de   Droit   International 

national  Law,  U.  of  Turin). 
Prof.  DONATO  DON  ATI  (Constitutional  and  International  Law,  U.of  Camerino). 
Prof.  ANTONIO  FALCHI  (Philosophy  of  Law,  U.  of  Perugia). 
Prof.  PROSPERO  FEDOZZI  (International  Law,  U.  of  Genoa). 
Prof.  GUGLIELMO  FERRERO,  Turin. 

Prof.  ENRICO  FERRI,  Deputy  (Criminal  Law,  U.  of  Rome). 
Prof.  PASQUALE  FIORE  (International  Law,  U.  of  Naples). 
Prof.  C.  F.  GABBA,  Senator,  late  President  of  the  Institut  de  Droit  International 

(Philosophy  of  Law  and  Civil  Law,  U.  of  Pisa). 
Baron  RAFFAELE  GAROFALO,  Senator,  Attorney  General  at  the  Court  of  Appeal 

in  Venice,  President  of  the  International  Institute  of  Sociology. 
Prof.  SCIPIONE  GEMMA  (International  Law,  U.  of  Siena). 

Dr.  EDOARDO  GIRETTI,  Bricherasio,  Member  of  the  International  Peace  Bureau. 
Prof.  Dr.  GIACOMO  GRP&SO  (History  of  Treaties  and  Diplomacy,  U.  of  Genoa). 
Prof.  ALESSANDRO  GROPPALI  (Philosophy  of  Law,  U.  of  Modena). 
Prof.  IGNAZIO  GUIDI,  Hon.  M.R.A.S.,  Director  of  Oriental  School,  Rome  (Hebrew 

and  Semitic  Languages,  U.  of  Rome). 

Prof.  FERDINANDO  LAGHI  (International  Law,  U.  of  Parma). 
Prof.  Dr.  DAVID  LEVi-MORENOS,  Venice, 

Prof.  Dr.  RIDOLFO  LIVI,  Hon.  F.R.A.I.  (Anthropology,  U.  of  Rome). 
Prof.  NOCENTINI  LODOVICO  (Literature  of  Extreme  East,  U.  of  Rome). 
Prof.  ACHILLE  LORIA  (Political  Economy,  U.  of  Turin). 
Dr.  MARIO  MARINONI,  Venice. 

Prof.  MARIO  MARTINI  (International  Law,  U.of  Rome). 
M.  G.  DEMARTINO,  Senator,  President  of  the  Colonial  Institute  in  Rome. 
Prof.  Dr.  GIUSEPPE  MAZZARELLA  (Ethnology,  U.  of  Catania). 
Prof.  VINCENZO  MICELI  (Philosophy  of  Law,  U.  of  Palermo). 


xl  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

Prof.  GENNARO  MONDAINI,  Rome,  Lecturer  in  Colonial  History  in  the  R.  Istituto 
Superiore  di  Studi  Commercial!,  Coloniali  et  Attuariali  in  Rome,  and  Editor  of 
the  Rivista  Colonials. 

Prof.  Dr.  FRANCESCO  ORESTANO  (Moral  Philosophy,  U.  of  Palermo). 

Prof.  GUISEPPE  OTTOLENGHI  (International  Law,  U.  of  Turin). 

Prof.  GIUSEPPE  VADALA  PAPALE  (Philosophy  of  Law,  U.  of  Catania). 

Prof.  GUIDO  PERRI  (Japanese,  Oriental  Institute,  Naples). 

Prof.  Dr.  FILIPPO  PORENA  (Geography,  U.  of  Naples). 

Prof.  Ill  Conte  FRANCESCO  L.  PULL£  (Comparative  Philology,  U.  of  Bologna). 

Prof.  PIETRO  RAGNISIO  (Ethics,  U.  of  Rome). 

Prof.  GIUSEPPE  RICCHIERI  (Geography,  Accademia  Scientifico-Letteraria,  Milan). 

Prof.  NlCCOLO  RODOLICO  (History,  R.  Istituto  di  Scienze  Sociali,  Florence). 

Prof.  Dr.  GIACINTO  ROMANO  (Modern  History,  U.  of  Pavia). 

Prof.  GIUSEPPE  SALVIOLI  (  Philosophy  of  Law,  U.  of  Naples). 

Prof.  MICHELANGELO  SCHIPA  (Modern  History,  U.  of  Naples). 

Prof.  Dr.  ANTONIO  SCIALOIA  (International  Law,  U.  of  Siena). 

Prof.  GIUSEPPE  SERGI,  Hon.  F.R.A.I.  (Anthropology,  U.  of  Rome). 

Dr.  SCIPIO  SIGHELE,  Florence. 

Dr.  F.  SQUILLACE,  Professor  at  the  Brussels  Universite  Nouvelle. 

Prof.  A.  TAMBURINI,  President  of  the  Society  of  Anthropology  of  Rome. 

Prof.  MICHELANGELO  VACCARO,  Deputy  (Philosophy  of  Law,  U.  of  Rome). 

Prof.  G.  DALLA  VEDOVA  (Geography,  U.  of  Rome). 

Prof.  GIOVANNI  VIDARI  (Moral  Philosophy,  U.  of  Pavia). 

Prof.  PASQUALE  VILLARI,  Senator  (History,  Higher  Institute,  Florence). 

JAPAN. 

Prof.  M.  ANESAKI  (Philosophy  of  Religion,  U.  of  Tokio). 

Prof.  SIDNEY  L.  GULICK,  American  Board  Mission,  Kyoto,  Japan. 

J.  CAREY  HALL,  M.A.,  I.S.O.,  British  Consul  General,  Yokohama,  Japan. 

Prof.  MASAO  KAMBO  (International  Law,  U.  of  Kyoto).  • 

Prof.  Dr.  GENCHI  KATO  (Science  of  Religion,  U.  of  Tokio). 

Prof.  Dr.  RIKIZO  NAKASHIMA  (Ethics,  U.  of  Tokio). 

Prof.  SHIGEO  SUYEHIRO  (History  of  Politics,  U.  of  Kyoto). 

Prof.  Dr.  TONGO  TAKEBE  (Sociology,  U.  of  Tokio). 

Prof.  Dr.  TOMERI  TANIMOTO  (Pedagogy,  U.  of  Kyoto). 

Prof.  SANJCRO  TOMONAGA  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Kyoto). 

MEXICO. 

AGUSTIN  ARAG6N,  Editor  of  the  Revista  Positiva,  Mexico. 

M.  Jos6  M.ARAMENDIA,  Mexican  Consul,  Panama. 

Dr.  GENARO  GARCIA,  Director  of  the  National  Museum  of  Archaeology,  History, 

and  Ethnology,  Mexico. 

M.  Lucio  T.  GUTIERREZ,  Engineer,  Guadalajara. 
Dr.  PORFIRIO  PARRA,  Director  of  Secondary  School,  Mexico. 

NETHERLANDS. 

Dr.  J.  H.  ABENDANON,  late  Director  of  Public  Instruction,  Worship  and  Industry 
in  the  Netherlands  East  Indies,  Associate  of  Institut  Colonial  International. 

Prof.  Dr.  F.  J.  DE  BOER  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Amsterdam). 

Prof.  Dr.  P.  D.  CHANTEPIE  DE  LA£AUSSAYE,  President  Royal  Academy  of  Sciences 
of  Amsterdam  ( Theology,  U.  of  Leiden). 

M.  J.  T.  CREMER,  Amsterdam,  late  Colonial  Minister,  President  of  the  Nether- 
lands Society  of  Commerce,  Member  of  the  Institut  Colonial  International. 

Dr.  C.  TH.  VAN  DEVENTER,  The  Hague,  Deputy,  Member  of  Institut  Colonial 
International. 

Prof.  Dr.  D.  VAN  EMBDEN  (Economics  and  Statistics,  U.  of  Amsterdam). 

Dr.  P.  H.  EYKMAN,  The  Hague,  Director  of  the  Foundation  for  the  Promotion  of 
Internationalism. 

Dr.  S.  BAART  DE  LA  FAILLE,  The  Hague,  Member  International  Peace  Bureau. 

Prof.  Dr.  M.  TH.  HOUTSMA,  Hon.  M.R.A.S.  (Semitic,  Languages,  U.  of  Utrecht). 

Prof.  H.  KERN,  Hon.  M.R.A.S.,  late  Professor  of  Sanskrit  in  Leiden  University. 


OFFICERS,  COUNCIL,  AND  SUPPORTERS  xli 

Prof.  J.  DE  LOUTER,  Associate  of  Institut  de  Droit   International  (International 

Law,  U.  of  Utrecht). 
M.  E.   MORESCO,   The    Hague,  late   Government    Secretary   of   Dutch    Indies, 

Lecturer  at  the  Dutch  Indies  Academy  of  Colonial  Administration,  Associate 

Institut  Colonial  International. 

Prof.  A.  W.  NIEUWENHUIS  (Ethnography,  U.  of  Leiden). 
Prof.  Dr.  C.  SNOUCK-HURGRONJE,  Councillor  of  the  Colonial  Office,  Member  of 

the  Institut  Colonial  International  (Arabic  and  Islam,  U.  of  Ley  den). 
Prof.  Dr.  A.  A.  H.  STRUYCHEN  (International  Law,  U.  of  Amsterdam). 

NICARAGUA. 
M.  JULIO  ARJONA,  Nicaraguan  Consul,  Panama. 

NORWAY. 

Prof.  Dr.  BREDO  v.  MUNTHE  AF  MORGENSTIERNE  (Law  and  Economics,  U.  of 
Christiania). 

Prof.  Dr.  CHRISTEN  COLLIN  (Modern  Literature,  U.  of  Christiania). 

M.  JOHN  LUND,  late  President  of  the  Norwegian  Parliament,  Vice-President  of 
the  Nobel  Committee. 

Prof.  FRIDTJOF  NANSEN  (Oceanography,  U.  of  Christiania). 

Prof.  Dr.  YNGVAR  NIELSEN  (Ethnography,  U.  of  Christiania). 

Prof.  FREDRIK  STANG,  Member  of  the  Norwegian  Committee  of  the  Inter- 
Parliamentary  Union  (Law,  U.  of  Christiania). 

PERSIA. 

M.  AGHA  MOAYED-OL-ESLAM,  Calcutta. 
M.  HADJI  MIRZA  YAHYA,  Teheran. 

PERU. 
M.  EULOGIO  DELGADO,  President  Lima  Geographical  Society. 

PORTUGAL. 

Prof.  CONDE  DE  FELGUEIRAS  (Economic  Legislation,  U.  of  Coimbra). 

Dr.  JoAO  DE  PAIVA,  President  of  the  Commercial  Tribunal  in  Lisbon,  Member  of 
the  Council  of  the  Inter-Parliamentary  Union,  President  of  the  Parliamentary 
Peace  Group,  President  of  the  Portuguese  Peace  Association. 

Dr.  Jos£  DA  SlLVA  PESSANHA,  Lisbon  (History  of  Art,  School  of  Art). 

Prof.  RUY  ENNES  ULRICH  (Colonial  Administration,  U.  of  Coimbra). 

ROUMANIA. 

M.  CHARLES  GR.  LAHOVARY,  Bucharest,  late  Deputy,  Secretary  of  the  Roumanian 

Inter-Parliamentary  Group. 

Prof.  S.  MEHEDINTI  (Geography,  U.  of  Bucharest). 
Prof.  P.  MlSSlR  (International  Law,  U.  of  Jassy). 
Prof.  C.  THIRON  (Medicine,  U.  of  Jassy). 
Prof.  VALERIAN  URSIANU,  Senator,  Dean  of  Faculty  of  Law  (International  Law, 

U.  of  Bucharest). 
Prof.  A.  D.  XENOPOL  (History,  U.  of  Jassy). 

RUSSIA. 

Prof.  D.  ANOUTCHINE,  President  of  the  Soci&e  Imperiale  des  Amis  des  Sciences 
Naturelles,  d'Anthropologie  et  d'Ethnographie  (Geography  and  Ethnography, 
U.  of  Moscow). 

M.  H.  ARAKELIAN,  Tiflis,  Member  of  the  Russian  Geographical  Society  and  of 
the  Paris  Asiatic  Society. 

+M.  G.  DEKANOZI,  Montpellier,  of  Georgia,  late  Editor  of  Sakhartsvelo. 

Prof  Dr.  O.  EICHELMANN,  Conseiller  d'Etat  actuel  (International Law,  U.  of  Kieff). 

Prof.  VLADIMIR  E.  GRABAR  (International  Law,  U.  of  Dorpat). 

Prof.  RAFAEL  KARSTEN  (Comparative  Religion,  U.  of  Helsingfors). 

Prof.  P.  KAZANSKY,  Dean  of  Faculty  of  Law  (International  Law,  U.  of  Odessa). 

Prof.  N.  LANGE  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Odessa). 


xlii  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

Prof.  Baron  BORIS  NOLDE  (International  Law,  U.  of  St.  Petersburg). 

M.  JACQUES  Novicow,  Odessa,  late  Vice-President  of  the  International  Institute 

of  Sociology,  Member  of  the  International  Peace  Bureau. 
Prof.  MICHEL  SOBOLEFF  (Political  Economy,  U.  of  Tomsk). 
M.  TSERETHELI,  London,  of  Georgia. 
Prof.   Dr.   RICHARD    WEINBERG,   St.   Petersburg  (Anatomy,   Imperial   Medical 

College  for  Women). 

Prof.  ALEXANDER  YASTCHENKO  (International  Law,  U.  of  Dorpat). 
Dr.  Louis  L.  ZAMENHOF,  Warsaw,  Author  of  the  international  language  Esperanto. 

SERVIA. 
Prof.  MILETA  NOVAKOVITCH  (International  Law,  U.  of  Belgrade). 

SPAIN. 

Prof.  Dr.  MANUEL  TORRES  CAMPOS,  Member  of  the  Institute  of  International 

Law  (International  Law,  U.  of  Granada). 

Prof.  GONZALO  FERNANDEZ  CORDOVA  (International  Law,  U.  of  Valladolid). 
EDUARDO  SANZ  Y  ESCARTIN,  Senator,  Secretary  Royal  Academy  of  Moral  and 

Political  Sciences,  Madrid. 

SALVADOR  CABEZA  LEON  (International  Law,  U.  of  Santiago). 
Josfc  GASCON  Y  MARIN  (International  Law,  U.  of  Saragossa). 
Prof.  Dr.  MANUEL  SALES  Y  NEVV£  (Sociology,  U.  of  Madrid). 
Prof.  ANICETO  SELA  (Vice-Rector  and  International  Law,  U.  of  Oviedo). 

SWEDEN. 

Dr.  ERNST  BECKMAN,  Deputy,  Member  of  the  Inter- Parliamentary  Council. 

Baron  BONDE,  Eriesberg,  Deputy,  President  of  the  Swedish  Committee  of  the 
Inter-Parliamentary  Union. 

J.  BROOMEE,  Deputy,  Member  Swedish  Committee  of  Inter-Parliamentary  Union. 

Prof.  Dr.  PONTUS  ERLAND  FAHLBECK,  Senator  (Economics,  U.  of  Lund). 

Baron  Louis  DE  GEER,  Kristiansand,  Senator,  Member  of  the  Swedish  Com- 
mittee of  the  Inter- Parliamentary  Union. 

Prof.  Dr.  RUDOLF  KJELL£N  (Staatswissenschaften,  U.  of  Goteborg). 

Prof.  Dr.  PER  EFRAIM  LILJEQUIST  (Practical  Philosophy,  U.  of  Lund). 

Dr.  N.  A.  NILSSON,  Orebro,  Member  of  the  International  Peace  Bureau. 

Prof.  Dr.  OTTO  NORDENSKJOLD  (Geography,  U.  of  Goteborg). 

Prof.  Dr.  VITALIS  NORSTROM  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Goteborg). 

M.  K.  H.  GEZ.  VON  SCH£ELE,  D.D.,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.,  Deputy,  Bishop  of  Gothland, 
Member  of  the  Swedish  Committee  of  the  Inter- Parliamentary  Union. 

Prof.  Dr.  GUSTAF  F.  STEFFEN  (Sociology,  U.  of  Goteborg). 

EDVARD  WAVRINSKY,  Stockholm,  Deputy,  Member  of  Inter-Parliamentary 
Council,  Chief  of  International  Order  of  Good  Templars. 

SWITZERLAND. 

Prof.  Dr.  EDOUARD  BEGUELIN  (International  Law,  U.  of  Neuchatel). 

Prof.  D.  ALFRED  BERTHOLET,  General  Secretary  of  the  International  Congresses 
of  the  History  of  Religions  (Theology,  U.  of  Basle). 

Prof.  Dr.  JEAN  BRUNHES,  Rector  Fribourg  University  (Geography,  U.  of  Fribourg). 

Dr.  JULES  DUCOMMUN,  Berne,  Treasurer  of  the  International  Peace  Bureau. 

Prof:  Dr.  Fr.  W.  FOERSTER  (Pedagogy,  U.  of  Zurich). 

Prof.  Dr.  HANS  VON  FRISCH  (International  Law,  U.  of-  Basle). 

Prof.  FERDINAND  GENTET  (International  Law,  U.  of  Geneva). 

Dr.  ALBERT  GOBAT,  Member  of  the  National  Council,  Member  of  the  Inter- 
Parliamentary  Council,  and  Director  and  Member  of  the  International  Peace 
Bureau,  Nobel  Prize  Laureate. 

Prof.  Dr.  EDUARD  MOLLER  HESS  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Berne). 

Prof.  Dr.  HARRY  HOLLATZ  (International  I^aw,  U.  of  Neuchatel). 

Prof.  CHARLES  KNAPP,  Conservator  of  Ethnographical  Museum  (Geography,  U. 
of  NeuchAtel). 

Prof.  Dr.  J.  KOLLMAN,  Hon.  F.R.A.I.  (Anatomy,  U.  of  Basle). 

Prof.  Dr.  U.  LAMPERT  (International  Law,  U.  of  Fribourg). 

Prof.  ALBERT  LECL&RE  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Berne). 

GUSTAV  MA  IKK,  Zurich,  Author  and  Traveller. 


OFFICERS,  COUNCIL,  AND  SUPPORTERS  xliii 

Prof.  Dr.  RUDOLF  MARTIN,  Hon.  F.R.A.I.  (Anthropology,  U.  of  Zurich). 

Prof.    Dr.   ANDR£   MERCIER,    Associate  of  the   Institut  de  Droit  International 

(Criminal  and  International  Law,  U.  of  Lausanne). 
Prof.  MAURICE  MILLIOUD  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Lausanne). 
Prof.  Dr.  LUDWIG  STEIN  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Berne). 
Prof.  Dr.  ALBERT  TEICHMANN  (International  Law,  U.  of  Basle). 
Prof.  Dr.  HANS  T.  WEHRLI  (Geography  and  Ethnography,  U.  of  Zurich). 

TURKEY. 

HOWARD  T.  BLISS,  President  Syrian  Protestant  College,  Beyrouth. 

M.  GARABET  HAGOPIAN,  M.R.A.S.,  London,  Professor  of  Oriental  Languages. 

ANTONIUS  J.  MANASSEH,  B.Sc.,  M.D.,  Beyrout. 

M.  R£CHID  SAFVET  BEY,  First  Secrretay  to  the  Turkish  Embassay  at  Teheran. 

KHALIL  SARKIS,  Editor  "  Lissan-Ul-Hal,"  Beyrout. 

UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 

Prof.  Dr.  EPHRAIM  D.  ADAMS  (History,  Stanford  U.). 

Prof.  GEORGE  BURTON  ADAMS  (History,  Yale  U.). 

Miss  JANE  ADDAMS,  Hull  House,  Chicago. 

Prof.  FELIX  ADLER,  Theodore  Roosevelt  Professor  in  Berlin,  1908-9  (Political 
and  Social  Ethics,  Columbia  U.). 

Prof.  W.  H.  ALLISON  (History,  Bryn  Mawr  College). 

Prof.  Dr.  CLARENCE  W.  ALVORD  (History,  U.  of  Illinois). 

Prof.  CHARLES  M.ANDREWS  (American  Colonial  History,  Yale  U.). 

Prof.  CHARLES  ARBUTHNOT  (Economics,  Western  Reserve  U.). 

Prof.  CHARLES  M.  BAKEWELL  (Philosophy,  Yale  U.). 

Prof.  EMILY  GREENE  BALCH  (Sociology,  Wellesley  College). 

Prof.  JAMES  MARK  BALDWIN,  Ph.D.,  D.Sc.,  LL.D.  (Philosophy,  John  Hopkins  U.). 

Governor  the  Hon.  S.  E.  BALDWIN,  LL.D.  (International  Law,  Yale  U.). 

Prof.  EARL  BARNES,  Philadelphia. 

RICHARD  BARTHOLDT,  Member  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  Washington. 

Prof.  Dr.  JOHN  SPENCER  BASSETT  (History,  Smith  College,  Northampton). 

Prof.  Rev.  HARLAN  P.  BEACH,  M.A.,  F.R.G.S.  (Chinese  and  Theory  and  Practice 
of  Missions,  Yale  U.). 

WILLIAM  S.  BENNET,  Washington,  U.S.  House  of  Representatives,  Immigration 
Commissioner. 

Prof.  G.  H.  BLAKESLEE  (History,  Clark  U.). 

Prof.  MAURICE  BLOOMFIELD  (Comparative  Philology,  Johns  Hopkins  U.). 

Prof.  FRANZ  BOAS  (Anthropology,  Columbia  U.). 

Prof.  HERBERT  E.  BOLTON  (American  History,  Stanford  U.). 

Prof.  HENRY  E.  BOURNE  (History,  Western  Reserve  U.). 

Prof.  JAMES  H.  BREASTED  (Egyptology,  U.  of  Chicago). 

Prof.  JULIAN  P.  BRETZ  (American  History,  Cornell  U.) 

Prof.  DAVID  J.  BREWER,  Justice  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  (International 
Law,  U.  of  Washington). 

JOHN  GRAHAM  BROOKS,  New  York,  Author. 

Prof.  CARL  D.  BUCK  (Sanscrit  and  Comparative  Philology,  U.  of  Chicago). 

Prof.  HOWARD  W.  CALDWELL,  Ph.B.,  A.M.  (American  History,  U.  of  Nebraska). 

Prof.  MARY  W.  CALKINS  (Philosophy,  Wellesley  College,  Mass.). 

Mrs.  CARRIE  CHAPMAN  CATT,  New  York,  President  of  the  International  Woman 
Suffrage  Alliance. 

Prof.  ALEXANDER  F.  CHAMBERLAIN  (Anthropology,  Clark  U.). 

CHARLES  W.  CHESNUTT,  Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Prof.  JOHN  BATES  CLARK  (Political  Economy,  Columbia  U.). 

Prof.  GEORGE  A.  COE,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.,  President  of  the  Religious  Education  Asso- 
ciation, Union  Theological  Seminary,  N.Y. 

Prof.  CHARLES  H.  COOLEY  (Sociology,  U.  of  Michigan). 

Prof.  ARTHUR  L.  CROSS  (History,  U.  of  Michigan). 

Prof.  JAMES  ELBERT  CUTLER,  Ph.D.  (Sociology,  Western  Reserve  U.). 

Prof.  ARTHUR  ERNEST  DAVIES,  B.D.  (Philosophy,  Ohio  State  U.). 

Prof.  EDWARD  H.  DAVIS,  S.B.  (Economics,  Purdue  U.). 

Prof.  JAMES  QUAYLE  DEALEY  (Social  and  Political  Science,  Brown  U.). 

Prof.  GILBERT  W.  DENISTON  (Political  Science,  U.  of  Southern  California). 


xliv  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

Prof.  Dr.  ALFRED  L.  P.  DENNIS  (History,  U.  of  Wisconsin). 

Prof.  JOHN  DEWEY  (Philosophy,  Columbia  U.). 

Prof.  WILLIAM  E.  DODD  (American  History,  U.  of  Chicago). 

Prof.  GEORGE  A.  DORSEY,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.  (Anthropology,  U.  of  Chicago). 

Prof.  EARLE  W.  Dow  (History,  U.  of  Michigan). 

Prof.  GARRETT  DROPPERS  (Economics,  Williams  College). 

Prof.  W.  E.  BURGHARDT  DuBoiS  (Economics  and  History,  Atlanta  U.). 

Prof.  Dr.  D.  SHAW  DUNCAN  (History,  U.  of  Denver). 

Prof.  GEORGE  M.  DUTCHER,  Ph.D.  (History,  Wesleyan  U.,  Middletown). 

Rev.  CALEB  SAMUEL  S.  DUTTON,  M.A.,  Brooklyn. 

Prof.  SAMUEL  T.  DUTTON,  Secretary  of  New  York  Peace  Society  (Columbia  U.). 

Prof.  EDWIN  LEE  EARP,  Ph.D.  (Sociology,  Drew  Theological  Seminary,  Madison). 

Brigadier-General  CLARENCE  R.  EDWARDS,  U.S.  Army,  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of 
Insular  Affairs,  War  Department,  Washington. 

Prof.  CHARLES  A.  ELLWOOD  (Sociology,  U.  of  Missouri). 

Prof.  Dr.  LAWRENCE  B.  EVANS  (History,  Tufts  College,  Mass.). 

Prof.  WALTER  GOODNOW  EVERETT  (Philosophy,  Brown  U.). 

Prof.  H.  P.  FAIRCHILD  (Economics  and  Sociology,  Bowdoin  College,  Brunswick). 

Prof.  W.  H.  P.  FAUNCE,  President  Brown  University. 

Prof.  FRANK  A.  FETTER  (Economics,  Cornell  U.). 

Prof.  J.WALTER  FEWKES,  Ph.D.,  President  Anthropological  Society  of  Washington. 

JOHN  H.  FINLEY,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.,  President  College  of  the  City  of  New  York. 

Prof.  CARL  RUSSELL  FISH  (History,  U.  of  Wisconsin). 

Prof.  IRVING  FISHER  (Political  Economy,  Yale  U.). 

Prof.  Dr.  ALEXANDER  C.  FLICK  (European  History,  Syracuse  U.). 

Prof.  GUY  S.  FORD  (Modern  European  History,  U.  of  Illinois). 

Prof.  KUNO  FRANCKE,  LL.D.  (History  of  German  Culture,  Harvard  U.). 

Prof.  Dr.  JOHN  FRYER  (Oriental  Languages  and  Literature,  U.  of  California). 

Prof.  HERBERT  P.  GALLINGER  (History,  Amherst  College). 

Prof.  GEORGE  P.  GARRISSON  (American  History,  U.  of  Texas). 

Prof.  FRANKLIN  H.  GIDDINGS,  LL.D.  (Sociology,  Columbia  U.). 

EDWIN  GINN,  Boston,  Founder  of  the  International  School  of  Peace. 

Prof.  J.  PAUL  GOODE  (Geography,  U.  of  Chicago). 

Major-General  AW.  GREELY,  Washington,  Explorer,  Member  of  the  International 
Colonial  Institute. 

The  Hon.  JOHN  P.  GREEN,  ex-Judge,  ex-Senator,  Barrister,  Cleveland. 

Prof.  CHARLES  NOBLE  GREGORY,  M.A.,  LL.D.,  Chairman  of  Standing  Com- 
mittee on  International  Law  of  American  Bar  Association  (Dean  of  College  of 
Law,  International  Law,  U.  of  Iowa). 

ARCHIBALD  H.  GRIMKE,  President  of  the  American  Negro  Academy. 

Dr.  Louis  GROSSMANN,  Rabbi  (Ethics,  Hebrew  Union  College). 

Prof.  Dr.  EDWIN  A.  GROSVENOR  (International  Law,  Amherst  College). 

Prof.  J.  E.  HAGERTY  (Sociology,  Ohio  State  U.) 

Prof.  THOMAS  C.  HALL  (Christian  Ethics,  Union  Theological  Seminary,  N.Y.). 

CHARLES  THOMAS  HALLINAN,  Chicago. 

Prof.  LEWIS  H.  HANEY  (Economics,  U.  of  Michigan). 

Prof.  EDWARD  GARY  HAYES  (Sociology,  U.  of  Illinois). 

Prof.  AMY  HEWES  (Sociology,  Mount  Holyoke  College,  Mass.). 

Prof.  HOMER  C.  HOCKETT  (American  History,  Ohio  State  U.). 

HAMILTON  HOLT,  Managing-Editor  of  "  The  Independent,"  N.Y. 

Prof.  HERMAN  H.  HORNE  (Pedagogy,  U.  of  New  York). 

W.  L.  HOUSTON,  Grand  Master  of  the  Grand  United  Order  of  Odd-Fellows  in 
America,  Washington. 

Prof.  GEORGE  E.  HOWARD  (Sociology,  U.  of  Nebraska). 

Prof.  IRA  W.  HOWERTH  (Sociology,  U.  of  Chicago). 

W.  W.  HUSBAND,  Secretary  of  the  Immigration  Commission,  Washington. 

Prof.  A.  V.  WILLIAMS  JACKSON  (Indo- Iranian  Languages,  Columbia  U.). 

Prof.  EDMUND  J.  JAMES,  President  of  the  University  of  Illinois. 

Prof.  ALBERT  ERNST  JENKS  (Anthropology,  U.  of  Minnesota). 

Prof.  T.  W.  JENKS,  Immigration  Commissioner  (Political  Economy,  Cornell  U.). 

Prof.  Dr.  A.  JOHNSON  (History  and  Political  Science,  Bowdoin  College,  Brunswick). 

Prof.  HENRY  JOHNSON  (History,  Columbia  University). 

Prof.  Dr.  ALBERT  G.  KELLER  (Science  of  Society,  Yale  U.). 

Prof.  CARL  KELSEY  (Sociology,  U.  of  Pennsylvania). 


OFFICERS,  COUNCIL,  AND  SUPPORTERS        xlv 

Prof.  E.  W.  KEMMERER  (Economics,  Cornell  U.). 

Prof.  CLYDE  L.  KING  (Economics  and  Sociology,  U.  of  Colorado). 

Prof.  Dr.  DAVID  KINLEY  (Economics,  U.  of  Illinois). 

Prof.  GEORGE  WELLS  KNIGHT  (American  History,  Ohio  State  U.). 

Prof.  A.  L.  KROEBER  (Anthropology,  U.  of  California). 

Prof.  CHARLES  R.  LANMAN  (Sanscrit,  Harvard  U.). 

Prof.  J.  LAWRENCE  LAUGHLIN  (Political Economy,  U.  of  Chicago). 

Mr.  U.  J.  LEDOUX,  International  School  of  Peace,  Boston,  Mass. 

Prof.  ALFRED  HENRY  LLOYD  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Michigan). 

Prof.  WILLIAM  MACDONALD  (American  History,  Brown  U.). 

ALFRED  W.  MARTIN,  Associate  Leader  New  York  Society  for  Ethical  Culture. 

EDWIN  D.  MEAD,  Boston,  Member  of  International  Peace  Bureau. 

Prof.  GEORGE  H.  MEAD  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Chicago). 

Prof.  EDMOND  S.  MEANY,  M.S.,  M.L.  (History,  U.  of  Washington). 

Prof.  SIDNEY  E.  MEZES  (Philosophy,  Austin  U.). 

Prof.  ADOLPH  CASPAR  MILLER  (Political  Economy,  U.  of  California). 

Prof.   MERTON  LELAND  MILLER,   Chief  of  Ethnological   Division,  Bureau  of 

Science,  Manilla,  Philippines. 

Prof  HENRY  RAYMOND  MUSSEY  (Economics,  Columbia  U.). 
CHARLES  P.  NEILL,  Immigration  Commissioner,  Washington. 
Prof.  WILLIAM  JESSE  NEWLIN,  M.A.  (Philosophy,  Amherst  College). 
Prof.  H.  A.  OVERSTREET  (Philosophy,  U.  of  California). 
FRANK  C.  PARTRIDGE,  Law  Office,  Proctor,  Vermont. 
CHARLES  PEABODY,  Ph.D.,  F.R.A.I.,  Peabody  Museum,  Harvard  University. 
Prof.  GEORGE  F.  PEABODY,  New  York. 

Rev.  Prof.  ISMAR  J.  PERITZ,  Ph.D.  (Semitic Languages,  Syracuse  U.). 
Prof.  RALPH  B.  PERRY  (Philosophy,  Harvard  U.). 

Prof.  ULRICH  B.  PHILLIPS  (History  and  Political  Science,  U.  of  Louisiana). 
Prof.  W.  B.  PILLSBURY  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Michigan). 
Prof.  F.  W.  PUTNAM,  Hon.  Curator  Peabody  Museum  of  American  Archaeology 

and  Ethnology  at  Harvard  University. 

Prof.  SAMUEL  NICHOLAS  REEP,  M.A.  (Sociology,  U.  of  Minnesota). 
Prof.  OLIVER  HUNTINGTON  RICHARDSON,  Ph.D.  (History,  U.  of  Washington). 
Prof.  THOMAS  J.  RILEY  (Sociology,  U.  of  St.  Louis). 

Prof.  ALLAN  ROBERTS  (History  and  Political  Science,  Lafayette  College). 
Prof.  E.  VAN  DYKE  ROBINSON  (Economics,  U.  of  Minnesota). 
Prof.  Dr.  JAMES  H.  ROBINSON  (History,  Columbia  U.). 
Prof.  JAMES  E.  LE  ROSSIGNOL  (Economics,  U.  of  Denver). 
Prof.  Dr.  L.  S.  ROWE  (Political  Science,  U.  of  Pennsylvania). 
WILLIAM  M.  S  ALTER  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Chicago). 
Prof.  WILLIAM  A.  SCHAPER  (Political  Science,\J.  of  Minnesota). 
Dr.  WILLIAM  J.  SCHIEFFLIN,  New  York. 
Prof.  Louis  BERNARD  SCHMIDT  (History,  Iowa  State  College). 
Prof.  NATHANIEL  SCHMIDT  (Semitic  Literature,  Cornell  U.). 
Prof.  GEORGE  W.  SCOTT  (International  Law,  Columbia  U.). 
Prof.  W.  A.  SCOTT  (Economics,  U.  of  Wisconsin). 
Prof.  EDWIN  R.  SELIGMAN  (Economics,  Columbia  U.). 
Prof.  WILLIAM  R.  SHEPHERD  (History,  Columbia  U.). 
Prof.  ALBION  W.  SMALL,  Editor  of  the  American  Journal  of  Sociology  (Dean  of 

Arts  and  Literature,  Sociology,  U.  of  Chicago). 
Prof.  Dr.  HARRISON  S.  SMALLEY  (Economics,  U.  of  Michigan). 
C.  SPRAGUE  SMITH,  Seal  Harbor,  Managing-Director  Ethical  and  Social  League. 
Prof.  J.  RUSSELL  SMITH  (Geography,  U.  of  Pennsylvania). 
Prof.  SAMUEL  G.  SMITH  (Sociology  and  Anthropology,  U.  of  Minnesota). 
Prof.  EDWIN  D.  STARBUCK  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Iowa). 
Prof.  E.  L.  STEVENSON,  Ph.D.  (History,  Rutgers  College). 
Prof.  WILLIAM  GRAHAM  SUMNER  (Sociology,  Yale  U.). 
Prof.  ELLEN  BLISS  TALBOT  (Philosophy,  Mount  Holyoke  College,  Mass.). 
ROBERT  H.  TERRELL,  Judge,  Washington. 
Prof.  FRANK  THILLY,  LL.D.  (Philosophy,  Cornell  U.). 
Prof.  W.  I.  THOMAS  (Sociology,  U.  of  Chicago). 
Prof.  CHARLES  F.  THWING,  President  Western  Reserve  University. 
Prof.  WALTER  S.  TOWER  (Geography,  U.  of  Pennsylvania). 
Prof.  NORMAN  MACLAREN  TRENHOLME,  M.A.,  Ph.D.  (History,  U.  of  Missouri). 


xlvi  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

BENJAMIN  F.  TRUEBLOOD,  LL.D.,  Secretary  of  the  American  Peace   Society, 

Member  of  the  International  Peace  Bureau. 
Prof.  EDSON  V.  TUCKEY  (Economics  and  Sociology,  Syracuse  U.). 
Prof.  JAMES  HAYDEN  TUFTS  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Chicago). 
Prof.  JOHN  MARTIN  VINCENT  (European  History,  Johns  Hopkins  U.). 
CHARLES  D.  WALCOTT,  President   of  Washington  Academy  of  Sciences,  Vice- 

Presidentof  National  Academy  of  Sciences,  Secretary  of  Smithsonian  Institution- 
Prof.  ULYSSES  G.  WEATHERLY  (Sociology,  U.  of  Indiana). 
Prof.  HUTTON  WEBSTER  (Social  Anthropology,  U.  of  Nebraska). 
Prof.  HERBERT  WELCH,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  President  Ohio  Wesleyan  University. 
Prof.  R.  M.  WENLEY,  Sc.D.,  Litt.D.,  LL.D.  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Michigan). 
Prof.  WILLIS  MASON  WEST,  M.A.  (History,  U  of  Minnesota). 
Prof.  NATHAN  WESTON  (Economics,  U.  of  Illinois). 
Prof.  GEORGIA  L.  WHITE  (Economics,  Smith  College,  Northampton). 
The  Hon.  JAMES  GUSTAVUS  WHITELEY,  late  Consul-General  Belgian   Congo, 

Associate  of  the  Institut  de  Droit  International. 
Prof.  ALBERT  C.  WHITTAKER  (Economics,  Stanford  U.). 
Prof.  BURT  G.  WILDER,  M.D.  (Neurology,  Cornell  U.). 
Prof.  WALTER  F.  WiLLCOX  (Political  Economy  and  Statistics,  Cornell  U.). 
Prof.  FREDERICK  WELLS  WILLIAMS  (Modern  Oriental  History,  Yale  U-). 
Prof.  HENRY  HORACE  WILLIAMS  (Philosophy,  U.  of  Carolina). 
Prof.  Dr.  CH.  C.  WILLIAMSON  (Economics  and  Politics,  Bryn  Mawr  College). 
Prof.  W.W.  WlLLOUGHBY,  Ph.D.  (Political  Science,  Johns  Hopkins  U.). 
Prof.  GEORGE  GRAFTON  WILSON  (International  Law,  Brown  U.). 
Prof.  A.  P.  WINSTON  (Economics,  Washington,  U.). 
Dr.  STEPHEN  S.  WISE,  The  Free  Synagogue,  New  York. 
Prof.  JAMES  WITHROW  (Chemistry,  Ohio  State,  U.). 

Prof.  THEODORE  SALISBURY  WOOLSEY,  LL.D.  (International  Law,  Yale  U.). 
Prof.  ABBOTT  YOUNG  (Economics,  Stanford  U.). 
Prof.  CHARLES  ZUEBLIN,  Boston. 


OCCIDENT       \L^\M,       ORIENT 


PAPERS 


FIRST    SESSION 

FUNDAMENTAL   CONSIDERATIONS 

MEANING   OF    RACE,    TRIBE,    NATION 

By  BRAJENDRANATH   SEAL,  M.A.,  Ph.D., 
Principal,  Maharajah  of  Cooch  Behar's  College^  Cooch  Behar,  India. 

IF  modern  civilisation  is  distinguished  from  all  other  civilisations 
by  its  scientific  basis,  the  problems  that  this  civilisation  presents 
must  be  solved  by  the  methods  of  Science.  The  evolution  of  Uni- 
versal Humanity  through  the  concourse  and  conflict  of  Nationalities 
and  Empires  is  too  vast  and  complex  for  the  analytical  methods  of 
Aristotelian  or  Machiavellian  Politics,  the  so-called  Historical  Schools 
of  Montesquieu  or  Vico,  the  arbitrary  standards  of  the  Law  of 
Nature,  or  of  Nations,  or  the  learned  decisions  of  international 
jurists.  Modern  Science,  first  directed  to  the  conquest  of  Nature, 
must  now  be  increasingly  applied  to  the  organisation  of  Society. 
But,  in  this  process,  Science  is  no  longer  in  the  merely  physico- 
chemical,  or  even  in  the  merely  biological  plane,  but  is  lifted  to  the 
sociological  and  historical  platform.  A  scientific  study  of  the  con- 
stituent elements  and  the  composition  of  races  and  peoples,  of  their 
origin  and  development,  and  of  the  forces  that  govern  these,  will  alone 
point  the  way  to  a  settlement  of  inter-racial  claims  and  conflicts  on 
a  sound  progressive  basis,  the  solution  of  many  an  administrative 
problem  in  the  composite  United  States  and  the  heterogeneous 
British  Empire,  and  even  the  scope  and  methods  of  social  legis- 
lation in  every  modern  State. 

Physical  Anthropology  with  its  permanent  anatomical  types, 
cultural  Ethnology  with  its  geographical  zones  of  ethnic  culture,  the 
Philosophy  of  History  with  its  law  of  three  or  more  stages,  have 
made  notable  contributions  to  this  end.  But  their  conflicting 
claims  must  be  harmonised.  A  synthetic  view  of  Race  is  possible, 

I  B 


2  UNIVERSAL    RACES  CONGRESS 

only;  when  we  consider  it  not  as  a  statical,  but  as  a  dynamical  entity, 
plastic,  fluent,  growing,  with  energies  not  exhaust,  but  superimposing 
layer  upon  layer  like  the  earth,  its  scene,  still  subject  to  the  primal 
forces  that  have  built  up  the  bed-rocks  in  their  order  of  sequence 
and  distribution.  This  is  the  point  of  view  of  genetic  Anthropology. 
It  will  study  Race  and  Racial  Types  as  developing  entities,  tracing 
the  formation  of  physical  stocks  or  types  as  radicles,  their  growth  and 
transmutation  into  ethnic  cultural  units  (clans,  tribes,  peoples),  and 
finally,  the  course  of  their  evolution  into  historical  nationalities.  A 
study  of  genetic  conditions  and  causes,  of  the  biological,  psychological, 
sociological  forces  at  work,  which  have  shaped  and  governed  the  rise, 
growth,  and  decadence  of  Races  of  Man,  can  alone  enable  us  to  guide 
and  control  the  future  evolution  of  Humanity  by  conscious  selection 
in  intelligent  adaptation  to  the  system  and  procedure  of  Nature. 

Race,  Variety,  Species. — Physical  Anthropology  must  turn  to  the 
systematists  for  definitions  of  these  terms.  Not  that  the  Systematists 
are  agreed  in  theory  or  in  practice.  The  line  between  "  good  "  and 
"bad"  species  remains  as  uncertain  as  when  Kerner  discussed  the  ques- 
tion. But  by  general  consensus,  such  classifications  are  based  on 
the  following  considerations  : — 

(1)  Degree  of  likeness  in  characters  (morphological  and  physiological); 

(2)  Degree  of  stability  or  constancy  of  the  like  characters  ; 

(3)  Degree  of  fertility  of  unions  within  the  group  as  well  as  outside,  after 

groups  have  been  tentatively  formed  by  considerations  of  likeness  and 
stability  ;  and 

(4)  Degree  of  community  of  blood,  descent  or  kinship. 

First,  we  group  together  individuals  resembling  one  another  with 
some  certain  degree  of  distinctness  in  one  or  more  characters  which  are 
peculiar,  i.e.,  by  which  such  an  assemblage  is  differentiated  from  allied 
assemblages.  If  we  then  find  that  the  distinctive  characters  are  not 
stable  but  more  or  less  readily  modifiable,  and  either  (i)  that  they 
are  not  uniformly  transmitted  to  offspring  within  certain  limits  of 
allowable  variation,  or  not  so  transmitted  under  some  certain  change 
of  environment,  neither  very  violent  nor  very  sudden,  or  (2)  that  they 
are  definitely  known  to  have  been  induced  by  recent  change  of 
environment,  the  assemblage  is  regarded  as  a  variety  (climatic  or 
otherwise).  If,  again,  we  find  that  the  peculiar  characters,  though 
stable  and  uniformly  transmissible  under  the  above  conditions  and 
limitations,  are  not  sufficiently  distinct,  or  "  present  but  small  degrees 
of  divergence  from  those  of  allied  groups,"  we  class  the  group  as  a 
constant  variety.  Now,  when  the  common  and  peculiar  characters  of 
a  group  are  distinct,  stable  and  transmissible  (hereditary)  within  wide 
limits  of  environmental  change,  it  is  usually  found  that  the  individuals 
of  such  a  group  breed  together  in  a  state  of  nature,  and  are  more 


FIRST  SESSION  3 

or  less  exclusively  fertile  among  themselves  ;  in  other  words,  when 
crossed  with  individuals  of  even  allied  groups,  they  produce  off- 
spring which  are  more  or  less  infertile  inter  se,  in  the  first  or  the 
second  generation.  Such  a  group  may  be  provisionally  regarded 
as  a  species.  But  it  is  also  often  found  that,  within  the  group, 
there  are  certain  subordinate  aggregates  which  may  be  differentiated 
from  one  another  by  the  same  kind  of  tests  that  were  employed 
in  forming  the  group  itself,  though  these  traits  are  present  in  a 
markedly  inferior  degree.  In  other  words,  the  subordinate  aggre- 
gates are  marked  off  by  peculiar  distinct  hereditary  characters,  and 
they  show  greater  fertility  in  the  second,  third,  and  succeeding 
generations,  inter  se,  than  when  crossed  with  other  subordinate 
groups.  Such  a  subordinate  group  may  be  said  to  form  a  sub- 
species or  race. 

***** 

Application  to  Man. — I.  Like  Characters :  Formation  of  Types. — 
Essentially  unsound  are  all  classifications  based  on  a  single  character, 
whether  it  is  the  pigmentation  of  skin,  hair,  and  iris,  the  texture  of 
hair  with  shape  of  transverse  section,  the  nasal  index,  the  cephalic 
index,  or  the  geometrical  varieties  of  the  cranial  or  the  facial  form. 
Nor  does  it  help  to  employ  single  characters  successively  in  con- 
tinued sub-division,  e.g.,  first  dividing  by  hair,  sub-dividing  by  pig- 
mentation, sub-dividing  still  by  cranial  and  facial  form,  or  in  the 
reverse  order.  This  dislocates  natural  affinities,  and  frustrates  a 
sound  serial  arrangement 

It  is  necessary  to  adopt  biometric  methods  in  studying  characters 
and  variations,  and  to  find  the  mean  or  means  by  co-ordination  and 
seriation.  Averages  are  apt  to  be  misleading,  and  conceal  the 
differences  of  type  that  may  exist  in  a  group,  except  where  very 
extensive  observations  have  been  made  under  a  variety  of  conditions. 
The  range  of  variations  in  a  character  is  as  important  an  index  as 
the  character  itself,  and  the  variations  should  be  studied,  not  merely 
among  the  adults,  but  with  reference  to  sex  and  ontogenetic  (includ- 
ing embryonic)  development,  as  well  as  to  reversion  and  retrogression. 
These  are  of  great  value  in  determining  the  pure  stocks  in  a  hetero- 
geneous mixture  as  well  as  racial  affinities  and  distinctions. 

We  may  arrange  the  types  of  physical  race  in  several  ways — 

(i)  We  may  classify  them  as  primary,  secondary,  tertiary,  and  so  on,  but 
this  can  not  be  properly  done  until  the  effects  of  environment  and  miscegenation 
have  been  studied  by  the  biologist,  and  not  by  the  statistical  empiric,  as  has  often 
been  the  case.  When  sufficient  data  are  available,  we  may  represent  the 
formation  of  the  physical  types  by  a  modified  genealogical  tree  (with  devices 
for  intercrossing  and  retrogression),  or  by  symbols  and  formulas  analogous  to 
those  of  organic  chemistry  (as  in  arranging  isomers,  polymers,  &c.).  But  even 
chemistry  is  becoming  increasingly  evolutionary,  and  the  descent  of  the  elements 


4  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

(and  their  seven  or  sixteen  races),  with  the  position,  say,  of  the  helium-argon 
group,  will  shortly  be  discussed  as  hotly  as  the  affinities  of  the  Mediterranean 
race. 

(2)  A  second  way  would  be  to  arrange  the  types  in  space  (or,  more  simply, 
on  a  plane  surface),  the  distances  along  different  directions  marking  the  degree 
of  affinity  as  estimated  by  three  (or  two)  groups  of  correlated  characters  (cf.  the 
horizontal  and  vertical  rows  of  the  periodic  classification  in  chemistry). 

(3)  A  third  way  would  be  to  conceive   an  ideal  type  as  the  goal  towards 
which  the  normal  development  of  the  organism  is  tending,  and  to  place  the 
actual  types  round  this  as  a  centre,  at  distances  corresponding,  more  or  less,  to 
their  approximation  to  the  ideal.     The  difference  between  the  second  and  the 
third   method  is  that  while   the  former   is   statical,    the  latter   is  dynamical. 
Though  the  third  method  is  not  quite  feasible,  an  occasional  application  of  this 
test  of  normal  or  standard  development  is  a  useful  corrective. 

-tii  General  Remarks  on  Morphological  Characters. — The  morphological 
characters  most  useful  in  distinguishing  types  of  physical  race  are  not 
necessarily  of  zoonomic  interest.  Many  of  the  marks  are  non- 
adaptive  and  useless.  As  Topiriard  notes,  the  facial  angle  is  a 
rational  character  in  craniometry,  but  the  nasal  index  of  which  no 
rational  (or  zoonomic)  explanation  is  available,  is  far  more  valuable 
as  a  racial  mark.  Secondary  parts  best  furnish  such  distinctive  traits. 
Again,  most  of  the  morphological  distinctions  do  not  connote  vitality, 
or  a  high  or  low  place  in  the  normal  scale  of  development.  The 
head  and  the  foot  do  not  vary  among  races  according  to  their  order 
of  superiority.  A  long  head  (a  so-called  simian  character),  or  a  long 
foot,  is  not  a  characteristic  of  inferiority.  Taking  prognathism  (the 
true  or  sub-nasal  prognathism),  while  all  races  are  prognathous,  some 
of  the  neolithic  European  races  were  less  prognathous  than  modern 
Europeans  (e.g.,  Parisians);  and  the  Polynesians  of  the  purest  blood, 
and  (probably)  the  Tasmanians  come  nearer  to  the  white  races  than 
the  yellow  races  or  the  African  Negroes  (Topinard).  As  Weisbach 
remarks,  each  race  has  its  share  of  the  characteristics  of  inferiority. 
As  regards  the  ideal  of  normal  development  for  the  human  body,  it 
is  disputed  whether  the  infantile  or  the  adult  condition  of  man  makes 
the  nearest  approach  to  it.  The  young  of  the  anthropoid  apes  and 
of  man  are  somewhat  alike,  but  the  adult  in  both  cases  falls  away 
from  this,  not  in  the  same  direction  but  along  collateral  lines,  the 
deviation  being  much  greater  in  the  adult  ape  than  in  the  adult  man. 
On  the  whole,  as  Havelock  Ellis  notes,  "  the  yellow  races  are  nearest 
to  the  infantile  condition  "  (in  brachycephaly,  scanty  hair,  proportion 
of  trunk  and  limbs)  ;  "  Negroes  and  Australians  are  farthest  removed 
from  it  (though  not  always  in  the  direction  of  the  ape);  the  Caucasian 
races  occupy  an  intermediate  position.  In  the  nose  "(and  also  in  the 
well-developed  calves  as  contrasted  with  the  Negro's  spindle-legs) 
"  they  are  at  the  farthest  remove  from  the  ape  ;  in  the  hairy  covering 
they  recede  from  the  human  and  approach  the  ape.  The  lowest  races 


FIRST   SESSION  5 

are  in  some  respects  more  highly  evolved  than  the  white  Caucasian 
races."  From  the  ensemble  of  osteological  characters,  it  appears  that 
the  Australians,  the  South  Sea  Islanders,  and  the  Negritos  have 
affinities  to  the  Pithecanthropus  erectus,  the  Polynesians  to  the  Orang, 
the  Negroes  to  the  Gorilla,  the  Mongols  to  the  Chimpanzee,  and  two 
of  the  original  European  types,  the  Neanderthal  man  and  the 
Aurignac  man,  to  the  Gorilla  and  the  Orang  respectively  (Klaatsch). 

Physiological  and  Pathological  Characters :  General  Remarks. — 
The  characters  relating  to  metabolism  and  reproduction  are  of  greater 
bionomic  value  than  any  of  the  morphological  ones.  The  number  of 
red  corpuscles  and  the  amount  of  haemoglobin  in  the  blood,  the  pulse- 
rate,  the  vital  capacity,  the  muscular  strength,  the  amount  of  urea  in 
the  urine,  are  different  in  different  races.  But  they  depend  in  part 
on  the  quantity  of  proteid  consumption.  This  has  been  conclusively 
established  by  clinical  researches  in  India  into  the  metabolism  of 
peoples  with  a  vegetarian  diet.  Indeed,  some  of  the  morphological 
characters  (e.g.,  pigmentation  of  skin,  hair,  and  eye,  amount  and 
distribution  of  hairy  covering,  &c.),  are  themselves  due  to  physico- 
chemical  processes  connected  with  the  metabolism  (as  well  as  the 
secretions)  of  the  organism.  The  racial  differences  in  muscular  force 
and  in  vital  capacity  (as  measured  by  the  dynamometer  and  the 
spirometer),  like  those  in  stature  and  weight,  depend  on  conditions 
of  nutrition  and  habitat  (including  climate),  though  the  costal 
breathing  of  civilised  as  contrasted  with  the  abdominal  breathing  of 
uncivilised  women  has  arisen  from  conventions  of  dress.  The  depth 
and  range  of  the  voice  also  furnish  racial  characters.  In  the  lower 
races  (as  in  women),  the  larynx  is  less  developed  than  in  the  higher, 
and  the  voice  is  shriller.  Still  the  Germans  are  not  at  the  top  ;  the 
Tartars  appear  to  have  even  louder  and  more  powerful  voices. 
Thus  sexual  selection  (if  this  is  the  origin),  like  natural  selection, 
does  not  always  work  advantageously  for  the  so-called  higher 
races,  nor  in  all  directions. 

The  resistance  to  particular  local  diseases  that  marks  particular 
races  may  have  been  due  to  the  elimination  of  the  more  susceptible 
through  that  selective  mortality,  which,  in  the  view  of  Karl  Pearson 
and  Archdall  Reid,  is  the  most  effective  instrument  of  natural 
selection  among  the  races  of  men. 

Acclimation  appears  to  depend  in  part  on  the  quantity  of  water 
in  the  organism,  the  tropics  requiring  more  water  than  temperate 
countries  (Kochs).  On  the  other  hand,  cold  climates  require  more 
proteid  than  hot.  Pure  or  primitive  stocks  are  less  easily  acclimated 
than  civilised  (or  mixed)  stocks ;  the  latter  are  more  cosmopolitan. 
Loss  of  vital  energy  owing  to  chemical  changes  in  metabolism, 
incapacity  to  resist  diseases  of  bacterial  origin  (the  phagocytes  in  the 


6  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

blood  being  without  the  supply  of  the  requisite  opsons),  and,  finally, 
sterility  or  diminishing  fertility  of  the  germ-plasm  due  to  changes  in 
the  environment,  food,  and  habits  of  life — these  are  the  circumstances 
that  set  a  limit  to  the  cosmopolitanism  of  a  race,  and  baffle  successful 
acclimation  and  colonisation. 

II.  Stability  of  Characters  and  Type. — Both  morphological  and 
physiological  characters  change  with  change  of  environment.  The 
chemical  changes  due  to  the  new  conditions  of  climate  or  nutrition 
act  upon  the  "  hormones  "  and  enzymes,  stimulate  cell-growth,  induce 
changes  of  form  in  the  somatic  tissues,  and,  sometimes,  affecting  the 
germ-plasm,  become  hereditary.  This  is  not  merely  in  the  fungi, 
algae,  flowering  plants  (Klebs),  or  in  protozoa,  sponges,  sea-urchins 
(Roux,  Herbst),  or  in  insects  (Weismann,  Tower,  &c.),  but  also  in 
domesticated  animals  and  in  man.  The  rate  of  change  and  the 
amount  vary,  being  less  in  pure  stocks  of  long  standing  and  more  in 
mixed  or  recent  stocks. 

Evidence  is  gradually  accumulating  to  show  that  other  morpho- 
logical characters,  e.g.t  the  changes  rung  on  a  few  simple  varieties 
of  geometrical  form,  in  the  structure  of  the  hair,  the  face,  the 
orbits,  the  nose,  the  cranium  and  the  pelvis,  are  not  so  stable  as 
some  physical  anthropologists  would  fain  believe.  That  remarkable 
osteological  changes  of  this  description  may  be  induced  in  mammals 
&c.,  by  the  action  of  environment,  has  indeed  been  long  known 
(e.g.,  in  the  niata  cattle,  the  Java  ponies,  the  Gangetic  crocodiles, 
not  to  mention  oysters  and  crabs).  And  the  recent  careful  inquiry 
of  Professor  Boas  into  the  anatomical  characters  of  United  States 
immigrants,  under  the  direction  of  the  Immigration  Committee  of 
Congress,  shows  that  profound  changes  of  head-form  (cephalic 
index)  occur  under  the  influence  of  American  environment,  in  the 
American-born  descendants  of  immigrants  as  compared  with  the 
foreign-born  immigrants  of  the  same  races  ;  that  the  amount  of 
change  in  the  American-born  depends  in  part  on  the  period  of 
their  immigrant  mothers'  stay  in  America  before  their  birth ;  that 
the  rate  of  change  decreases  as  this  period  increases,  and  finally 
that  the  changes  make  the  most  divergent  types  (e.g.t  East  European 
Hebrews  and  Sicilians)  converge  and  approach  to  a  uniform  type 
in  this  respect.  The  cephalic  index  in  man,  even  if  it  were  not 
otherwise  open  to  dispute  as  confounding  real  distinctions  of 
shape,  seems  to  be-,  unstable  under  special  conditions.  That  the 
changes  of  head-form  in  American-born  children  are  persistent 
and  hereditary  under  American  conditions  may  be  presumed  from 
the  fact  that  they  are  in  the  direction  of  the  normal  American 
type.  That  there  may  be  a  reversion  with  a  return  to  European 
conditions  cannot  be  urged  as  an  objection  against  one  who  denies 


FIRST  SESSION  7 

the  racial  significance  of  this  cephalic  character.  The  persistence 
of  the  Neanderthal  type  or  the  Aurignac  type,  so  far  as  this  is  a 
fact,  may  be  due  to  the  operation  of  similar  conditions,  or  the 
absence  of  special  modifying  agencies,  or,  in  some  instances,  to 
atavism,  reversion  or  freaks. 

*  *  *  *  * 

Proto-man. — A  proto-human  type  with  primitive  characters 
must  be  assumed  as  the  starting-point,  a  generalised  type  from 
which  all  the  pure  primary  stocks  of  Man  may  be  derived  by 
further  differentiation  and  specialisation  along  different  collateral 
lines  in  special  environments. 

The  Proto-man  as  a  more  generalised  form  possessed  this 
(phylogenetic)  variability  in  a  greater  measure,  and  his  skull, 
cerebral  mass  and  cerebral  convolutions  have  shown  striking 
changes  ;  in  other  words,  the  evolution  of  man  has  been  rapid 
and  continuous  in  the  direction  in  which  he  differentiated  from 
the  anthropoids.  For  example,  the  cranial  capacity  of  the  gorilla 
is  about  450  c.c.  ;  of  the  Pithecanthropus  erectus,  in  Upper 
Pliocene,  about  900  c.c. ;  of  the  Neanderthal  man,  in  middle 
Pleistocene,  about  1,250  c.c.  ;  and  of  the  Cro-Magnon  man  of  the 
lower  alluvium  about  1,500  c.c.  The  progress  was  most  marked  in 
the  earlier  stages,  and  gradually  slowed  down. 

All  this  cerebral  change  is  the  index  of  a  rapid  psychic  variation- 
Even  in  the  case  of  the  higher  animals,  the  psychic  (and  social) 
characters  are  of  "  zoogenic "  value,  influencing  the  course  of 
animal  evolution  and  the  origin  of  species  among  the  higher 
vertebrates  (birds  and  mammals),  e.g.,  through  sexual  selection, 
gregarious  impulses,  instincts  of  species-preservation,  mutual  aid 
and  sympathy.  It  is  these  psycho-social  characters  of  the  organism 
that  chiefly  differentiate  Man  from  the  animals.  They  ensure  the 
exercise  of  that  foresight,  control,  and  co-ordination  which  are 
the  chief  marks  of  bionomic  progress.  Besides,  what  is  of  vital 
importance,  these  psycho-social  characters  (and  therefore  the 
Racial  types  of  Man  whereof  they  are  constituent  elements)  are 
marked  by  that  greater  range,  variability  and  plasticity  of  response 
(z.e.,  of  the  internal  factor  in  organic  evolution),  which  is  the  con- 
comitant of  all  higher  and  more  complex  organisation.  As  such, 
they  furnish  some  new  developments,  especially  an  extending 
range  of  wants,  and  the  phenomena  of  choice  and  conscious 
control  which  condition  the  operation  of  natural  selection,  and 
determine  its  direction,  though  they  do  not  by  any  means  suspend 
it.  Hence  it  is  that  no  view  of  civilisation  is  sound  or  adequate 
which  considers  Race  and  Racial  types  statically,  and  not 
dynamically  as  growing,  developing,  progressive  entities. 


8  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

The  Social  Instinct. — The  same  struggle  for  existence  which 
develops  the  egoistic  impulses  also  develops  the  ego-altruistic  and 
the  altruistic.  Social  life  survives  as  the  best  aid  to  the  main- 
tenance of  the  individual  as  well  as  the  species.  And  the  social 
instincts  thus  evolved  have  left  their  impress  on  the  physical  type. 
It  has  been  held  with  some  plausibility  that  a  developed  sociality 
gave  a  longer  pairing  arrangement  in  the  primitive  human  family, 
with  prolonged  human  infancy,  and  that  this  brought  on  the  more 
developed  brain  with  the  erect  position.  This  sociality  manifests 
itself  in  sympathy,  imitation,  play,  communicativeness,  association, 
which  all  spread  by  the  law  of  surface  expansion,  z>.,  in  geometrical 
progression,  by  creating  new  centres  of  diffusion.  All  this  pre- 
pared the  way  for  the  origin  of  language. 

Psychology  of  Primitive  Peoples. — The  scientific  anthropologist 
must  beware  of  one  vulgar  error  on  pain  of  being  taken  for  a 
caricaturist  The  primitive  psychical  type  like  the  physical  differs 
from  ours  not  by  being  abnormal  or  pathological,  but  only  by 
being  undeveloped  and  rudimentary.  The  normal  movement  is 
from  the  mind  of  the  ape  to  that  of  the  civilised  man ;  and  the 
appearance  of  any  new  factor  in  proto-man  or  prehistoric  man,  be 
it  conceptual  language  or  reasoning,  religion  or  art,  magic  or 
myth,  marriage  or  property,  must  be  sought,  in  its  origin,  along 
this  line  of  advance,  and  in  the  normal  experience  of  the  race. 
Sometimes  we  have  to  deal  with  abnormal  or  pathological 
phenomena  among  primitive  or  "  natural "  races,  e.g.,  trance  phe- 
nomena, black  magic,  cannibalism,  revolting  puberty  rites,  orgies, 
sexual  perversions  and  inversions,  &c.,  just  as  we  find  the  same  in 
the  civilised  peoples  of  to-day  ;  but  then  we  must  analyse  them  as 
such.  Some  of  these  arise  by  temporary  excess  or  defect  of 
normal  impulses ;  and  when  they  survive  in  the  present  day,  they 
are  not  survivals  in  the  true  sense,  but  arise  from  similar  excesses 
or  defects  of  the  same  normal  impulses  in  civilised  man.  Excesses 
of  sensuality,  and  many  superstitions,  are  of  this  class.  As  to 
the  anti-social  impulses,  it  must  be  remembered  that  some  of 
them  arise  in  the  struggle  for  existence,  and  are  to  that  extent 
normal.  Sociality  went  part  passu  with  egoism.  Sympathy 
within  the  horde  was  no  doubt  of  adaptive  value,  but  it  was  the 
correlative  of  antipathy  outside  the  horde,  which  was  equally 
adaptive  at  the  origin. 

But  as  sociality  is  ultimately  more  adaptive  or  life-maintaining, 
it  has  gone  on,  expanding  its  circle,  and  the  anti-social  impulses 
have  contracted  theirs ;  the  evolution  of  Man  has  been,  and  will 
be,  the  evolution  of  Sociality,  within  the  limits  of  the  complete 
and  free  personal  life.  If,  therefore,  we  find  anti-social  excesses 


FIRST   SESSION  9 

among  savages,  they  are  also  in  many  cases  not  abnormal  but 
only  rudimentary.  But  there  are  other  phenomena  which  are 
abnormal,  pathological,  implying  degenerative  transformation  of 
structure  or  function.  Cannibalism,  promiscuity,  Morgan's  con- 
sanguineous marriage,  group-marriage,  infanticide,  black  magic, 
&c.,  are  of  this  class.  In  the  first  place,  they  are  far  outside 
the  line  from  the  ape  to  the  civilised  man.  The  higher  apes  had 
already  begun  to  avoid  too  close  in-breeding,  and  to  live  in 
jealously  guarded  polygynous-family  hordes,  or  pairing  families, 
more  or  less  enduring.  And  secondly,  natural  selection  would 
ruthlessly  weed  out  stocks  in  which  such  impulses  would  be 
normal.  It  follows,  therefore,  that,  when  such  phenomena  appear, 
as  they  undoubtedly  do,  among  savages  or  primitive  folk,  they 
are  not  part  and  parcel  of  their  normal  physio-psycho-social  type, 
but  are  phenomena  of  degeneration  or  retrogression  in  those 
peoples.  They  are  not  samples  of  the  normal  savage  mind,  much 
less  of  the  mind  of  Proto-man,  who  was  a  plastic  and  progressive 
being,  not  arrested,  and  not  decadent,  as  savages  in  many  cases 
have  come  to  be  in  their  isolated  and  inhospitable  habitats. 

Cultural  Race. — This  comprehends  in  intimate  inter-dependence  : 

(1)  Grades  of  material  culture  with  elaboration  of  useful  Arts,  and  traditions 
(e.g.,  those  connected  with  food,  fire,  shelter,   disposal  of  the  dead,  fishing, 
hunting,  war,  medicinal  and  other  healing,  basket  and  textile  weaving,  pottery, 
decoration,  mechanical  inventions,  domestication  of  animals,  pasture,  agricul- 
ture, writing,  weights  and  measures,  coins  ; — in  more  or  less  successive  epochs, 
e.g.,  the  stick-using,  eolithic,  palaeolithic,  mesolithic,  neolithic,  eneolithic,  bronze, 
and  iron  ages — with  several  layers  in  each  age,  e.g.,  the  Chellean,  Mousterian, 
Solutrian,     Lower     and    Upper    Aurignacian,     and    Magdalenian    epochs     of 
palaeolithic  Europe,  &c.). 

(2)  Grades  of  ethnic  culture,  with  elaboration  of  social  structures,  and  of  customs 
(the  economic,  juristic,  socio-ceremonial,  religious,  and  political  traditions). 

The  unit  of  the  social  structure  was  the  horde,  a  small 
polygynous  family-horde,  rather  than  a  pairing  family.  Composite 
structures  were  produced  by  genetic  multiplication,  fission,  aggre- 
gation, coalescence,  absorption,  assimilation,  adoption,  initiation, 
conquest  and  capture. 

The  composite  social  structures  that  were  thus  evolved  ap- 
peared in  the  following  order : — 

(i)  Family  groups  and  possibly  local  exogamous  groups  by  fission  and 
aggregation;  (2)  clans,  metronymic  or  patronymic,  totemistic  or  eponymous, 
exogamous  or  endogamous,  or  both,  with  "  beena,"  or  with  wife  capture, 
purchase  or  expropriation ;  (3)  sometimes,  phratries,  classes,  &c.  ;  (4)  tribes, 
based  on  agnatic  or  female  kinship,  or  cemented  by  common  good  and  ill, 
or  common  vendetta,  or  common  land  and  water,  or  participation  in  the 
communal  land,  or  adoption  into  the  village  community  or  township  as 
strangers  or  as  servi ;  (5)  confederacies  of  tribes,  or  peoples. 


io  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

But  all  this  is  composite  aggregation  of  like  units  by  duplication 
or  repetition  of  parts.  In  structure  as  in  function  a  people  is  a 
big  tribe,  a  tribe  is  a  big  phratry  or  clan,  a  clan  is  a  big  family- 
group,  a  family-group  is  a  big  family. 

Every  one  of  these  groups  performed  four  functions,  though 
not  indifferently,  or  in  the  same  degree. 

(1)  Economic,  by  provision  of  communal  food,  and  communal  shelter; 

(2)  Socio-ceremonial,  at  feasts,  games,  choral  dances  ; 

(3)  Juristic,  by  the  inviolable  custom  of  blood-feuds,  &c.  ;  and 

(4)  Religious  in  communal  worship  and  propitiation  of  the    common   an- 

cestors, tribal  deities,  and  jungle  or  other  spirits. 

This  compound  structure  is  characteristic  of  low  organisms, 
(e.g.,  the  colonies  of  the  Hydroidea  the  compound  eye,  &c.).  The 
units  are  not  sufficiently  differentiated,  the  whole  is  not  sufficiently 
coherent.  The  superior  aggregate  cannot  control  the  ultimate  units 
except  through  semi-independent  intervening  media.  The  jurisdic- 
tion is  particulate.  As  Morgan  observes,  the  plan  of  government 
in  the  tribal  stage  deals  with  individuals  through  their  relations 
to  the  gens  or  clan.  Status  is  all  in  all,  and  individuation  is  only 
rudimentary.  The  social  acts  of  the  individual,  as  Hermann  Post 
remarks,  are  all  determined  by  the  assumptions  on  which  his  society 
is  based — postulates,  social  categories,  embodied  in  custom  or  law. 
These  traditions  are  quasi-instinctive,  and  constitute  the  essential 
moments  of  ethnic  entity  or  cultural  Race.1 

National  Race. — The  third  stage  evolves  a  complex  and  coherent 
structure,  by  redistributing  the  elements  of  the  previous  composite 
formations.  Differentiation  of  the  individual  and  central  coherence 
go  together.  In  other  words,  while  the  individual  begins  to  be 
differentiated  from  the  family  and  the  clan,  the  Nation  by  its 
central  organ,  the  State,  deals  with  the  individual  directly,  by 
gradually  usurping  and  annulling  all  intermediary  jurisdictions. 
Family-groups  within  clans,  and  clans  within  tribes,  duplicating 
structure  and  function,  cannot  constitute  a  nation.  The  uniformity 
of  the  family-clan-tribe-people  stage  must  be  broken  up.2  The 
individual  units  and  lower  aggregates  are  more  and  more  differen- 

1  If  the  individual  organism  is  maintained  by  the  balance  of  hereditary 
conservation  and  progressive  variation,  cultural  Race  is  maintained  by  the 
balance  of  two  corresponding  capacities,  viz.,  the  cumulation  of  experience  in 
the  form  of  tradition,  and  modification  by  new  experience  and  growing  wants. 
As  Ratzel  points  out,  the  most  profound  differences  among  ethnic  civilisations 
arise  out  of  the  varying  degrees  of  these  two  fundamental  capacities.  But 
the  capacities  themselves,  like  all  other  bio-sociological  characters,  are  plastic, 
fluent,  developable  under  suitable  conditions  and  stimuli. 

'  Even  in  this  stage  there  had  been  a  progressive  specialisation  of  functions, 
more  especially  in  the  tribe  and  the  confederacy. 


FIRST   SESSION  11 

tiated  by  division  of  labour  and  specialisation  of  interests. 
Occupational  castes,  guilds,  classes,  corporations,  gradually  take 
the  place  of  the  older  ethnic  groups.  Personal  law  based  on 
kinship  gives  place  more  and  more  to  territorial  law  based  on 
allegiance.  The  coherence  thus  becomes  more  effective,  more 
direct  Whether  the  government  is  vested  in  one  or  many,  a 
nation  always  begins  by  creating  an  absolute  central  authority. 
In  the  intermediate  feudal  stage,  the  State  deals  with  the  individual 
through  his  overlord  or  corporation,  but  a  true  national  government 
can  only  rise  on  the  ruins  of  the  feudal  system,  by  creating  an 
absolute  central  power.1  Constitutions  and  constitutionalism  are  a 
later  growth,  effected  through  the  differentiation  and  separation  of  the 
legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  functions  of  this  sovereign  authority. 

Part  passu  with  the  increasing  variability  of  response  in  the 
individual,  which  is  itself  the  cause  and  concomitant  of  individual 
emancipation  from  the  family  and  clan,  is  developed  the  increasing 
variability  of  the  social  mind,  and  the  phenomenon  of  social  choice. 
The  customs,  traditions,  postulates  of  social  .life  so  long  rigidly 
determined  the  responses  of  the  social  organism,  but  now  these 
responses  show  the  characteristics  of  all  complex  evolution,  viz., 
indefinite  variability,  deliberative  veto,  purposive  control,  rational 
choice  of  alternative.  These  choices,  of  course,  obey  the  biological 
law  of  adaptation  and  survival  of  the  fittest,  but  the  spontaneous 
process  of  natural  selection  becomes  a  conscious  organised  rational 
selection  determined  by  ideal  satisfactions  or  ends.  A  nation, 
then,  is  a  conscious  social  personality,  exercising  rational  choice 
as  determined  by  a  scheme  of  ideal  ends  or  values,  and  having 
an  organ,  the  State,  for  announcing  and  executing  its  will.  Law 
is  nothing  but  the  standing  Will  of  the  national  Personality,  and 
the  old  customary  now  receives  its  sanction  explicitly  or  implicitly 
from  this  Will.  All  members  of  a  truly  National  State  are  integral 
members  of  this  Composite  Personality,  but  the  individual  units 
are  themselves  Persons,  and,  therefore,  self-determining  Wills. 

The  common  membership  of  the  State  gradually  replaces  all 
the  old  bonds  of  common  descent  or  kinship,  common  religion, 
common  social  customs,  common  personal  law,  common  cultural 
stock,  even  a  common  language.  The  existence  of  theocratic  codes, 
servile  classes,  ethnic  disabilities,  privileged  classes,  co-ordinate 
jurisdictions  (ecclesiastical,  feudal,  municipal),  retards  the  free  and 
normal  development  of  a  National  Race,  and  these  ethnic  survivals 
disappear  in  adult  nationality. 

This  centralisation  itself  makes  for  decentralisation  within  the 
limits  of  the  State  paramountcy. 

1  E.g.,  the  recent  case  of  Japan. 


12  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

Voluntary  associations,  companies,  corporations  (Universities, 
Inns  of  Court,  Social  Reform-Associations,  political  parties, 
commercial  firms,  banks  and  services  unions,  trusts,  co-operative 
agencies,  &c.)  extend  this  decentralisation  within  limits  of 
State  supervision  secured  by  charters,  registrations,  and  licences. 
Local  self-governments  carry  the  decentralisation  still  further  by 
delegation  of  State  functions  to  local  bodies.  But  the  sphere  and 
scope  of  State  legislation,  in  other  words,  the  limits  (other  than 
those  of  Justice)  within  which  the  social  personality  is  bound  to 
tolerate  and  respect  the  personality  of  its  members  in  their  activities 
to  realise  their  own  schemes  of  values  and  ends,  is  a  hyper- 
constitutional  question,  and  must  depend  on  the  free  consensus  of 
the  members  themselves,  whether  in  an  explicit  form  or  as  implied 
by  continued  membership  of  the  State. 

With  increasing  decentralisation,  the  State  with  its  ally,  the 
Church,  ceases  to  formulate  economic,  social  or  domestic  standards 
or  values.  The  individual  members,  as  self-determining  Personalities, 
exercise  rational  choice,  and  are  determined  by  ideal  ends  and 
values.  The  National  Ideal  is  now  lifted  to  a  higher  platform.  It 
no  longer  competes  with  the  ideals  of  individuals.  It  becomes  truly 
a  regulative  Ideal — the  Ideal  of  harmonising,  fulfilling,  realising,  in 
each  and  all  of  the  members,  their  personal,  social,  national  and 
cosmic  ideals  and  values. 

Political  Art,  then,  consists  in  the  national  adaptation  of  the 
Environment,  both  Natural  and  Social,  to  the  realisation,  by  the 
national  Personality  (which  is  a  regulative  moment  of  every  indivi- 
dual Personality)  and  in  the  persons  of  the  individual  members 
themselves,  of  the  highest  ideal  values,  which  they  choose  and  pro- 
pose to  themselves  as  free  self-determining  agents. 

But  Nationalism  is  only  a  halting  stage  in  the  onward  march  of 
Humanity.  Nationalism,  Imperialism,  Federationism  are  world- 
building  forces,  working  often  unconsciously,  and  in  apparent  strife, 
towards  the  one  far-off  divine  event,  a  realised  Universal  Humanity 
with  an  organic  and  organised  constitution,  superintending  as  a 
primum  mobile  the  movements  of  subordinate  members  of  the  World- 
system,  each  within  its  own  sphere  and  orbit.  Respecting  each 
National  Personality,  and  each  scheme  of  National  values  and  ideals, 
Universal  Humanity  will  regulate  the  conflict  of  Nations  and 
National  Ideals  and  Values  on  the  immutable  foundation  of  Justice, 
which  is  but  the  conscious  formulation  of  the  fundamental  bio- 
sociological  law :  that,  every  National  Personality  (like  every  indivi- 
dual personality  in  the  Nation)  has  a  right  to  the  realisation  of  its 
own  ideal  ends,  satisfactions  and  values  within  the  limits  imposed  by 
the  similar  rights  of  others  (individualistic  Justice),  and  also  a  right 


FIRST   SESSION  13 

to  co-partnership  and  co-operation  for  the  common  good  and  common 
advantage  (socialistic  Justice),  within  the  limits  imposed  by  the 
preceding  clause. 

Such  is  the  fundamental  principle  of  International  Jurisprudence. 
A  realised  Universal  Humanity  on  this  immutable  basis  is  the  goal 
of  a  Universal  Races  Congress  like  this. 

Of  the  various  non-political  agencies  which  may  be  useful  in 
promoting  the  objects  of  such  a  Congress,  one  or  two  are  noted 
below  : — 

(1)  The  organisation  of  a  World's  Humanity  League   (not  an  Aborigines 
Protection    Society),    with    branches,   committees,   and    bureaus    in    different 
countries.    The  chief  object  should  be  to  promote  mutual  understanding,  among 
members  of   different  races,  peoples,  nationalities,  of   one  another's  national 
ideals,  social  schemes,  and  regulative  world-ideas.    Congresses  may  be   held 
under  the  auspices    of  the   League  in  different  centres.    Thinkers  from  the 
East  should  be  regularly  invited  to  explain  their  own  national  or  racial  cultures 
and  standpoints  at  meetings  organised  by  the  different  branches  in  the  West  ; 
and  vice  versa. 

(2)  The  endowment  of  Professorships  of  Oriental  Civilisation  and  Culture  in 
Western  Universities  and  Academies,  to  be  held  by  Orientals  from  the  countries 
concerned  ;  and  mutatis  mutandis  in  the  East  (in  countries  in  which  European 
civilisation  does  not  already  hold  a  dominant  position).     No  scheme  of  national 
values,  ideals,  cultures,  in  one  word,  world-ideas,  will  in  the  present  day  be 
dealt  with  by  foreigners,  as  other  than  curiosities  of  an  Archaeological  Museum 
(or  an  Entomological  Laboratory). 

(3)  The  publication  of  an  International  Journal  of  Comparative  Civilisation, 
which  would  serve  as  a  medium  for  the  exchange  of  international  views  on 
economic,  domestic,  social,  religious  and  political  problems  of  the  day  from  the 
different  national  standpoints  ;  and  would  also  expound  the  origin  and  develop- 
ments of  social  institutions  in  the   different   national  histories.    The  Journal 
would  have  for  its  chief  object  the  application  of  the  biological,  sociological,  and 
historical  Sciences  to  the  problems  of  present-day  legislation  and  administration. 

(4)  Some   organised    effort,  if    possible,   against   the   anti-social   and   anti- 
humanitarian  tendencies  of  the  modern  political  situation ;  such  as  the  colour 
prejudice,  the  forcible  shutting  of  the  door  in  the  West  against  the  East,  with 
the  forcible  breaking  it  open  in   the  East  in   favour  of  the  West ;   national 
chauvinism ;  national  aggressiveness,  and  war. 

Our  motto  is  Harmony. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL   VIEW    OF   RACE 

By  Dr.  FELIX  VON  LUSCHAN, 
Professor  of  Anthropology  in  the  University  of  Berlin. 

COLOURED  people  are  often  described  as  savage  races,  but  it  is  com- 
paratively rare  to  find  any  attempt  to  give  a  proper  definition  of 
"  coloured  "  and  "  savage." 


14  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

A  certain  order  issued  by  a  European  Governor  in  Africa  once 
stated  what  Negroes,  Arabs,  Hindus,  Portuguese,  Greeks,  and  other 
coloured  people,  had  to  do  on  meeting  a  white  man,  and  in  the 
German  Reichstag  one  of  the  successors  of  Bismarck  once  spoke  of 
the  Samoans  as  a  "  handful  of  savages."  Again,  many  books  have 
been  written  on  the  differences  between  races  of  men,  and  serious 
scientists  have  tried  in  vain  to  draw  up  an  exact  definition  of 
what  really  constitutes  the  difference  between  savage  and  civilised 
races.  It  is  very  easy  to  speak  of  "Greeks  and  other  coloured 
people"  ;  but  some  assign  the  ancient  Greeks  to  the  group  of 
civilised  races,  and  are  so  severe  in  their  division  as  to  exclude  from 
that  group  the  ancient  Romans  as  half-barbarians. 

The  division  of  mankind  into  active  and  passive  races  is  an  old 
one.  Since  then  an  attempt  was  made  to  put  "twilight"  races 
between  the  "  day  "  races  and  the  "  night "  races,  and  the  Japanese 
were  included  in  this  group  of  "  Dammerungs-Menschen " — the 
Japanese,  who  are  now  in  the  van  of  human  civilisation  in  Asia,  and 
who  have,  perhaps,  saved  the  mental  freedom  of  Europe  at  Tshushima 
and  on  the  battle-fields  of  Manchuria. 

Still  weaker  and  more  objectionable  is  the  division  as  to  colour. 
We  now  know  that  colour  of  skin  and  hair  is  only  the  effect  of 
environment,  and  that  we  are  fair  only  because  our  ancestors  lived 
for  thousands,  or  probably  tens  of  thousands,  of  years  in  sunless  and 
foggy  countries.  Fairness  is  nothing  else  but  lack  of  pigment,  and 
our  ancestors  lost  part  of  their  pigment  because  they  did  not  need  it. 
Just  as  the  Proteus  sanguineus  and  certain  beetles  became  blind  in 
caves,  where  their  eyes  were  useless,  so  we  poor  fair  people  have  to 
wear  dark  glasses  and  gloves  when  walking  on  a  glacier,  and  get  our 
skin  burned  when  we  expose  it  unduly  to  the  light  of  the  sun. 

It  is  therefore  only  natural  that  certain  Indian  races  and  the 
Singhalese  are  dark  ;  but  it  would  be  absurd  to  call  them  "  savage  " 
on  that  account,  as  they  have  an  ancient  civilisation,  and  had  a  noble 
and  refined  religion  at  a  time  when  our  own  ancestors  had  a  very 
low  standard  of  life. 

Some  men  say  that  coloured  people  are  "  ugly."  They  should 
be  reminded  that  beauty  is  very  relative,  and  that  our  own  idea  of 
beauty  is  subject  to  changes  of  fashion.  We  know,  too,  that  artists  so 
refined  as  the  Japanese  find  our  large  eyes  and  our  high  noses  horrid. 
It  is  also  said  of  the  primitive  races  that  they  are  not  as  cleanly 
as  we  are.  Those  who  say  this,  however,  forget  the  dirt  of  Eastern 
Europe,  and  are  ignorant  that  most  primitive  men  bathe  every  dayt 
and  that  the  Bantu  and  many  other  Africans  clean  their  teeth  after 
every  meal  for  more  than  half  an  hour  with  their  msuaki>  while,  on 
the  contrary,  millions  of  Europeans  never  use  a  tooth-brush. 


FIRST  SESSION  15 

.lr,iSo  it  is  with  dress.  Ethnography  teaches  us  that  primitive  man 
can  have  a  highly  developed  sense  of  modesty,  though  naked,  and 
we  all  know  how  immodest  one  can  be  in  silk  and  velvet. 

The  same  can  be  said  of  the  lack  of  written  language.  It  is  true 
that  most  primitive  men  are  Analphabets,  but  so  are  90  per  cent,  of 
the  Russians  ;  and  we  know  that  memory  is  generally  much  stronger 
with  the  illiterates  than  with  us.  It  may  very  well  be  that  the  very 
invention  of  writing  led  to  a  deterioration  of  our  memory. 

Most  frequently  "  savages  "  are  accused  of  being  weak  in  abstract 
thinking,  like  children.  To  show  how  such  opinions  originate,  I  beg 
to  relate  a  single  case  lately  reported  to  me  by  one  of  my  friends. 
A  young  colonial  officer  buys  a  basket  and  asks  the  name  of  it  in  the 
native  language.  The  first  native  says,  "  That  is  of  straw  "  ;  another 
native  says  that  they  also  make  them  of  rushes.  One  of  the  two 
seemed  to  have  lied,  so  each  of  them  received  twenty-five  lashes.  A 
third  native  is  called.  He  says,  "  This  basket  is  plaited,"  and  gets 
twenty-five  also.  The  next  native  affirms  that  the  basket  is  nearly 
new,  and  gets  twenty-five.  The  next,  that  he  does  not  know  whose 
basket  it  is,  &c.  The  final  result  of  this  scientific  investigation  is 
two  hundred  lashes  ;  and  the  white  man  writes  in  his  notebook : 
"  These  natives  here  are  brutes,  not  men."  The  black  man  says  to 
his  friends,  "  This  fellow  belong  white  is  not  proper  in  his  save  box," 
and  thinks  it  safer  to  keep  at  a  good  distance  from  him  ;  and  a 
certain  scientist  at  home  gets  a  splendid  illustration  of  his  theory 
of  the  poor  intellect  of  savage  man  and  of  his  weakness  in  abstract 
thinking. 

I  once  personally  witnessed  how  a  would-be  linguist  tried  to 
learn  Kurdish  from  a  Kurd,  with  whom  he  could  only  just  speak 
by  means  of  a  Turkish  and  French  interpreter.  He  began  with 
one  of  the  famous  phrases  in  Ahn's  Grammar,  in  the  style  of  "  my 
brother's  pocketknife  is  prettier  than  your  mother's  prayerbook," 
and  wanted  to  have  it  translated  into  Kurdish.  The  result  was 
rather  poor,  and  my  pseudo-linguist  soon  gave  it  up,  saying  that 
the  Kurds  were  so  stupid  that  they  did  not  know  even  their  own 
language.  My  own  private  impression  was  somewhat  different, 
and  I  took  great  care  afterwards  to  convince  my  Kurdish  friend 
that  not  all  Europeans  were  so  silly  and  impatient  as  his  first 
interviewer. 

In  former  times  it  was  not  so  much  the  mental  and  material 
culture  of  foreign  races,  as  their  anatomical  qualities,  which  were 
taken  as  the  starting-point,  in  showing  their  inferiority.  Especially 
in  America,  before  the  war,  Anthropology  (or  what  they  called  by 
that  name)  was  engaged  in  showing  that  the  Negro,  with  his 
black  skin,  his  prognathism,  his  blubber-lips  and  his  short  and 


16  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

broad  nose,  was  no  real  human  being  but  a  domestic  animal. 
How  to  treat  him  was  the  owner's  private  affair ;  it  was  nobody 
else's  business,  any  more  than  the  treatment  of  his  cattle  or 
horses. 

Even  to-day  there  are  scientists  who  claim  a  separate  origin  for 
the  various  human  types,  and  who  link  one  palaeolithic  race  to  the 
Gorilla  and  another  (or  perhaps  the  same)  to  the  Orang.  The  author 
of  Anthropozoon  biblicum  goes  still  further  and  wants  us  to  believe 
that  the  dark  races  are  the  descendants  of  incestuous  intercourse 
between  "  Aryans "  and  monkeys.  But  the  great  majority  of  our 
modern  authorities  now  claim  a  monogenetic  origin  for  mankind. 

So  the  question  of  the  number  of  human  races  has  quite  lost  its 
raison  d'etre,  and  has  become  a  subject  rather  of  philosophical  specu- 
lation than  of  scientific  research.  It  is  of  no  more  importance  now 
to  know  how  many  human  races  there  are  than  to  know  how  many 
angels  can  dance  on  the  point  of  a  needle.  Our  aim  now  is  to 
find  out  how  ancient  and  primitive  races  developed  from  others, 
and  how  races  have  changed  or  evolved  through  migration  and 
interbreeding. 

We  do  not  yet  know  where  the  first  man  began  to  develop  from 
earlier  stages  of  zoological  existence,  and  we  know  nothing  of  his 
anatomical  qualities.  The  Pithecanthropus  erectus  from  Java  was 
for  some  time  considered  to  be  such  a  first  man  or  "  missing  link"  ; 
but  he  proved  to  be  only  an  enormous  Gibbon.  The  oldest  known 
remains  of  real  man  have  been  found  in  Western  Europe.  They  do 
not  show  one  single  trait  that  is  not  found  in  one  or  other  modern 
skull  or  skeleton  of  aboriginal  Australians  ;  even  the  mandible  of 
Mauer-Heidelberg,  primitive  as  it  is,  has  a  typical  human  dentition. 
So  we  shall  probably  not  be  far  from  the  truth  if  we  state  that  the 
palaeolithic  man  of  Europe  was  not  essentially  different  from  the 
modern  Australian.  If  we  are  allowed  to  draw  conclusions  as  to 
the  soft  parts  from  the  qualities  of  the  skeleton,  our  palaeolithic 
ancestor  had  dark  skin,  dark  eyes,  and  dark,  more  or  less,  straight 
hair.  His  home  was  probably  in  some  part  of  Southern  Asia  ;  but 
we  find  similar  types  even  now  among  the  Toala  of  Celebes  and  the 
Veddas  of  Ceylon.  In  fact,  millions  of  dark  men  in  India  belong 
to  the  same  stock,  and  so  do  all  the  dark  tribes  of  Afghanistan  and 
Beluchistan. 

So  we  can  trace  an  early  and  primitive  type  of  mankind  from 
Gibraltar,  Moustier,  Spy,  Neanderthal,  Krapina,  &c.,  to  Ceylon, 
Celebes,  and  Australia.  This  certainly  is  a  wide  area,  but  every 
year  is  now  bringing  fresh  proofs  of  this  direct  continuity  of  a 
distinct  human  type  from  the  earliest  palaeolithic  ages  to  modern 
times. 


FIRST  SESSION  17 

The  question  naturally  arises  how  it  is  that  our  Australian 
brothers  have  remained  for  fifty  or  a  hundred  thousand  years,  or 
longer,  in  such  a  primitive  state  of  mental  and  material  culture,  while 
we  Europeans  have  reached  the  height-  of  modern  civilisation.  The 
answer  is  not  difficult.  Australia  was  isolated  from  the  rest  of  the 
world  through  an  early  geological  catastrophe  soon  after  the  immi- 
gration of  palaeolithic  man.  Every  impulse  and  incentive  from 
without  ceased,  and  human  life  began  to  petrify. 

It  was  quite  otherwise  in  Europe  and  in  Western  Asia.  The 
thousand  advantages  of  the  environment,  the  broken  coastlines,  the 
many  islands,  the  navigable  rivers,  and  especially  the  constant  pass- 
ing from  Asia  to  Europe  and  from  Europe  to  Asia  and  Africa,  the 
ready  exchange  of  inventions  and  discoveries  and  acquisitions,  the 
incessant  trade  and  traffic,  have  made  us  what  we  are. 

This  primitive  but  uniform  human  type  began  to  change  chiefly 
in  two  directions.  To  the  south-west  of  the  line  connecting  Gibraltar 
with  Australia,  man,  in  some  way  or  other,  developed  curly  and 
woolly  hair,  and  so  became  what  we  now  call  Protonigritian.  We 
find  his  descendants  in  Melanesia  and  in  Africa.  The  Pygmies 
form  a  very  old  branch  of  this  protonigritic  group ;  and  we  find 
them  in  South  Africa  (Bushmen),  in  many  parts  of  Tropical  Africa 
and  of  South-Eastern  Asia,  and  even  in  some  islands  of  the  Pacific. 
We  do  not  know  where  they  became  small,  whether  in  their  original 
home  or  later  on,  after  their  dispersion.  The  first  theory  is  certainly 
the  simpler ;  but  the  second  is  not  without  analogy.  We  know  that  the 
Ammonites  began  to  unroll  themselves  quite  independently  of  each 
other  in  distant  oceans,  but  more  or  less  in  the  same  geological  period. 

On  the  other  side  of  this  line,  in  Northern  Asia,  primitive  man 
acquired,  during  many  thousands  of  years,  straight  hair  and  a  shorter 
or  broader  skull.  The  modern  Chinese  and  the  typical,  now  nearly 
extinct,  American  Indian  are  at  the  end  of  this  north-eastern  line 
of  development,  while  the  typical  Negro  represents  the  south-western 
end. 

We  have  thus  three  chief  varieties  of  mankind — the  old  Indo- 
European,  the  African,  and  the  East-Asiatic,  all  branching  off  from 
the  same  primitive  stock,  diverging  from  each  other  for  thousands, 
perhaps  hundreds  of  thousands,  of  years,  but  all  three  forming  a  com- 
plete unity,  intermarrying  in  all  directions  without  the  slightest 
decrease  of  fertility. 

From  these  three  varieties  came  all  the  different  types  of  modern 
mankind,  generally  by  local  isolation.  A  very  interesting  example 
of  such  mutation  is  found  in  the  earliest  known  inhabitants  of 
Western  Asia.  This  is  the  land  of  those  extremely  narrow  and  high- 
arched  noses,  we  generally  call  Jewish  or  even  Semitic.  These 

c 


i8  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

remarkable  noses,  however,  do  not  belong  to  the  Semitic  invaders,  of 
whom  Abraham  is  the  eponymic  hero,  but  to  the  pre-Semitic  popula- 
tion which  might  be  called  Hittite  or  Armenoid,  as  the  modern 
Armenians  are  their  direct  descendants. 

These  old  Hittites  or  Armenoids  emigrated  in  very  early  times 
to  Europe,  where  the  "  Alpine  Race"  descended  from  them.  In  the 
most  out-of-the-way  valleys  of  Savoy,  Graubiinden,  Tyrol,  and 
Carinthia  more  than  half  of  the  modern  population  has  the  head- 
form  and  the  nose  of  this  second  immigration  from  Asia  to  Europe, 
and  from  the  mingling  of  this  short-headed  "  Alpine  Race"  with  the 
descendants  of  the  long-headed  Palaeolithic  or  Neanderthal  or  proto- 
Australian  Race,  all  the  great  modern  European  races  have  sprung. 
Only  the  Turks  and  the  Magyars  represent  a  later  immigration  from 
Northern  Asia,  and  of  the  Magyars  in  particular  we  know  that  they 
settled  in  their  present  home  in  Hungary  only  a  thousand  years  ago, 
and  that  their  grammar  is  most  intimately  related  to  the  grammar  of 
the  real  Turkish  languages.  Perhaps  the  Slavonic  races  also  were 
more  or  less  influenced  by  later  immigrations  from  Northern  Asia. 

Thus  the  European  races  can  only  be  understood  by  considering 
Europe  as  a  small  peninsular  annexe  to  ancient  Asia,  and  for  the 
understanding  of  the  non-European  races  it  is  necessary  to  remember 
that  the  boundaries  of  water  and  land  and  glaciers  have  altered 
immensely  in  the  course  of  the  many  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
years  of  human  existence. 

While  the  first  varieties  of  primitive  man  were  certainly  formed 
and  fixed  by  long  isolation,  later  variations  and  races  were  caused 
by  migration  and  colonisation,  as  might  perhaps  best  be  shown  by 
sketching  the  anthropology  of  Africa  and  of  the  Pacific  Islands. 

Just  as  Madagascar  was  peopled  about  900  or  1000  A.D.  by 
Indonesian  colonists,  coming  from  Sumatra,  so  untold  ages  ago 
the  first  inhabitants  of  Africa  came  from  a  place  somewhere  in 
Southern  Asia  on  the  great  line  from  Gibraltar  to  Australia.  No 
skulls  or  skeletons  of  these  earliest  Africans  are  as  yet  known,  but 
we  may  hope  to  find  them  sooner  or  later,  as  we  already  now 
know  a  good  many  sites  of  palaeolithic  implements  in  various  parts 
of  Tropical  and  Southern  Africa. 

The  anatomical  qualities  of  these  first  Africans  will  certainly 
be  found  to  differ  little  from  those  of  aboriginal  Australians ;  but 
in  tens  or  hundreds  of  thousands  of  years  the  palaeolithic  African 
evolved  into  a  real  Negro.  He  exists  in  two  varieties :  a  tall 
variety,  like  the  modern  Nigritian  from  the  coast  of  Upper  Guinea, 
and  a  small  one,  like  the  Bushmen  and  the  Pygmies,  now  known 
in  so  many  places  in  Central  Africa.  But  I  have  already  stated  that 
we  are  as  yet  quite  ignorant  of  the  real  home  of  these  small  races. 


FIRST  SESSION  19 

To  these  two  oldest  elements  in  Africa  was  added,  ages  after- 
wards, but  still  in  prehistoric  times,  a  third  one,  the  Hamitic.  It  is 
descended  from  the  same  ancient  "  Gibraltar- Australia-line,"  but 
was  in  a  higher  stage  of  civilisation.  These  Hamites  had  already  a 
greatly  refined  language,  with  an  admirable  grammar,  closely 
related  to  that  of  the  Semitic  and  Indo-germanic  languages.  In 
Egypt  they  created,  more  than  six  thousand  years  ago,  the  marvel- 
lous civilisation  which  we  now  admire  as  the  mother  of  our  own. 
Ancient  Hamitic  influences  can  be  traced  all  through  Africa ;  in 
Abyssinia,  in  Galla-,  Somal-,  and  in  Masailand,  we  find  even  now 
Hamitic  languages,  or  at  least  Hamitic  grammar  and  Hamitic 
types. 

In  Central  Africa,  in  the  region  of  the  great  lakes,  we  have  the 
Hima  and  Tusi,  generally  as  chiefs,  reigning  over  Bantu  tribes,  often 
with  face  and  figure  like  those  of  the  old  Pharaohs  of  Egypt.  Even 
in  South  Africa  nearly  i  per  cent,  of  the  actual  Bantu  population 
have  high  and  narrow  noses,  thin  lips,  and  fine,  large,  and  orthog- 
nathous  skulls  of  the  Hamitic  type,  and  all  the  Hottentot  languages 
and  dialects  have  a  pure  Hamitic  grammar.  Also  the  pastoral 
habits  of  many  African  tribes,  their  long-horned  cattle,  their  spiral 
basket-work,  &c.,  are  Hamitic,  and  we  can  thus  trace  Hamitic 
influence  from  the  Nile  to  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 

In  the  West  of  Africa,  also,  the  Hausa  and  many  other  Hamitic 
tribes  have  been  of  the  greatest  importance  in  the  progress  of 
African  civilisation  and  the  formation  of  new  tribes. 

In  later  historic  times  Arabic,  Persian,  and  Indian  influences  were 
at  work  in  Eastern  Africa.  The  periodic  occurrence  of  Passat  and 
Monsoon  had  already  led  to  occasional  visits  and  perhaps  even  to 
some  colonisation  at  a  very  early  stage  of  human  history ;  the 
zebu,  the  goat,  and  a  great  many  domestic  plants,  were  brought 
from  India  to  the  Swahili  coast,  and  from  there  to  the  interior  of 
Africa  ;  but  we  do  not  know  when.  We  know  only  that  Islam 
came  from  Arabia  comparatively  late — Islam  that  is  now  the 
prominent  religion  throughout  vast  regions  of  Africa,  and  will 
probably  remain  so  for  many  centuries  to  come. 

The  Mediterranean  coast  of  Africa  also  has  always  been  open 
to  foreign  influences.  The  Vandals  who  came  to  Africa  in  429  A.D. 
certainly  had  forerunners  even  in  prehistoric  times.  The  trepanning 
of  skulls  which  was  known  in  the  late  palaeolithic  cave  dwellings  in 
France,  was  performed  on  the  Canary  Islands,  and  is  even  now  found 
among  some  tribes  in  Southern  Algeria.  The  modern  pottery  of 
Adamaua  shows  a  close  relation  to  the  pottery  of  the  Hallstatt 
period  and  of  ancient  Sardinia,  and  some  modern  armlets  and 
bronze  daggers  in  the  Western  Sudan  look  as  if  they  might  belong 


20  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

to  the  European  Bronze  Age.  We  do  not  know  where  the  art  of 
casting  in  bronze  (the  cire  perdue  process  of  the  French,  the 
casting  with  cera  perduta  of  the  Italians)  had  its  real  origin  ; 
probably  it  came  from  Egypt  or  from  Babylonia.  We  are  also 
ignorant  of  the  way  it  took  in  coming  from  there  to  Europe  and 
to  the  Western  Sudan,  but  we  see  from  the  prehistoric  character  of 
many  African  bronze  daggers,  armlets,  &c.,  that  the  art  of  casting 
must  have  come  to  Adamaua  not  later  than  the  sixth  century  B.C. 

Six  centuries  before  the  historic  invasion  of  the  Vandals, 
Hannibal  sent  his  soldiers  from  Africa  to  Europe  and  from  Europe 
to  Africa,  and  we  know  that  in  the  early  Middle  Ages  African 
Mohammedans  reigned  in  Spain  for  more  than  five  hundred  years. 

Thus  there  was  a  constant  coming  and  going  between  North 
Africa  and  Western  Europe,  and  we  cannot  be  astonished  to  find  so 
many  blue  eyes  among  the  Berbers  of  Morocco,  and  even  among  the 
Ful  and  other  tribes  in  the  Sudan. 

In  fact,  the  natives  of  Africa,  who  were  considered  not  long  ago 
to  be  a  homogeneous  mass,  now  turn  out  to  be  in  reality  a  most 
complicated  mixture  of  quite  different  elements,  the  outcome  of 
immigration  at  different  periods  and  from  different  parts  of  the 
globe. 

Not  much  less  complicated  is  the  anthropological  structure  of 
Oceania.  Here  we  have  real  pygmies,  and  the  Melanesians,  who  are 
very  similar  to  the  African  negroes  with  dark  curly  and  often  spiral 
hair,  dark  skin,  long  skull,  prognathous  face,  broad  nose,  and  thick 
lips.  They  are  found  nearly  pure  on  the  Fiji  Islands  and  in  some 
parts  of  New  Caledonia  and  in  the  Solomon  Islands  and  the  New 
Hebrides.  In  other  parts  of  the  Western  Pacific  they  are  more  or 
less  mixed  with  the  old  pygmy  races  and  form  what  are  now 
generally  called  the  Papuan  elements  of  Oceania.  The  greatest 
possible  contrast  to  these  Melanesians  and  Papuans  is  found  in  the 
Polynesian  type,  which  is  found  in  its  purest  form  in  Tonga  and 
Samoa,  but  partly  also  in  the  Eastern  Group  of  Polynesia.  The  real 
and  pure  typical  Polynesian  has  a  skin  not  much  darker  than  that  of 
many  Sicilians  or  Spaniards  ;  his  hair  is  dark  and  straight,  the  skull 
is  extremely  short,  but  very  broad  and  high  ;  the  face  is  orthogna- 
thous,  the  nose  narrow,  the  lips  sometimes  very  thin,  never  as  thick 
as  those  of  the  Melanesians.  Many  Polynesians  might  easily  be 
taken  for  full-blooded  Europeans ;  others,  especially  some  of  the 
females,  resemble  types  from  Indonesia  or  from  Siam  and  Cambodja, 
except  that  they  are,  as  a  rule,  much  taller  than  any  tribes  of  South- 
Eastern  Asia.  On  the  whole  it  is  evident,  without  any  recourse  to 
linguistics  and  ethnography,  merely  by  studying  their  physique  that 
the  Polynesians  came  from  Asia  and  that  they  came  by  way  of 


FIRST  SESSION  21 

Indonesia.  This  is  also  shown  by  their  cosmogonical  system  and  their 
eschatology. 

These  two  races,  the  Melanesians  and  Polynesians,  different 
from  each  other  as  they  are,  have  intermarried  on  many  groups 
of  the  Pacific  Islands  for  at  least  many  centuries.  On  some  islands, 
e.g.,  in  New  Zealand,  a  sort  of  real  mixture  of  types  has  taken  place, 
on  others  the  two  types  have  remained  quite  distinct,  so  that,  in 
accordance  with  Mendel's  law,  always  a  certain  proportion  of  the 
people  belong  to  the  one,  and  another  proportion  to  the  other  type, 
and  only  one-half  (or  less)  of  the  inhabitants  have  the  qualities 
of  both  types  mixed. 

Wherever  we  try  to  investigate  in  this  way  the  natural  history 
of  man,  we  always  find  inter-connection  and  migration,  often 
over  more  than  half  the  circumference  of  our  globe.  We  can 
trace  Turk  languages  from  the  Mediterranean  all  through  Asia 
to  the  vicinity  of  Kamtschatka,  and  Malayan  languages  are  spoken 
eastwards  as  far  as  Rapanui  or  Easter  Island,  ^the  ultima  Thule 
of  the  Pacific ;  westward  we  find  the  Hova  of  Madagascar, 
descendants  of  old  Indonesian  colonists  who  probably  came  from 
Sumatra  about  a  thousand  years  ago,  still  preserving  their  type, 
their  Indonesian  language,  and  their  old  material  culture.  Hamitic 
grammar  and  Hamitic  type  can  be  traced  right  through  Africa. 

The  religions  of  Buddha  and  of  Christ  have  each  conquered  more 
than  500  millions  of  men,  and  Islam  spreads  from  Arabia  as  far  as  the 
West  Coast  of  Africa,  and  eastward  all  through  Asia,  as  far  as  the 
Indonesian  Archipelago.  We  find  carvings  in  New  Ireland  that  can 
be  traced  back  to  the  famous  Greek  marble  representing  the  rape  of 
Ganymede,  and  we  know  that  the  religious  style  of  Buddhist  art  goes 
back  to  ancient  Greece,  just  as  the  Japanese  No-masks  are  the  direct 
descendants  of  the  masks  in  ancient  Greek  and  Roman  plays. 

In  the  same  way  our  own  domestic  animals  and  plants,  our  corn 
and  grains,  can  be  traced  round  the  globe,  and  in  a  few  centuries 
American  plants  have  spread  so  universally  in  Africa,  that  to  the  non- 
botanist  they  seem  to  be  indigenous  in  the  Dark  Continent. 

In  former  times  ethnologists  used  to  admire  the  apparent  unity  in 
the  direction  of  the  human  mind,  and  to  wonder  how  it  was  that  in 
all  parts  of  the  earth  men  had  similar  ideas  and  ways.  Now  this 
"  Volkergedanken  "  theory  is  nearly  abandoned,  and  we  are  forced  to 
admit  the  real  unity  of  mankind.  Fair  and  dark  races,  long  and 
short-headed,  intelligent  and  primitive,  all  come  from  one  stock. 
Favourable  circumstances  and  surroundings,  especially  a  good  environ- 
ment, a  favourable  geographical  position,  trade  and  traffic,  caused  one 
group  to  advance  more  quickly  than  another,  while  some  groups  have 
remained  in  a  very  primitive  state  of  development ;  but  all  are  adapted 


22  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

to  their  surroundings,  according  to  the  law  of  the  survival  of  the 
fittest. 

One  type  may  be  more  refined,  another  type  may  be  coarser;  but 
if  both  are  thoroughbred,  or  what  we  call  "  good  types,"  however 
they  may  differ,  one  is  not  necessarily  inferior  to  the  other.  In  this 
sense  I  could  once  say  in  one  of  my  University  lectures  that  the 
only  "  savages  "  in  Africa  are  certain  white  men  with  "  Tropenkoller." 
I  am  afraid  I  owe  perhaps  to  this  paradox  the  honour  of  being 
invited  to  take  part  in  this  Congress,  and  I  feel  it  therefore  my  duty 
to  declare  most  formally  that  I  still  adhere  to  my  word,  and  that  I  am 
still  seriously  convinced  that  certain  white  men  may  be  on  a  lower 
intellectual  and  moral  level  than  certain  coloured  Africans.  But  this  is 
a  mere  theoretical  statement  and  of  little  practical  value,  except  for  the 
Colonial  Service.  In  the  Colonies,  naturally,  a  white  man  with  a  low 
moral  standard  will  always  be  a  serious  danger,  not  only  for  the 
natives,  but  also  for  his  own  nation. 

But  much  greater  is  the  danger  to  civilised  nations  by  the 
immigration  of  coarser  or  less  refined  elements.  The  United  States 
provide  a  most  instructive  example  of  such  a  danger  on  account  of 
their  twelve  millions  of  coloured  people,  and  we  can  understand  the 
feeling  of  racial  antagonism  that  is  now  directed  against  immigration 
from  Asia  and  the  immigration  of  less  desirable  elements  from 
Eastern  Europe.  Even  in  Germany  the  constant  migration  of 
Eastern  Slavs  into  the  Western  Provinces  is  regarded  as  regrettable 
by  people  who  are  not  suspected  of  narrow-mindedness. 

It  certainly  cannot  be  a  matter  of  indifference  to  a  nation,  if 
great  numbers  of  strangers  come  into  their  towns,  take  lower  wages, 
live  on  a  very  low  standard  of  life,  and  send  home  the  greater  part 
of  their  income.  But  far  more  serious  is  the  question  of  racial 
mixture,  and  I  feel  sure  that  this  First  Universal  Races  Congress 
will  do  a  good  work,  and  one  that  will  not  be  forgotten  for  centuries 
to  come,  if  it  insists  on  the  necessity  of  studying  this  problem  on 
a  broad  basis. 

We  all  know  that  a  certain  admixture  of  blood  has  always  been 
of  great  advantage  to  a  nation.  England,  France,  and  Germany  are 
equally  distinguished  for  the  great  variety  of  their  racial  elements.  In 
the  case  of  Italy  we  know  that  in  ancient  times  and  at  the  Renaissance 
Northern  M  Barbarians  "  were  the  leaven  in  the  great  advance  of  art 
and  civilisation ;  and  even  Slavonic  immigration  has  certainly  not  been 
without  effect  on  this  movement.  The  marvellous  ancient  civilisation 
of  Crete,  again,  seems  to  have  been  not  quite  autochthonous.  We  know 
also  that  the  ancient  Babylonian  civilisation  sprang  from  a  mixture 
of  two  quite  different  national  and  racial  elements,  and  we  find  a 
nearly  homogeneous  population  in  most  parts  of  Russia,  and  in 


FIRST   SESSION  23 

the  interior  of  China  associated  with  a  somewhat  low  stage  of 
evolution. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  are  all  more  or  less  disposed  to  dislike 
and  despise  a  mixture  of  Europeans  with  the  greater  part  of  foreign 
races.  "God  created  the  white  man  and  God  created  the  black 

man,   but   the  created   the   mulatto,"   is    a    very   well-known 

proverb.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  we  are  absolutely  ignorant  as  to  the 
moral  and  intellectual  qualities  of  half-castes.  It  would  be  absurd 
to  expect  from  the  union  of  a  good-for-nothing  European  with  an 
equally  good-for-nothing  black  woman,  children  that  march  on  the 
heights  of  humanity,  and  we  know  of  many  half-castes  that  are 
absolutely  sans  reproche ;  but  we  have  no  good  statistics  of  the 
qualities  of  half-castes  in  comparison  with  those  of  their  parents. 

Meanwhile  it  may  be  permitted  to  anthropology  to  wish  a 
separate  evolution  of  the  "  so-called  white  and  the  so-called  coloured 
peoples."  As  yet  we  know  very  little  about  the  interesting  and 
complicated  psychology  of  most  of  the  coloured  races,  and  I  am 
seriously  convinced  that  better  knowledge  will  be  followed  by  more 
and  more  mutual  sympathy ;  but  racial  barriers  will  never  cease  to 
exist,  and  if  ever  they  should  show  a  tendency  to  disappear,  it  will 
certainly  be  better  to  preserve  than  to  obliterate  them. 

The  brotherhood  of  man  is  a  good  thing,  but  the  struggle  for  life  is. 
a  far  better  one.  Athens  would  never  have  become  what  it  was,  without 
Sparta,  and  national  jealousies  and  differences,  and  even  the  most  cruel 
wars,  have  ever  been  the  real  causes  of  progress  and  mental  freedom.. 

As  long  as  man  is  not  born  with  wings,  like  the  angels,  he  will 
remain  subject  to  the  eternal  laws  of  Nature,  and  therefore  he  will 
always  have  to  struggle  for  life  and  existence.  No  Hague  Con- 
ferences, no  International  Tribunals,  no  international  papers  and 
peace  societies,  and  no  Esperanto  or  other  international  language, 
will  ever  be  able  to  abolish  war. 

The  respect  due  by  the  white  races  to  other  races  and  by  the 
white  races  to  each  other  can  never  be  too  great,  but  natural  law  will 
never  allow  racial  barriers  to  fall,  and  even  national  boundaries  will 
never  cease  to  exist. 

Nations  will  come  and  go,  but  racial  and  national  antagonism  will 
remain  ;  and  this  is  well,  for  mankind  would  become  like  a  herd  of 
sheep,  if  we  were  to  lose  our  national  ambition  and  cease  to  look  with 
pride  and  delight,  not  only  on  our  industries  and  science,  but  also  on 
our  splendid  soldiers  and  our  glorious  ironclads.  Let  small-minded 
people  whine  about  the  horrid  cost  of  Dreadnoughts ;  as  long  as 
every  nation  in  Europe  spends,  year  after  year,  much  more  money 
on  wine,  beer,  and  brandy  than  on  her  army  and  navy,  there  is  no 
reason  to  dread  our  impoverishment  by  militarism. 


24  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

Si  vis  pacem,  para  bellum  ;  and  in  reality  there  is  no  doubt  that 
we  shall  be  the  better  able  to  avoid  war,  the  better  we  care  for  our 
armour.  A  nation  is  free  only  in  so  far  as  her  own  internal  affairs 
are  concerned.  She  has  to  respect  the  right  of  other  nations  as  well 
as  to  defend  her  own,  and  her  vital  interests  she  will,  if  necessary, 
defend  with  blood  and  iron.1 

{Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


RACE    FROM    THE    SOCIOLOGICAL 
STANDPOINT 

By  ALFRED  FOUILLEE,  Paris, 
Member  of  the  Institut  de  France. 

I.  IN  discussions  of  the  race  problem  there  is  one  factor  of  supreme 
importance  which  has  been  so  far  disregarded — to  wit,  the  opinion  or 
idea  which  a  race  has  of  itself  and  the  influence  exerted  by  this 
idea.  It  is  a  view  I  have  long  been  contending  for,  namely,  that 
every  idea  is  the  conscious  form  in  which  feelings  and  impulses  are 
cast.  Thus  every  idea  contains  within  it  not  merely  an  intellectual 
act,  but  also  a  certain  orientation  of  sensibility  and  of  will.  Conse- 
quently every  idea  is  a  force  which  tends  to  realise  its  own  object 
more  and  more  fully.  This  is  true  of  the  idea  of  race,  just  as  it  is 
true  of  the  idea  of  nation.  Hence  we  have  (i)  a  certain  self-con- 
sciousness in  a  race,  imparting  to  each  of  its  members  a  kind  of 
racial  personality ;  (2)  a  tendency  to  affirm  this  personality  more 
and  more  strongly,  to  oppose  it  to  other  racial  types  and  secure  its 
predominance.  In  other  words,  the  race-idea  includes  within  it  a 
race-consciousness.  It  is  certain,  for  instance,  that  a  white  man 
shares  the  idea  and  the  will  of  his  race — a  result  the  more  inevitable 
inasmuch  as  he  has  but  to  open  his  eyes  in  order  to  distinguish  white 
from  yellow  or  black.  Frenchmen  or  Russians  may  not  be  able  to 
recognise  one  another  at  sight,  but  there  can  be  no  confusing  blacks 
and  whites.  Colour  is  a  visible  and  immediate  bond  between  men 
of  white,  black,  or  yellow  race.  Even  among  white  men  certain 
types  lend  themselves  to  easy  recognition  and  the  setting  up  of  a 
tie  between  men  who  share  certain  typical  features.  Take,  for 
instance,  the  dark  dolichocephalic  Arab  type,  or  the  dark  brachy- 
cephalic  Turkish,  and  compare  either  with  the  fair  dolichocephalic 
English  type. 

If  an  ethnic  consciousness   gives  a  race  greater  solidarity  and 

1  To  prevent  the  last  few  paragraphs  from  being  misinterpreted,  Professor  v.  Luschan 
authorises  us  to  state  that  he  regards  the  desire  for  a  war  between  Germany  and  England 
as  "  insane  or  dastardly." — EDITOR. 


FIRST  SESSION  25 

inward  unity,  it  has,  on  the  other  hand,  the  disadvantage  of  culmi- 
nating nearly  always  in  an  assumption  of  superiority  and,  for  that 
very  reason,  in  a  feeling  of  natural  hostility.  The  yellow  man 
thinks  himself  no  less  superior  to  the  white  than  the  white  man 
believes  himself  superior  to  the  yellow.  At  all  events,  he  believes 
himself  to  be  very  different,  and  from  the  conviction  of  difference 
to  that  of  enmity  there  is  only  a  step. 

Differences  of  language  and  custom — and,  above  all,  of  religion — 
serve  to  intensify  the  hostility.  All  religion  is  sociological  in  char- 
acter, and  expresses  symbolically  the  conditions  native  to  the  life  or 
progress  of  a  given  society.  The  religion  of  a  race  converts  it  into 
a  huge  society  animated  by  the  same  beliefs  and  the  same  aspira- 
tions. Moreover,  all  religion  is  intolerant,  and  hostile  to  other  reli- 
gions. It  believes  itself  to  be  the  truth,  and  thus  seeks  to  universalise 
that  which  is  only  the  particular  spirit  of  one  race  or  one  nation — 
eg.,  the  Jewish  spirit,  the  Christian  spirit,  the  Mahommedan  spirit. 
When,  then,  the  ethnic  consciousness  becomes  at  the  same  time  a 
religious  consciousness,  the  assertion  of  the  individuality  of  a  race 
implies  a  counter-assertion  to  the  individuality  of  other  races.  It  is 
hidden  warfare,  passing  over  at  the  very  first  opportunity  into  open 
warfare. 

II.  How,  then,  are  we  to  war  against  the  force  of  hatred  and 
division  which  is  inherent  in  the  idea  of  race  when  wedded  to  the 
idea  of  religion  ?  We  must  fight  it  by  the  force  of  other  ideas  which 
contain  a  different  set  of  feelings  and  tendencies.  These  "  id6es- 
forces,"  or  motor  ideas,  are  of  two  kinds  :  scientific  ideas  and  moral 
ideas.  Just  as  ethnic  and  religious  ideas  are  dividing  factors,  so 
scientific  ideas  are  conciliatory  in  tendency.  Science  recognises  no 
colour  line  :  it  is  neither  white,  yellow,  nor  black,  neither  Christian 
nor  Mahommedan.  When  a  man  of  science  demonstrates  the 
equality  of  two  triangles,  he  makes  the  sides  of  these  triangles 
coincide  ;  and  no  less  surely  do  his  geometrical  conclusions  coincide 
with  that  of  all  other  geometricians,  be  they  white,  yellow,  or  black. 

Over  and  above  the  consciousness  of  race,  nationality,  or  religion, 
scientific  ideas  develop  a  human  and  social,  not  to  say  human  and 
cosmic  consciousness.  Science,  then,  is  the  great  reconciler,  the 
fruitful  germ  of  universal  peace,  realising  in  the  world  of  intelligence 
the  maxim  "  All  in  one."  By  the  force  that  belongs  to  ideas  union 
tends  to  pass  from  the  intellect  into  the  heart.  Men  of  science,  be 
their  colour  white  or  yellow,  hail  one  another  as  brothers. 

Industrial  technique,  being  the  application  of  science,  shares  the 
universal  character  of  science.  A  railroad,  whether  Chinese  or 
English,  is  always  a  railroad.  A  telegraph  line,  Russian  or  Japanese, 
is  always  a  telegraph-line.  A  telephone,  whether  Turkish  or  Aus- 


26  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

trian,  is  always  a  telephone.  Every  industrial  invention  is  a  manifes- 
tation of  science,  truth  leaping  into  obviousness  in  all  its  luminous 
impersonality,  and,  like  the  sun,  shining  equally  upon  black  and 
white. 

Hand  in  hand  with  science  and  industry  goes  commerce,  another 
bond  between  races.  Commerce  requires  a  constant  increase  in  the 
number  and  speed  of  the  methods  of  communication,  and  these  bring 
nations  together;  and  commerce  requires,  moreover,  codes  of  morality 
and  law  which  tend  to  the  establishment  of  moral  and  legal  simi- 
larities between  one  race  and  another — similarities  the  importance 
of  which  is  becoming  daily  more  manifest. 

Another  great  link  between  races  and  nations,  and  one  which  is 
destined  in  the  future  to  play  a  still  more  important  part,  is  to  be 
found  in  philosophical  ideas.  Even  in  the  Middle  Ages  such  ideas 
were  the  bond  that  united  Christians,  Jews,  and  Mussulmen.  St 
Thomas,  Averroes,  Avicenna,  Maimonides  paid  common  homage  to 
Plato  and  Aristotle.  To-day  there  are  many  points  on  which  a 
disciple  of  Confucius  or  of  Mencius  will  have  small  difficulty  in 
coming  to  an  understanding  with  a  disciple  of  Kant  or  of  Schopen- 
hauer. Philosophical  ideas,  even  when  they  seem  to  divide  men  by 
the  apparent  multiplicity  of  their  systems,  yet  really  unite  them  in 
one  and  the  same  love  of  truth,  one  and  the  same  disinterested 
inquiry  into  the  heart  of  things,  into  the  meaning  of  the  ultimate 
laws  of  nature  and  of  life.  Among  all  true  philosophers  the  critical 
spirit  and  the  speculative  interest  are  the  same.  While  all  religions 
are  guilty  of  the  two  great  capital  crimes — pride  and  hatred — the 
philosopher  knows  that  he  knows  little  or  nothing.  He  delights  in 
contradiction,  inasmuch  as  it  reveals  to  him  another  aspect  of  truth 
which  differs  from  his  own.  His  opponents  seem  to  him  at  bottom 
his  best  friends.  He  has  no  inclination  whatsoever  to  kill  or  burn 
them.  His  universal  tolerance  is  not  born  of  a  condescending  indul- 
gence for  those  who  differ  from  him,  but  of  respect  for  freedom  of 
conscience  and  of  gratitude  for  efforts  which  are  complementary  to 
his  own  and  for  the  fresh  light  which  comes  to  the  aid  of  his  own 
imperfect  vision.  Nor  must  it  be  thought  that  philosophical  ideas, 
with  the  new  perspective  which  they  open  out  upon  life  and  the 
world,  are  doomed  to  remain  the  exclusive  possession  of  a  small  and 
select  company.  Little  by  little  they  mingle  with  the  intellectual 
atmosphere  which  is  the  property  of  us  all.  The  thoughts  of  men 
such  as  Descartes,  Voltaire,  Rousseau,  or  Kant  float,  so  to  speak,  in 
the  very  air  we  breathe.  Many  humble  people  who  have  never  even 
heard  these  names  are  unconsciously  affected  by  those  philosophical 
influences  which  have  helped  to  mould  our  modern  civilisation. 
Thanks  to  the  world's  thinkers,  there  is  something  new  under  the 


FIRST   SESSION  27 

sun  ;  something  new,  too,  in  our  human  consciousness.  Nothing  is 
lost ;  all  is  fruitful  and  multiplies  ;  ideas  which  to  all  appearance  are 
most  abstract  end  by  taking  form  and  dwelling  among  men.  Here 
we  have  the  true  mystery  of  incarnation. 

III.  Are  we,  then,  to  trust  solely  to  the  spontaneous  propagation 
of  science,  industry,  and  commerce,  and  even  of  art,  which  is  becom- 
ing more  and  more  cosmopolitan,  and  of  social  morality  and  law, 
which  are  constantly  bringing  greater  uniformity  into  systems  of 
contract  and  exchange  and  international  relations  generally  ?  Or 
are  we  to  add  unto  these  things  religious  propaganda?  I  think  not. 
The  question  is  so  important  for  ethnic  sociology  that  it  deserves 
closer  attention.  I  have  already  said,  and  it  cannot  be  repeated  too 
often,  that  nothing  divides  men  more  than  religious  dogmas,  each  of 
which  excludes  absolutely  the  contrary  dogma  :  sint  ut  sunt,  aut  non 
sint.  Our  missionaries  are  psychologists  and  sociologists  who  feed 
themselves  on  generous  illusions.  They  think  that  they  are  going  to 
convert  Mahommedans  or  Buddhists  to  the  beauties  of  Christianity. 
They  only  succeed  in  making  a  few  isolated  converts  who  are 
ashamed  of  their  former  co-religionists.  Too  often  the  missionaries 
make  Christianity  hated  rather  than  loved.  Moreover,  what  message 
have  they  for  those  whom  they  wish  to  enlighten  ?  Will  not  Jehovah 
seem  to  a  disciple  of  Confucius  just  as  vindictive  as  Baal  or  Moloch  ? 
Will  even  Jesus  Himself  seem  to  a  Buddhist  altogether  an  embodi- 
ment of  gentleness  when  He  threatens  those  who  do  not  share  His 
beliefs  with  being  conserved  in  fire  to  all  eternity  ?  Take  the  story 
of  Adam  eating  the  apple,  and  thus  compelling  God  to  make  His  Son 
perish  on  the  cross  in  order  to  appease  His  own  wrath.  Is  it  likely 
that  this,  from  a  moral  and  social  point  of  view,  will  seem  superior  to 
the  story  of  Buddha  offering  himself  to  be  torn  by  lions  and  tigers  ? 
How  should  the  sacrament  of  the  eucharist,  which  culminates  in 
representing  God  as  consumed  in  flesh  and  blood,  convert  a  poor 
savage  for  whom  a  god  who  allows  himself  to  be  eaten  will  never 
be  a  god  ?  The  symbolic  and  philosophic  meaning  that  may  be  given 
to  such  dogmas  (though,  for  the  matter  of  that,  most  believers  take 
them  literally)  escapes  and  will  always  continue  to  escape  those  whom 
it  is  desired  to  convert.  They  take  hold  of  the  dogma  only  by  its 
absurd,  inhuman,  anti-social  side,  and  they  do  not  see  why  they 
should  betray  their  race  by  renouncing  its  gods  for  those  of  a  race 
that  is  foreign  and  often  hostile. 

It  is  idle,  then,  to  count  on  religion  for  bridging  over  the  gulf  of 
race.  On  the  contrary,  the  different  religious  beliefs  of  each  race 
must  be  respected.  If  a  race  wishes  to  believe  in  Brahma,  Vishnu, 
and  £iva  instead  of  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost,  it  must  be 
allowed  to  believe  in  Brahrna,  Vishnu,  and  Qiva.  Religions,  through 


28  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

the  whole  course  of  history,  have  too  often  set  nations  at  variance. 
If  they  have  produced  friendship  and  union,  they  have  likewise  pro- 
duced discord,  hate,  and  war.  There  is  not  a  religion  which  has  not, 
like  Lady  Macbeth,  stains  on  the  hand  that  all  the  vast  oceans  could 
never  wash  away. 

Moreover,  for  the  sociologist  as  for  the  philosopher,  there  is  a 
violation  of  right  and  of  the  freedom  of  conscience — there  is  an  actual 
injustice — in  the  indiscreet  intrusions  of  preaching  missionaries  who 
seek  to  substitute  a  foreign  for  a  national  fanaticism. 

It  is  an  established  conclusion  of  sociology  that  every  religion, 
however  universal  it  claims  to  be,  has  always  an  ethnic  and  national 
basis  corresponding  to  the  needs  and  traditions  of  a  race  or  nation. 
It  is  thus  illogical  to  try  and  transplant  it,  either  forcibly  or  through 
appeal  to  the  imagination,  and  set  it  up  among  nations  who  already 
have  a  religion  adapted  to  their  race  and  nationality.  Religion  is 
not  an  "  article  of  export."  Once  again,  the  only  universal,  the  only 
really  "  catholic  "  things,  in  the  Greek  sense  of  the  word,  are  science, 
philosophy,  and  morals.  It  is  these  things  which  we  must  peaceably 
introduce  among  races  the  most  distant  from  our  own.  It  is  not  the 
Christian  religion  which  has  transformed  and  will  continue  to  trans- 
form Japan.  It  is  science  and  industry.  Men  of  science  are  to-day 
the  true  and  only  missionaries.  The  inventors  of  railroads  and  tele- 
graphs have  done  more  to  link  different  races  together  than  all  the 
Francis  Xaviers  and  Ignatius  Loyolas.  Each  new  truth  discovered 
is  one  light  more  in  the  firmament  that  all  men  gaze  at — a  light,  too, 
which  all,  save  the  blind,  can  see.  It  becomes  the  common  heritage 
of  all  the  races.  It  fosters  in  mankind,  as  we  have  seen,  a  common 
consciousness,  a  consciousness  of  man  as  man. 

It  is  just  the  same  in  the  realm  of  pure  moral  ideas,  which  are 
based  on  the  nature  of  men  and  things  and  give  expression  to  the 
universal  conditions  of  life  and  progress  in  society — in  other  words, 
of  social  statics  and  social  dynamics.  Try  to  draw  from  every  religion 
and  every  race  its  whole  moral  and  really  social  content,  and  then 
accept  this  without  troubling  about  dogmas  and  particular  symbols. 
In  universal  religious  tolerance,  combined  with  universal  morality 
and  science,  we  have  the  one  great  means  of  establishing  mutual 
racial  sympathy.  If,  notwithstanding,  morality  itself  should  vary 
from  one  race  to  another,  let  us  be  tolerant  of  such  variations.  They 
will  gradually  wear  away  under  the  influence  of  mutual  friction  and 
of  a  progressing  civilisation  which  is  becoming  daily  more  uniform. 
Allow  the  Mahommedans  to  wed  several  wives  openly  and  do  not 
yourself  wed  several  secretly.  There  must  be  a  tolerance  in  morality 
no  less  than  in  religion  and  philosophy.  Provided  that  there  is  no 
actual  attack  on  other  peoples'  rights,  you  should  shut  your  eyes  to 


FIRST   SESSION  29 

customs  which  are  not  those  of  your  race  or  country.     Wait  till 
science  and  civilisation  have  gradually  reformed  them. 

In  short,  new  forces  are  gaining  ground,  forces  that  are  working 
in  favour  of  peace.  International  life — a  product  of  science,  industry, 
and  economic  relations — is  hardly  yet  born  ;  yet  it  is  daily  becoming 
a  more  and  more  comprehensive  reality,  including  within  its  sphere 
items  whose  number  and  importance  are  steadily  increasing.  Nor 
is  this  common  life  merely  international.  Might  one  not  say  that 
it  is  also  inter-ethnic,  in  the  sense  of  embracing  the  most  diverse 
races,  not  only  in  Europe,  but  also  in  America,  Asia,  and  Africa  ? 
Over  the  whole  globe  we  are  witnessing  the  spread  and  propagation 
of  ideas  that  are  also  forces — motor  ideas  which  are  everywhere 
identical  and  are  drawing  very  different  minds  in  the  same  directions. 

For  the  sociologist,  there  is  but  one  practical  means  of  bringing 
races  together,  and  that  is  to  diffuse  scientific,  moral,  and  social  instruc- 
tion as  widely  as  possible.  Instruction  of  this  kind,  spread  gradually 
among  the  different  nations,  is  the  one  great  means  of  ensuring  peace. 

As  we  have  shown  in  our  Psychological  Sketch  of  European 
Nations,  it  is  a  historical  law  that  the  progress  of  modern  civilisation 
is  marked  by  a  continually  growing  ascendancy  of  scientific,  social, 
and  therefore  intellectual  or  moral  factors,  over  such  as  are  racial, 
geographical,  and  climatic.  The  advance  of  science  and  of  industrial 
invention  is  transforming,  with  ever-growing  swiftness,  the  conditions 
of  social  life  and  labour  and  also  the  mutual  relations  of  the  various 
classes.  No  nation  can  flatter  itself  with  the  belief  that  its  pre-eminence 
will  last  for  ever.  None,  on  the  other  hand,  can  be  condemned  to  an 
incurable  decline.  Thanks  to  a  universal  solidarity,  each  race  profits 
by  the  discoveries  and  experiences  of  the  others.  This  law  of  solidarity 
in  social  environment  is  daily  asserting  itself  more  strongly  against  the 
conditions  which  favour  a  native  originality  due  to  racial  temperament 
and  physical  environment.1  As  I  have  already  stated  elsewhere,  it  is 
neither  to  Anglo-Saxons  nor  Germans  that  the  future  belongs,  neither 
to  Greeks  nor  Latins,  neither  to  Christians  nor  Buddhists ;  but  rather 
to  those  most  qualified  by  their  knowledge,  industry,  and  morality. 
[Paper  submitted  in  French.^ 


THE  PROBLEM  OF  RACE  EQUALITY 

By  G.  S FILLER,  Hon.  Organiser  of  the  Congress. 

"  Backward"  does  not  necessarily  mean  "inferior." — RATZEL. 

IT  is  generally  conceded  that  we  should  be  considerate  to  all  races  of 
men  regardless  of  their  capacities ;  but  there  is  equal  agreement,  and 

1  Esquisse  psychologique  des  peuples  europeens. — Conclusions. 


30  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

rightly  so,  that  we  should  be  considerate  to  domesticated  animals,  for 
instance.  Here,  then,  is  our  dilemma,  for  the  most  considerate  of 
men,  if  he  is  sane,  will  not  treat  his  horse  exactly  as  he  treats  his 
compatriot,  e.g.,  he  will  not  expect  both  of  them  to  converse,  to 
reflect,  to  fashion  and  obey  the  laws.  Accordingly,  considerate 
actions  have  to  be  adapted  to  the  nature  of  the  being  we  have 
dealings  with,  and  if  some  races  of  men  should  prove  to  be  very 
decidedly  inferior  to  other  races  in  inherited  capacity,  it  is  evident  that 
they  would  have  to  be  treated  apart  to  a  very  considerable  degree, 
being  excluded,  perhaps,  from  all  important  functions  in  the  com- 
munity. This,  of  course,  would  not  preclude  our  loving  them 
tenderly  and  doing  everything  which  conduced  to  their  welfare. 

Now,  since  it  is  hotly  contended  that  "  the  Negro  is  not  a  human 
being  at  all,  but  merely  a  different  form  of  ox  or  ass,  and  is,  therefore, 
only  entitled  to  such  kindness  as  a  merciful  man  shows  to  all  his 
cattle,"  and  since  this  is  as  warmly  contested  by  the  Negroes  and 
other  races  concerned,  it  becomes  a  vital  matter  to  grapple  with  the 
problem  of  race  equality.  Especially  is  this  important  because 
many  races  are  actually  being  treated,  or  even  mal-treated,  as 
inferiors,  without  any  strong  presumption  in  favour  of  the  alleged 
race-inferiority.  If  to  this  be  added  the  all-too-ready  tendency  to 
regard  other  races  than  our  own  as- "  inferior  races,"  and  to  force  these 
into  becoming  our  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water,  it  is  manifest 
that  there  is  urgent  need  for  some  light  to  be  thrown  on  the  subject. 

Moreover,  if  the  brotherhood  of  man  is  to  become  a  reality,  as 
poets  and  prophets  have  fondly  dreamed,  and  if  the  great  nations  of 
the  world,  irrespective  of  race,  are  to  create  a  World  Tribunal  and  a 
World  Parliament,  it  is  indispensable  that  the  leading  varieties  of 
mankind  shall  be  proved  substantially  equals.  A  parliament  com- 
posed of  human  beings  very  widely  differing  in  capacity  is  a 
palpable  absurdity,  only  realisable  in  Alice  in  Wonderland.  Firmin, 
seeing  the  bearing  of  this,  wisely  remarks,  "  Les  races,  se  recon- 
naissant  £gales,  pourront  se  respecter  et  s'aimer "  (De  FEgaliti  des 
Races  Humaines,  1885,  p.  659). 

However,  we  need  not  include  in  our  problem  every  tribe  and 
race  whatsoever,  but  only  the  vast  aggregate  of  mankind,  say,  China, 
Japan,  Turkey,  Persia,  India,  Egypt,  Siam,  the  Negro,  the  American 
Indian,  the  Philippino,  the  Malay,  the  Maori,  and  the  fair-white  and 
dark-white  races.  These  constitute,  perhaps,  nine-tenths  of  the  human 
race.  If  an  insignificant  people  here  and  there,  say  the  Veddahs  or 
the  Andamanese,  the  Hottentots  or  the  Dyaks,  should  be  shown  to 
be  unquestionably  inferior,  this  would  constitute  no  grave  inter-racial 
problem.  The  rare  exception  would  prove  the  rule,  and  the  broad 
rule  would  make  the  reality  of  the  rare  exception  doubtful. 


FIRST   SESSION  31 

A  century  ago  the  issue  we  are  discussing  might  have  been  very 
difficult  of  approach.  Our  knowledge  of  other  races  was  then  a 
negligible  quantity,  and  of  most  of  the  important  races  we  had  no 
compelling  evidence  of  higher  aptitudes.  This  is  altered  now.  We 
know  almost  intimately  the  various  great  peoples,  and  fortunately 
there  exists  to-day  a  common  standard  by  which  we  can  measure 
them  at  least  in  one  respect.  This  standard  is  supplied  by  the 
University.  As  a  mere  matter  of  theory  it  is  conceivable  that  not  one 
non-Caucasian  should  be  capable  of  graduating  at  a  University,  and 
it  is  even  possible  to  conceive  that  a  number  of  peoples  should  not 
be  able  to  force  their  way  through  the  elementary  school.  The  data, 
however,  favour  no  such  conclusion,  for  individuals  of  all  the  select 
races  which  we  have  mentioned  above  have  graduated  in  modern 
universities  and  in  diverse  subjects.1  To  appreciate  this  statement, 
especially  in  the  light  of  disparaging  remarks  to  the  effect  that  the 
facial  angle  of  certain  races  more  nearly  approaches  that  of  apes  than 
that  of  Caucasians,  we  must  remember  that  not  a  solitary  ape  has  yet 
been  known  to  have  reached  the  stage  of  being  able  to  pass  the 
entrance  examination  to  an  infant  school  or  kindergarten.  We  must 
agree  with  Ratzel,  who  says,  "  There  is  only  one  species  of  man  ;  the 
variations  are  numerous,  but  do  not  go  deep." 

An  objector  might  argue  that  the  academic  member  of  an 
inferior  race  is  a  shining  exception,  a  freak  of  nature,  and  that  from 
his  feat  nothing  can  be  deduced  regarding  the  average  capacity  of 
his  race.  This  theoretical  objection  can  be  disposed  of  in  various 
ways.  We  might  meet  it  with  the  irresistible  contention  that  no 
member  of  any  species  departs  far  from  the  average,  for  else  a  lioness 
could  give  birth  to  a  tiger.  Or  we  might,  what  is  more  satisfactory, 
test  the  objection  by  the  data  to  hand.  For  example,  of  the  ten 
million  Negroes  in  the  United  States,  many  are  said  to  be  lawyers  as 
well  as  surgeons  and  physicians,  several  thousand  have  graduated  in 
Universities,2  hundreds  of  thousands  ply  trades  or  have  acquired 
property,  and  a  few,  such  as  Dr.  Booker  Washington  and  Professor 
DuBois,  are  recognised  as  men  of  distinction.3  Nor  is  even  this  a 

1  Certain  inquiries  at  European  universities  where  Asiatic  and  African  students  are 
to  be  found,  tend  to  show  that  there  is  no  good  reason  for  thinking  that  they  possess 
less  ability  than  European  students. 

3  See  Prof.  W.  G.  B.  DuBois's  searching  volume,  The  College-bred  Negro. 

3  M.  Firmin,  a  Haitian,  a  full-blooded  Negro,  I  am  informed,  has  written  a  highly 
learned  and  remarkably  judicious  and  elegant  work  on  the  Equality  of  the  Human 
Races.  Another  Haitian,  of  humble  and  pure  descent,  but  who  later  became  Presi- 
dent of  the  Republic  of  Haiti,  General  Legitime,  has  composed  a  luminous  and 
comprehensive  introduction  to  philosophy.  A  West  Indian  of  immaculate  Negro 
descent,  Dr.  Th.  Scholes,  has  issued  two  excellent  treatises  on  the  races  question. 
The  Hon.  John  Mensa  Sarbah,  a  West  African,  has  written  with  conspicuous  ability 
on  the  Fanti  National  Constitution.  Many  other  works  of  equal  worth,  composed  by 
Negroes,  exist. 


32  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

fair  statement  of  the  case.  The  Negro  population  of  the  United 
States  is  despised  if  not  downtrodden,  largely  deprived  of  elementary 
education,  and  lacking,  therefore,  generally  wealth  and  the  corre- 
sponding opportunities  for  culture.  Manifestly,  if  we  assumed  that 
the  Negro  race  ceased  to  be  thus  severely  handicapped,  the  possible 
number  of  university  graduates  among  them  would  materially 
increase.1  There  remains  alone  the  academic  argument  that  under 
equal  conditions  the  white  race  might  show  a  greater  proportion  of 
professors  or  graduates,  but  the  figures  are  wanting  to  decide  this. 
Suffice  it  that  we  cannot  speak  of  exceptions  where  thousands  of 
graduates  are  involved. 

A  final  objection  might  be  raised  relating  to  the  absence  of  great 
men  among  the  Negroes  of  the  United  States.  They  have  produced 
no  Shakespeare,  no  Beethoven,  no  Plato.  Which  is  perfectly  true  ; 
but  neither  have  the  teeming  millions  of  the  white  race  of  America 
produced  one  such  towering  giant  through  the  centuries.  Moreover, 
the  time  of  the  recognition  of  great  men  appears  to  be  from  about 
the  age  of  fifty  onwards,  and  altogether  only  a  little  over  forty  years 
have  passed  since  slavery  was  abolished  in  the  United  States. 

Needless  to  say,  what  is  stated  in  the  preceding  paragraphs 
regarding  the  capacities  of  the  Negro  race — which,  according  to  Sir 
Harry  Johnston,  embraces  some  150,000,000  souls — holds  with 
increased  force  of  the  great  Oriental  peoples,  who  can  point  to 
complex  civilisations  and  to  illustrious  sons  and  daughters.2 

We  must  now  examine  the  contention  that  man  is  more  than 
intellect,  and  that  while  the  various  races  may  be  possibly  equal  on 
the  whole  as  regards  intelligence^  they  differ  much  in  enterprise^  morals, 
and  beauty. 

Enterprise  is  a  vague  term  to  define.  So  far  as  the  qualities  of 
the  warrior  are  in  question,  these  appear  to  be  universal.  The 
Greeks,  the  Romans,  and  the  Carthaginians  were  certainly  bold  and 
daring.  The  Egyptians,  the  Persians,  and  the  Hebrews  fought 
intrepidly.  The  Middle  Ages  found  Christians,  Turks,  and  Huns, 
accomplished  in  the  fine  art  of  massacre.  Gustav  Adolf  of  Sweden, 
Frederick  the  Great,  Napoleon,  Wellington,  splendidly  led  superb 
armies.  Japan  recently  showed  the  world  what  matchless  fighting 
stuff  is  to  be  found  in  the  Far  East  And  so-called  savage  tribes — 
north,  south,  east,  and  west — appear  to  be  no  whit  behind  in  the 
matter  of  dauntless  bravery. 

1  It  might  be  said  that  many  of  the  so-called  Negro  graduates  are  not  full  blacks. 
Since,  however,  very  many  of  them  are,  the  argument  remains  unaffected.  It  should 
also  be  noted  that  "coloured"  people  are  treated  precisely  as  if  they  were  full-blooded. 

•  "  I  consider  that  your  propositions  could  be  abundantly  supported  by  instances 
taken  from  India,"  writes  a  Civil  Servant  who  occupied  for  many  years  a  responsible 
post  in  India. 


FIRST  SESSION  33 

War,  however,  is  supposed  to  offer  a  powerful  stimulus,  and  it  is 
argued  that  where  the  stimulus  is  gentle,  it  finds  some  races 
responding  and  not  others.  Inveterate  idleness  is  thus  stated  to 
distinguish  most  non-European  races.  The  Hon.  James  S.  Sherman, 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  well  grasps  this  nettle.  "  The 
Indian,"  he  says,  "  is  naturally  indolent,  naturally  slothful,  naturally 
untidy;  he  works  because  he  has  to  work,  and  primarily  he  does  not 
differ  altogether  from  the  white  man  in  that  respect.  Mr.  Valentin, 
this  morning,  very  vividly  pictured  what  the  Indians  were.  He  said, 
as  you  remember,  that  some  drink,  some  work,  and  some  did  not, 
some  saved  their  money,  some  provided  for  their  families,  and  some 
went  to  jail.  Still  /  would  like  to  know  what  single  white  community 
in  this  whole  land  of  ours  that  description  does  not  cover  ?  "  (Report 
of  the  Twenty-Seventh  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Lake  Mohonk 
Conference  of  Friends  of  the  Indian  and  other  Dependent  Peoples, 
October  20-22,  1909,  pp.  80-8 1.  Italics  are  ours.)  Vice-President 
Sherman  gives  here  the  happy  despatch  to  a  very  common  fallacy. 
Man  requires  an  appropriate  stimulus  to  spur  him  to  action — whether 
it  be  that  of  the  warrior,  the  hunter,  the  shepherd,  the  peasant,  the 
tradesman,  or  the  scholar,  and  West  and  East  are  at  one  in  this 
respect.  The  inhabitants  of  China  and  Japan  are  world-famed  for 
their  industriousness,  and  the  populations  of  Turkey,  Persia,  and 
India  are  also  busy  bees  in  the  mass.  Similarly  the  Negro  and 
the  American  Indian  in  the  United  States  are  falling  into  the  habit 
of  what  is  called  work  in  the  West,  and  primitive  peoples  generally 
are  as  active  as  the  circumstances  demand. 

Fearlessness  and  industry  may  not  form  dividing  lines  between 
the  races ;  but  what  of  such  attributes  as  initiative,  inventiveness, 
progress  ?  Historians  inform  us  that  in  Dante's  time  the  Western 
methods  of  agriculture  were  still  those  of  the  ancient  Romans,  and 
they  further  show  us  that  the  red-haired  Teutons  about  the  beginning 
of  our  era,  while  possessing  themselves  a  civilisation  of  a  most  rudi- 
mentary character,  exhibited  no  desire  to  emulate  the  dark-white 
civilised  Romans  with  whom  they  came  into  contact.  Should  we, 
then,  be  justified  in  concluding  from  such  facts  that  the  European 
races  in  general  and  the  Teutonic  race  in  particular  are  unprogressive 
races  ?  Or  does  this  not  suggest  that  complex  social  conditions 
determine  whether  a  race  shall  be  pushful,  empire-building,  inventive, 
progressive?  So  far  as  modern  warfare  is  concerned,  Japan  ranges 
now  admittedly  with  the  great  Western  Powers,  and  in  industry  and 
in  science  this  Eastern  nation  is  also  taking  its  place  in  the  front 
rank.  Yesterday,  as  it  were,  despotic  rule  was  supposed  to  hall-mark 
the  East,  to-day  representative  government  is  clamoured  for  in  the 
few  Oriental  countries  where  it  does  not  exist  already.  This,  too, 

D 


-34  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

merely  repeats  the  story  of  Europe's  recent  emergence  from  an  auto- 
cratic regime.  Taking  further  into  consideration  the  imposing  ancient 
civilisations  of  Egypt  and  Babylon,  Persia  and  Phoenicia,  and  more 
especially  the  magnificent  civilisation  of  China  which  is  responsible 
for  innumerable  inventions  and  discoveries  of  the  highest  order,  and 
bearing  in  mind  that  every  country  in  the  East  is  at  present 
remodelling  its  civilisation  on  Western  lines,  it  is  reasonable  to 
suggest  that,  so  far  as  the  spirit  of  enterprise  is  concerned,  the 
various  races  of  mankind  may  be  said  to  be,  broadly  speaking, 
on  an  equality. 

We  must  now  examine  another  momentous  factor,/^  moral  factor, 
A  few  decades  ago,  due  partly  to  unavoidable  ignorance  and  partly 
to  racial  and  religious  prejudice,  it  was  thought  that  morality  was  a 
monopoly  of  the  West.  Bret  Harte's  Ah-Sin  was  the  typical 
Chinese ;  cruelty  and  prevarication  were  alleged  to  be  the  special 
prerogative  of  the  Mohammedan  ;  the  less  developed  types  of  men 
were  head-hunters,  cannibals  and  shameless  ;  and  self-respect  and 
respect  for  others  were  iridescent  virtues  only  to  be  encountered  in 
Central  Europe  and  the  United  States.  Now,  however,  that  we 
possess  the  beautiful  Sacred  Books  of  the  East  in  translation,  this 
view  has  lost  almost  every  vestige  of  justification,  for  much  in  the 
Chinese,  Hindu,  Persian,  Hebrew,  and  even  Egyptian  and  Baby- 
lonian classics  is  of  the  profoundest  ethical  significance. 

Coming  to  moral  practice,  travellers  of  unimpeachable  repute  have 
taught  us  that  love  of  family  and  country,  devotion  to  friends, 
succour  of  those  in  distress,  are  not  virtues  characteristic  of  any 
one  particular  race.  Concerning  the  Chinese  the  distinguished 
English  missionary  and  scholar,  Dr.  Legge,  says  in  a  Present-Day 
Tract, "  Take  the  Chinese  people  as  a  whole  .  .  .  and  there  is  much 
about  them  to  like  and  even  to  admire.  They  are  cheerful,  temperate, 
industrious,  and  kindly,  and  in  these  respects  they  will  bear  a  com- 
parison, perhaps  a  favourable  comparison,  with  the  masses  of  our 
own  population.  ...  I  found  those  of  them  who  had  any  position 
in  society  for  the  most  part  faithful  to  their  engagements  and  true  to 
their  word.  I  thought  of  them  better,  both  morally  and  socially, 
when  I  left  them,  than  when  I  first  went  among  them,  more  than 
thirty  years  before."  And  such  passages  abound  in  modern  works, 
not  only  in  regard  to  the  doyenne  of  the  nations,  but  in  regard  to 
most  non-European  peoples.1 

Lastly,  that  there  is  little  to  choose  in  regard  to  physique,  a  glance 

'."Among  the  cleanest — physically  and  morally — men  that  I  have  known  have 
been  some  of  African  descent  "  (Prof.  B.  G.  Wilder,  The  Brain  of  the  American  Negro, 
1909).  See  also  the  chapter  on  the  truthfulness  of  the  Hindus  in  M,ix  Mtiller's  What 
Can  India  Teach  Usf 


FIRST   SESSION  35 

at  any  good  modern  collection  of  fair-sized  ethnographical  photo- 
graphs will  show.  It  was  the  old  drawings,  little  more  than  na'fve 
caricatures,  and  later  the  photographs  of  hideous  exceptions,  which 
supplied  us  with  those  types  of  other  races  that  suggest  startling  race 
distinctions.  Michelet  and  others  have  dwelt  on  the  beauty  of 
Haitians,  and  Firmin,  with  apparent  good  reason,  thinks  that  the 
classic  type  of  beauty  is  closely  bound  up  with  a  high  state  of 
civilisation,  a  remark  which  Schneider  {Die  Naturvb'lker,  1885) 
endorses.  Privation  and  affluence,  refinement  and  degradation, 
leave  their  traces  on  uncivilised  and  civilised  alike. 

We  are,  then,  under  the  necessity  of  concluding  that  an  impartial 
investigator  would  be  inclined  to  look  upon  the  various  important  peoples 
of  the  world  as,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  essentially  equals  in  intellect, 
enterprise,  morality,  and  physique. 

Race  prejudice  forms  a  species  belonging  to  a  flourishing  genus. 
Prejudices  innumerable  exist  based  on  callousness,  ignorance,  mis- 
understanding, economic  rivalry,  and,  above  all,  on  the  fact  that  our 
customs  are  dear  to  us,  but  appear  ridiculous  and  perverse  to  all  who 
do  not  sympathetically  study  them.  Nation  looks  down  on  nation, 
class  on  class,  religion  on  religion,  sex  on  sex,  and  race  on  race.  It 
is  a  melancholy  spectacle  which  imaginative  insight  into  the  lives 
and  conditions  of  others  should  remove. 

Considering  that  the  number  of  race  characteristics  is  legion,  it 
would  be  embarrassing  to  assert  that  they  possess  a  deeper  meaning. 
Every  small  tribe  seems  to  be  the  happy  possessor  of  a  little  army  of 
special  characteristics,  and  one  ethnologist  actually  speaks  of  five 
hundred  tribes  to  be  found  in  a  radius  of  as  many  miles  in  a  certain 
locality.  The  American  Indians  are  said  to  be  related  to  the  Tartars, 
whilst  possessing  very  distinct  common  traits ;  and  each  of  the  at 
present  recognised  great  racial  divisions  is  equally  capable  of  sub- 
division, and  equally  merges  by  degrees  into  the  others.  Again,  we 
hear  of  red-haired,  yellow-haired,  fair-haired,  brown-haired,  and  black- 
haired  peoples,  and  we  read  of  frizzly  hair,  woolly  hair,  silken  hair, 
as  well  as  of  a  few  tufts  of  hair  on  the  head  in  some  tribes,  and  trains 
of  hair  trailing  on  the  ground  in  others.  Peoples  differ  in  average 
height  from  less  than  four  feet  to  over  six  feet.  Some  of  these  have 
very  small  and  others  very  large  eyes,  and  length  of  limbs  varies 
considerably.  The  bodies  of  some  few  tribes  are  richly  covered  with 
hair,  while  others  are  practically  devoid  of  it.  The  variations  in 
colour  of  skin,  from  pink  to  yellow,  reddish-brown  and  black-brown, 
are  very  conspicuous,  and  the  so-called  Caucasian  type  alone  embraces 
the  fair  Scandinavian,  the  dusky  Italian,  the  dark  Hindu,  and  the 
almost  black  Fellah.  Noses,  lips,  chins,  cheek-bones,  jaws,  vary 
prodigiously,  and  no  less  facial  angle,  forehead,  and  shape  of  skull. 


36  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

Accordingly  the  observable  physical  differences  between  so-called 
distinct  races  must  be  regarded  as  incidental  on  pain  of  having  to 
assume  hundreds  of  separate  origins  for  the  human  race.  Ratzel 
truly  says  :  "  It  may  be  safely  asserted  that  the  study  of  comparative 
ethnology  in  recent  years  has  tended  to  diminish  the  weight  of  the 
traditionally  accepted  views  of  anthropologists  as  to  racial  dis- 
tinctions, and  that  in  any  case  they  afford  no  support  to  the  view 
which  sees  in  the  so-called  lower  races  of  mankind  a  transition  stage 
from  beast  to  man." x 

We  commonly  judge  races  nearly  as  much  by  their  customs  as 
by  their  physical  appearance,  almost  as  if  the  former  fatally  depended 
on  the  latter.  Indeed,  anthropologists  and  travellers  often  unques- 
tioningly  and  unsuspectingly  assume  that  the  mental  traits  of  races 
are  innate  and  fixed,  like  the  tendency  to  anger  or  to  walking 
uprightly.  Yet  a  Zulu,  for  instance,  taken  from  his  tribe  where  he 
appears  to  possess  innumerable  rooted  and  peculiar  customs,  very 
soon  loses  them  nearly  all.  The  American  Negro  missionaries  in 
Africa  find  that  custom  is  deeper  than  physical  appearance,  since 
their  fellow  Negroes  in  Africa  look  upon  them  as  Americans  rather 
than  as  men  of  their  own  kith  and  kin.  As  one  of  the  Honorary 
Vice-Presidents  of  the  Congress,  the  first  delegate  to  the  Second 
Hague  Conference  of  one  of  the  greatest  Eastern  Empires,  convinc- 
ingly expresses  this  in  a  letter  to  the  Congress  Executive :  "  Races 
show  nothing  but  skin-deep  differences.  Differences  of  language,  of 
religion,  of  manners  and  customs,  are  nothing  but  accidental 
modalities  attendant  on  the  respective  historical  evolution  in  the 
past — in  no  way  sufficiently  powerful  to  efface  the  sub-stratum 
common  to  all  humanity,  and  in  no  way  tending  to  hinder  any 
co-operative  effort  in  the  fulfilment  of  the  mission  common  to 
mankind  in  general." 

Is  it,  then,  to  be  inferred,  we  may  be  asked  in  astonishment,  that 
we  should  encourage  indiscriminate  miscegenation,  free  intermarriage 
between  white,  black,  and  yellow  races?  The  inference  need  not 
be  drawn,  since  we  may  say  that,  just  as  in  parts  of  Europe,  for 
instance,  Protestants,  Catholics,  and  Jews  live  together  amicably 
while  yet  intermarrying  very  rarely,  so  the  equality  of  the  human 
races  might  be  universally  acknowledged  and  yet  intermarriage  not 
take  place.  However,  we  ought  to  note  that  in  the  West  the  fairest 
whites  freely  intermarry  with  the  darkest  whites,  and  that  it  is 
difficult  to  see  why — theoretically  at  least — any  limit  should  be 
drawn. 

What  has  been  said  above  regarding  the  ephemeral  importance 

*  A  comprehensive  criticism  of  works  that  lay  stress  on  the  inequality  of  races  is  to 
be  found  in  Jean  Finot's  Race  Prejudice  and  in  Friedrich  Hvriz'sModcrncRasscnthcorien. 


FIRST   SESSION  37 

of  racial  distinctions  embraces,  so  it  appears  to  the  present  writer, 
the  bedrock  truth  which  must  be  ever  borne  in  mind  in  this  contro- 
versy. The  trunk  of  the  elephant,  the  neck  of  the  giraffe,  are  some- 
thing singular  in  the  animal  kingdom.  Man,  too,  possesses  a  unique 
quality  which  likewise  sharply  divides  him  from  sentient  beings 
generally.  All  other  animals  are  almost  altogether  guided  by 
individual  or  gregarious  instincts,  and  their  wisdom,  natural  and 
acquired,  almost  completely  dies  with  them.  The  bee's  hive  and  the 
ant's  nest  represent  wonderful  structures ;  but  these  structures, 
wherever  we  meet  them,  are  so  strikingly  alike  that  it  is  evident 
natural  selection  and  not  reason  or  tradition  accounts  for  them. 
Only  man  as  a  race  has  a  history — a  history  of  speech  and  writing, 
a  history  of  architecture  and  dress,  a  history  of  laws,  and  one  of  arts 
and  crafts.  The  individual  thought  of  thousands  of  brains  has,  to 
give  a  trivial  instance,  created  the  safety  bicycle,  and  the  collective 
thought  of  millions  through  the  ages  has  built  up  our  complex  civili- 
sation. And  this  thought  is  transmitted  socially — through  home  and 
school  education,  through  public  institutions,  or  through  the  impos- 
ing accumulations  of  science,  art,  and  industry.  Except  for  such 
social  transmission  the  work  of  the  past  would  have  to  be  com- 
menced, Sisyphus-like,  all  over  again  by  each  generation,  and  the 
stage  of  savagery  and  barbarism  would  be  unending. 

Man's  social  nature  distinguishes  him  from  his  fellow  animals 
absolutely  in  that  no  animal  species,  however  gregarious,  is  in  posses- 
sion of  traditional  knowledge  collected  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of  thousands  of  years,  and  fundamentally  in  that  any  attempt 
to  turn  an  animal  into  a  social  being  is  doomed  to  fail  miserably. 
To  illustrate,  the  domesticated  animals  may  readily  be  isolated  at 
birth  from  their  kind  with  no  appreciable  consequences  to  their 
development,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  a  human  being  thus  placed 
would  probably  grow  up  more  brutish  than  a  brute.  Man's  upright 
attitude,  his  comparative  hairlessness,  the  place  of  his  thumbs,  the 
size  and  weight  of  his  brain,  are  undoubtedly  radical  differentiae  in 
relation  to  other  animals  ;  but  these  in  themselves  do  not  constitute 
him  the  premier  species  of  the  globe.  The  most  hopelessly 
benighted  pigmy  in  the  forests  of  Central  Africa  possesses  these 
characteristics  nearly  in  perfection.  The  social  and  historical 
element  makes  man  the  civilised  being,  and  it  alone  accounts  for 
the  successive  ages  of  stone,  bronze,  iron,  steam,  and  electricity. 

A  theory  such  as  is  here  propounded  ought  to  remove  innu- 
merable preconceptions  from  thinking  minds.  It  is  a  theory  which 
in  a  very  real  sense  makes  all  men  kin.  It  discourages  inconsiderate 
pride  of  race,  of  sex,  of  birth,  of  nation,  of  class,  and  of  religion. 
It  encourages  education,  co-operation,  science,  strenuousness  com- 


38  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

bined  with  modesty,  and  equal  rights  and  opportunities  for  all  men 
and  women.  It  puts  at  its  true  value  the  eminently  plausible  but 
almost  certainly  unscientific  doctrine  that  mankind  can  solely  or 
mainly  be  improved  in  the  only  manner  that  animals  can — i.e.t  by 
careful  selection  or  breeding.  Above  all,  it  paves  the  way  for 
national  and  international  concord  and  co-operation,  and  for  a 
fair  treatment  of  backward  races,  subject  peoples,  and  small  nations. 
•  In  conclusion,  the  writer  of  this  paper  cannot  refrain  from 
expressing  a  fervent  hope  that  the  deliberations  of  this  historic 
Congress  may  result  in  a  better  understanding  and  a  higher  appre- 
ciation of  the  different  peoples  on  the  globe,  and  may  lead  to  the 
enactment  of  beneficent  laws  as  well  as  to  the  formation  of  a 
powerful  public  opinion  which  shall  promote  this  loftiest  of  objects. 

Conclusions. — The  present  writer  has  taken  the  liberty  to  put 
forward  as  his  conclusions  certain  proposals  implicit  in  the  Question- 
naire published  by  the  Congress  Executive.  He  has  preserved  the 
wording  as  far  as  possible  : — 

fj-jl.  (a)  It  is  not  legitimate  to  argue  from  differences  in  physical  characteristics 
to  differences  in  mental  characteristics,  (b)  The  physical  and  mental  charac- 
teristics observable  in  a  particular  race  are  not  (i)  permanent,  (2)  modifiable 
only  through  ages  of  environmental  pressure ;  but  (3)  marked  changes  in 
popular  education,  in  public  sentiment,  and  in  environment  generally,  may, 
apart  from  intermarriage,  materially  transform  physical  and  especially  mental 
characteristics  in  a  generation  or  two. 

2.  (a)  The  status  of  a  race  at  any  particular  moment  of  time  offers  no  index 
to  its  innate  or  inherited  capacities.     (6)    It  is  of   great   importance   in   this 
respect  to  recognise  that  civilisations  are  meteoric  in   nature,  bursting  out 
of  obscurity  only  to  plunge  back  into  it. 

3.  (a)  We  ought  to  combat  the  irreconcilable  contentions  prevalent  among 
all  the  more  important  races  of  mankind  that  their  customs,  their  civilisations, 
and  their  race  are  superior  to  those  of  other  races.    (6)    In  explanation  of 
existing  differences  we  would  refer  to  special  needs  arising  from  peculiar 
geographical  and  economic  conditions  and  to  related  divergences  in  national 
history ;   and,  in  explanation  of    the  attitude  assumed,   we    would    refer  to 
intimacy  with  one's  own  customs  leading  psychologically  to  a  love  of  them 
and  unfamiliarity  with  others'  customs  tending  to  lead  psychologically  to  dislike 
and  contempt  of  these  latter. 

4.  (a)  Differences  in  economic,  hygienic,  moral,  and  educational  standards 
play  a  vital  part  in  estranging  races  which  come  in  contact  with  each  other. 
(b)  These  differences,  like  social  differences  generally,  are  in  substance  almost 
certainly  due  to  passing  social  conditions  and  not  to  innate  racial  charac- 
teristics, and   the  aim  should   be,  as  in  social  differences,  to  remove  these 
rather  than  to  accentuate  them  by  regarding  them  as  fixed. 

5.  (a)  The  deepest  cause  of  race  misunderstandings  is  perhaps  the  tacit  as- 
sumption that  the  present  characteristics  of  a  race  are  the  expression  of  fixed 
and  permanent  racial  characteristics.    (6)  If  so,  anthropologists,  sociologists, 
and  scientific  thinkers  as  a  class,  could  powerfully  assist  the  movement  for  a 
juster  appreciation  of  races  by  persistently  pointing  out  in  their  lectures  and 
in  their  works  the  fundamental  fallacy  involved  in  taking  a  static  instead 


FIRST  SESSION  39 

of  a  dynamic,  a  momentary  instead  of  a  historic,  a  local  instead  of  a  general, 
point  of  view  of  race  characteristics,  (c)  And  such  dynamic  teaching  could 
be  conveniently  introduced  into  schools,  more  especially  in  the  geography 
and  history  lessons ;  also  into  colleges  for  the  training  of  teachers,  diplomats, 
colonial  administrators,  and  missionaries. 

6.  (a)  The  belief  in  racial  superiority  is  largely  due,  as  is  suggested  above, 
to  unenlightened  psychological  repulsion  and  under-estimation  of  the  dynamic 
or  environmental  factors  ;  (6)  there  is  no  fair  proof  of  some  races  being  sub- 
stantially superior  to  others  in  inborn  capacity,  and  hence  our  moral  standard 
need  never  be  modified. 

7.  (A)  (a)  So  far  at  least  as  intellectual  and  moral  aptitudes  are  concerned, 
we  ought  to  speak  of  civilisations  where  we  now  speak  of  races ;  (b)  the  stage 
or  form  of  the  civilisation  of  a  people  has  no  connection  with  its  special 
inborn   physical   characteristics  ;   (c)  and   even  its  physical   characteristics  are 
to  no  small  extent  the  direct  result  of  the  environment,  physical  and  social, 
under  which  it  is  living  at  the  moment.     (B)  To  aid  in  clearing  up  the  con- 
ceptions of  race  and  civilisation,  it  would  be  of  great  value  to  define  these. 

8.  (a)  Each  race  might  with  advantage  study  the  customs  and  civilisations 
of  other  races,  even  those  it  thinks  the  lowliest  ones,  for  the  definite  purpose 
of  improving  its   own   customs  and   civilisation.     (6)  Unostentatious  conduct 
generally  and    respect  for  the  customs  of  other  races,  provided  these  are 
not  morally  objectionable,  should  be  recommended  to  all  who  come  in  passing 
or  permanent  contact  with  members  of  other  races. 

9.  (a)  It  would  be  well  to  collect  accounts  of  any  experiments  on  a  considerable 
scale,  past  or  present,  showing  the  successful  uplifting  of  relatively  backward 
races  by  the  application   of   purely  humane   methods ;   (b)  also  any  cases  of 
colonisation  or  opening  of  a  country  achieved  by  the  same  methods ;  (c)  and  such 
methods  might  be  applied  universally  in  our  dealings  with  other  races. 

10.  The  Congress  might  effectively  (a)  carry  out  its  object  of  encouraging 
better  relations  between  East  and  West  by  encouraging  or  carrying  out,  among 
others,  the  above  proposals,  and  more  particularly  (6)  by  encouraging  the  forma- 
tion of  an  association  designed  to  promote  inter-racial  amity. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


SECOND    SESSION 

CONDITIONS    OF  PROGRESS   (GENERAL   PROBLEMS) 

THE    RATIONALE   OF  AUTONOMY 
By  JOHN   M.  ROBERTSON,  M.P.,  London. 

IN  most  discussions  on  the  demands  by  members  of  subject  races 
for  self-governing  institutions,  there  appears  to  be  little  recognition 
either  of  the  strength  of  the  historic  case  for  autonomy,  or  of  the 
vital  danger  of  its  perpetual  prevention.  Perhaps  this  is  in  part 
due  to  the  mode  in  which  such  claims  are  usually  pressed.  The 
mouthpieces  or  champions  of  the  depressed  races  commonly,  and 
naturally,  make  the  appeal  to  their  masters  on  grounds  of  abstract 
right  and  justice ;  and,  when  met  by  the  reply,  "  You  are  not 
qualified  to  govern  yourselves,"  they  as  naturally  retort  with  an 
indictment  of  the  governing  faculty  of  the  controlling  Power,  and 
a  claim  to  be  equal  in  intelligence  and  civilisedness  to  other  races 
who  actually  have  attained  autonomy.  Thereafter  the  debate  is 
apt  to  become  a  series  of  recriminations,  the  spokesmen  of  the 
ruling  race  using  the  language  of  contempt,  and  the  other  side  the 
language  of  resentment 

Inasmuch  as  the  handling  of  specific  cases  is  apt  to  reopen 
such  unprofitable  disputes,  it  may  be  well  to  try  to  state  the 
general  case  from  the  point  of  view  of  dispassionate  political 
science,  leaving  for  separate  discussion  the  practical  problems  of 
method  and  initiation  in  given  instances.  To  this  end  we  have 
first  to  make  clear  the  implications  of  the  negative  answer  commonly 
given  to  the  aspiring  "  native."  It  really  amounts  to  confessing 
that  all  peoples  who  have  not  hitherto  governed  themselves  are 
relatively  undeveloped  ;  that,  in  short,  self-government  is  the  pre- 
requisite of  any  high  level  of  social  organisation  and  general 
capacity.  This  implication,  however,  is  not  always  avowed,  even 

40 


SECOND  SESSION  41 

by  the  more  thoughtful  exponents  of  "imperialism"  in  our  own 
day  ;  and  until  recent  times  it  was  rather  the  exception  than  the 
rule  for  historians  even  to  note  that  when,  in  ancient  Greece  and 
Rome,  an  end  was  put  to  the  life  of  free  discussion  and  political 
conflict,  the  general  level  of  human  faculty  began  to  sink.  The 
truth  that  the  habit  of  constant  debate  and  the  perpetual  practice 
of  affairs  are  the  vital  conditions  of  intellectual  and  moral  betterment 
for  communities  as  wholes,  is  still  far  short  of  being  a  current  axiom. 
Yet  it  is  proved  alike  by  the  decay  of  the  classic  civilisations  after 
the  ending  of  autonomy  and  by  the  advance  of  modern  civilisation 
hand  in  hand  with  autonomy.  And  no  great  subtlety  of  analysis 
is  needed  to  explain  the  necessity. 

Even  the  strongest  champions  of  the  rule  of  advanced  over 
backward  races  admit  the  evils  of  despotism  :  it  is  indeed  one  of 
the  main  pleas  of  British  imperialists  that  British  rule  is  better 
for  those  under  it  than  the  "  native "  despotism  which  would  be 
the  only  alternative.  Yet  the  same  reasoners  constantly  avow  the 
fallibility  of  British  rulers ;  inasmuch  as  they  mostly  belong  to 
one  of  two  parties,  of  each  of  which  the  members  habitually  impeach 
alike  the  capacity  and  the  good  faith  of  those  of  the  other.  Unless, 
then,  it  is  alleged  that  a  man  confessedly  fallible  in  dealing  with 
the  members  of  his  own  advanced  race  becomes  infallible  when 
dealing  with  men  whose  language,  ideals,  and  religion  are  alien  to 
his,  it  follows  that  mistakes  are  made  by  all  dominant  races  in 
their  treatment  of  subject  races. 

Is  it  to  be  desired,  then,  that  the  latter  should  be  either  too 
unintelligent  to  know  when  they  are  misruled  or  too  apathetic  to 
care?  The  avowal  of  either  desire  would  obviously  amount  to  a 
complete  condemnation  of  the  ideal  or  polity  involving  it.  Every 
polity  professes  to  aim  at  betterment.  But  where  there  exist  no 
means  of  correction  or  protest  on  the  part  of  those  who  suffer  by 
errors  of  government,  there  must  be  generated  either  apathetic 
despair  or  a  smouldering  resentment.  It  would  be  gratuitously 
absurd  to  expect  that  the  men  of  the  "  backward  "  race  should  be 
positively  more  patiently  forgiving  or  more  cheerfully  tolerant 
than  their  "  advanced  "  masters.  If  they  can  be  so,  they  are  the 
more  "  advanced  "  race  of  the  two,  in  some  of  the  main  points  of 
capacity  for  self-rule.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  they  are  not  to  be 
either  brutalised  or  prostrated,  they  must  think  and  criticise  ;  and, 
as  John  Stuart  Mill  long  ago  pointed  out,  efficient  thinking  cannot 
coexist  with  a  settled  belief — however  acquired  or  imposed — in  the 
entire  beneficence  of  the  ruler.  To  cognise  beneficence  there  is 
needed  judgment,  reflection  on  experience  ;  and  absolute  faith  in 
the  superior  wisdom  of  the  ruler  would  soon  make  an  end  of  the 


42  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

very  faculty  of  judging,  by  making  an  end  of  its  exercise.  An 
unexercised  reason  cannot  subsist.  In  a  word,  if  the  ruled  are  to 
progress,  they  must  think  and  judge ;  and  if  they  think  and  judge 
they  must  from  time  to  time  be  dissatisfied.  There  is  no  escape 
from  the  dilemma ;  and  if  the  ruling  race  is  at  all  conscientious, 
at  all  sincere  in  its  professed  desire  for  the  betterment  of  its  subjects, 
it  must  desire  to  know  when  and  why  they  are  dissatisfied.  The 
need  for  reciprocity  holds  no  less,  albeit  with  a  difference,  in  the 
case  of  the  ruler.  To  exercise  an  absolute  control  over  a  community 
or  a  congeries  of  communities  in  the  belief  that  one  is  absolutely 
infallible,  is  to  tread  the  path  of  insanity. 

To  know  that  one  is  politically  fallible,  and  yet  never  to  care 
for  the  opinion  of  those  whom  one  may  be  at  any  moment  mis- 
governing, is  to  set  conscience  aside.  Either  way,  demoralisation 
or  deterioration  follows  as  inevitably  for  the  ruler  as  for  the  ruled. 

All  history  proclaims  the  lesson.  Whether  we  take  ancient 
despots  ruling  empires  through  satraps,  or  States  playing  the  despot 
to  other  States,  the  sequence  is  infallibly  evil.  Never  is  there  any 
continuity  of  sound  life.  In  the  absence  of  control  from  the 
governed,  the  despotisms  invariably  grew  corrupt  and  feeble.  On 
the  substitution  of  despotic  rule  for  self-rule,  all  the  forces  of 
civilisation  began  to  fail.  The  State  Imperialism  of  Rome  was 
even  more  utterly  fatal  than  the  personal  imperialism  of  Alexander 
and  his  successors :  it  destroyed  alike  the  primary  power  of  self- 
defence  and  the  higher  life  throughout  nearly  its  whole  sphere, 
till  all  Western  civilisation  sank  in  chaos,  and  that  of  Byzantium 
survived  in  a  state  of  mental  stagnation  only  till  as  strong  a 
barbarism  assailed  that  as  had  overthrown  the  empire  in  the  West. 
The  domination  of  Florence  over  Pisa  exhibited  the  fatality  afresh ; 
that  of  Spain  over  Italy  had  the  same  kind  of  double  consequences ; 
and  the  arbitrary  rule  of  England  over  Scotland  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  and  over  France  in  the  fifteenth,  was  similarly  followed  by 
periods  of  humiliation  and  decadence.  It  is  only  because  of  the 
much  slighter  implication  of  the  national  life  in  the  remoter 
dominations  of  to-day  that  the  harm  is  now  so  much  less  perceptible; 
the  principle  of  harm  can  never  be  eliminated  where  the  unsound 
relation  subsists. 

The  contemporary  problem  may  be  put  in  a  nutshell.  Are  the 
subject  races  of  to-day  progressing  or  not?  If  yes,  they  must  be 
on  the  way,  however  slowly,  to  a  measure  of  self-government.  If 
not,  the  domination  of  the  advanced  races  is  a  plain  failure  ;  and 
the  talk  of  "  beneficent  rule "  becomes  an  idle  hypocrisy.  The 
only  possible  alternative  thesis  is  that  the  subject  races  are  incapable 
of  progress ;  and  this  is  actually  affirmed  by  some  imperialists  who 


SECOND  SESSION  43 

reason  that  only  in  "  temperate  climates  "  do  the  natural  conditions 
essential  to  self-government  subsist.  Their  doctrine  may  be  left 
to  the  acceptance  of  all  who  can  find  ground  for  exultation  and 
magniloquence  in  the  prospect  of  a  perpetual  dominion  of  white  men 
over  cowed  coloured  races  who  secretly  and  helplessly  hate  them,  in 
lands  where  white  men  can  never  hope  to  rear  their  own  offspring. 

If,  instead  of  a  dreary  fatalism  of  that  description,  there  is  urged 
upon  us  the  simple  difficulty  of  building  up  a  new  social  order  in 
the  tropical  or  semi-tropical  lands  where  self-rule  has  never  yet 
subsisted,  and  where  mixture  of  races  complicates  every  problem, 
we  can  at  once  assent.  To  plead  difficulty  is  to  admit  desirability, 
and  to  confess  that  the  perpetual  absence  of  every  element  of 
political  self-determination  from  a  people's  life  means  a  failure  of 
civilisation.  Given  that  admission,  difficulties  may  be  faced  in  the 
spirit  of  good  counsel. 

But  the  first  thing  to  be  posited  is  a  warning  that  "  difficulty  " 
and  "  ill-preparedness  "  are  in  no  way  special  to  the  cases  of  tropical 
countries  and  so-called  "  backward "  races.  The  critical  process 
applied  to  these  cases  by  those  who  commonly  fall  back  on  the 
formula  of  "  unfitness  "  is  extraordinarily  imperfect.  On  their  own 
view,  those  races  are  "  fit "  which  have  slowly  attained  self-govern- 
ment alter  starting  on  the  journey  at  a  notably  low  stage  of  "  fitness," 
and  undergoing  on  the  way  all  manner  of  miscarriages,  including 
civil  v/ar.  Only  by  development  out  of  unfitness,  obviously,  is 
fitness  attainable.  Yet  the  bare  fact  of  unfitness  is  constantly 
posited  as  if  it  were  the  fixed  antipodes  of  fitness.  It  is  commonly 
put,  for  instance,  as  the  decisive  and  final  answer  to  any  plea  for 
the  gradual  development  of  self-governing  institutions  in  India,  that 
if  India  were  evacuated  by  the  British  forces  there  would  ensue 
civil  war,  if  not  a  new  war  of  conquest  That  is  of  course  an  even 
superfluously  valid  argument  against  the  evacuation  of  India,  which 
no  politician  is  known  ever  to  have  suggested.  But  it  is  put  as  if 
the  bare  potentiality  were  a  demonstration  of  the  unfitness  of  the 
Indian  peoples  collectively  for  any  kind  of  institution  tending  ever 
so  remotely  towards  autonomy.  Now,  within  the  English-speaking 
world,  the  mother  country  had  civil  wars  in  the  seventeenth  and 
eighteenth  centuries  ;  there  was  civil  war  between  mother  country 
and  colonies  towards  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  ;  and  again  within 
the  independent  United  States  and  within  Canada  in  the  nineteenth 
— all  this  in  a  "race"  that  makes  specially  high  claims  to  self- 
governing  faculty.  On  the  imperialist  principle,  a  Planetary  Angel 
with  plenary  powers  would  have  intervened  to  stop  the  "  premature 
experiment"  of  Anglo-Saxon  self-government  at  any  one  of  the 
stages  specified — if  indeed  he  had  ever  allowed  it  to  begin. 


44  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

It  would  seem  that  a  first  step  towards  a  scientific  or  even  a 
quasi-rational  view  of  the  problem  must  be  to  put  aside  the 
instinctive  hypothesis  that  faculty  for  self-government  is  a  matter 
of "  race."  The  people  of  the  United  States,  who  began  their  own 
independent  life  by  civil  war  and  revolution,  and  have  had  a  civil 
war  since,  have  been  largely  wont  to  join  with  those  of  the  mother 
country  (whose  history  has  included  a  round  dozen  of  revolutions) 
in  ascribing  unfitness  for  self-rule  to  the  South  American  Republics 
in  general  on  the  score  of  the  number  of  revolutions  in  which  they 
have  indulged.  Yet  the  South  American  State  of  Brazil  has  some- 
how contrived  to  solve  peacefully  the  problem  of  slavery,  which  the 
United  States  could  not  solve  without  one  of  the  most  terrible 
civil  wars  in  the  world's  history.  Further,  the  South  American 
State,  after  attaining  republican  government  by  a  notably  peaceful 
revolution,  seems  unhaunted  by  the  shadow  of  a  deadly  Race 
Problem  that  dogs  the  Anglo-Saxon  world  in  the  North.  It  would 
seem  that  we  must  admit  varieties  of  kind  as  well  as  degree  in 
our  conception  of  political  fitness.  In  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  North  Americans  were  found  to  impute  unfitness  for 
autonomy  to  the  whole  French  people ;  and  that  people,  after  having 
undergone  three  revolutions  within  two  generations  of  "  the " 
Revolution,  which  was  in  itself  a  series  of  Revolutions,  attained 
autonomy  only  after  a  cataclysm  in  which  civil  war  followed  upon 
a  vast  disaster  in  foreign  war.  To-day,  however,  probably  no 
thoughtful  person  in  either  hemisphere  disputes  the  fitness  of  France 
for  autonomy,  save  in  a  remote  philosophic  sense  in  which  fitness 
for  autonomy  may  be  denied  to  all  peoples  alike. 

If  the  problem  be  reduced  to  its  elements,  in  short,  it  will  be 
found  that  none  of  the  a  priori  arguments  against  autonomy  for  any 
race  have  any  scientific  validity.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  practical 
autonomy  exists  at  this  moment  among  the  lowest  and  most  retro- 
grade races  of  the  earth  ;  and  probably  no  experienced  European 
administrator  who  has  ever  carried  his  thinking  above  the  levels  of 
that  of  a  frontier  trader  will  confidently  say  that  any  one  of  these 
races  would  be  improved  by  setting  up  over  them  any  system  of 
white  man's  rule  which  has  yet  been  tried.  An  extremely  interesting 
experiment  in  white  man's  rule  has  been  at  work  for  a  generation  in 
Basutoland  ;  but  whatever  may  be  its  results,  it  seems  likely  to 
remain  an  isolated  case. 

The  difficulties  which  stand  in  the  way  of  autonomy  for  the 
leading  subject-races  consist — as  apart  from  the  simple  unwillingness 
of  many  imperialists  to  proceed  upon  a  road  of  reciprocity — in 
differences  of  social  structure  and  external  relations,  not  of  mental  or 
racial  "character";  and  much  good  might  be  done  in  promoting 


SECOND   SESSION  45 

better  feelings  between  rulers  and  ruled,  if  this  were  frankly  and 
intelligently  avowed  by  the  former.  When  Japan  has  developed  a 
large  measure  of  constitutional  autonomy  and  China  is  visibly  moving 
on  the  same  path,  it  is  sufficiently  idle  to  talk  either  of  "  Oriental "  or 
of  "  hereditary  "  incapacity  for  self-government.  The  differentia  for 
India  are  in  terms  of  (a)  multiplicity  and  (b)  extreme  disparity  of 
races,  involving  liability  to  conquest  (c)  from  within  and  (d)  from 
without.  When,  again,  Turkey  and  Persia  alike  have  for  the  time 
attained  autonomy  by  revolution,  and  Russia  is  moving  theretowards 
by  convulsion  after  convulsion  in  one  vast  protracted  revolution,  it 
is  sufficiently  idle  to  talk  of  "  unpreparedness "  in  Egypt.  The 
differentia  for  Egypt  are  in  terms  of  (a)  variety  of  alien  elements 
installed  on  the  spot  and  (&}  incapacity  on  that  as  well  as  on  other 
grounds  for  secure  self-defence  against  conquest.  If  but  Hindus 
and  Egyptians  were  rationally  dealt  with  in  terms  of  these  real  con- 
siderations, to  the  exclusion  of  plainly  fallacious  and  sophistical 
objections,  the  chances  of  a  good  understanding  between  dominator 
and  dominated  would  be  much  improved. 

The  very  first  step  in  the  discussion  would  mean  a  recognition 
of  the  fundamental  "fitness"  of  self-controlling  machinery  for  all 
races  alike.  Putting  aside  all  the  "  sentiment "  accruing  to  the  con- 
cepts of  "liberty"  and  "independence,"  both  parties  would  have 
agreed  that  it  is  good  for  a  man  to  be  an  intelligent  agent  instead  of 
a  recalcitrant  machine — and  good  for  his  controller  likewise.  There- 
after the  problem  would  be  one  of  determining  from  time  to  time 
exactly  how  far  the  relation  of  reciprocity  can  be  developed  between 
the  controlling  bureaucracy  and  the  controlled,  to  the  end  of  setting 
up  the  state  of  mutual  responsibility.  The  rational  acceptance  of  a 
relation  of  primary  obligation  might  be  made  easy  to  all  "  natives  " 
capable  of  practical  politics  by  showing  them  how  the  virtual  self- 
government  of  Britain  has  been  evolved,  and  subsists,  under  the 
assertion  of  a  primary  right  and  power  of  dominion,  on  the  part  of 
the  sovereign. 

Given  such  a  point  of  departure,  the  educing  of  local  modes 
of  rational  relation  between  controllers  and  controlled  may  go  on 
through  the  centuries  at  a  rather  more  rapid  rate  than  marked  the 
evolution  in  the  case  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race — provided  only  that 
the  controllers  possess  the  capacity  for  one  thing.  That  is  to  say, 
they  must  have  the  capacity  to  adjust  themselves  to  the  relation 
of  sovereign-race  and  self-asserting  subjects  as  the  actual  sovereigns 
of  the  past  had  to  do.  "  Liberties  "  have  been  won  by  the  peoples, 
thus  far,  either  by  convincing  their  arbitrary  rulers  that  real  power  is 
after  all  in  the  hands  of  the  majority,  or  by  simply  removing  the 
rulers  who  could  not  admit  it.  In  the  case  of  dominant  and  subject 


46  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

races,  where  neither  process  is  possible,  the  state  of  upward  progress 
can  be  brought  about  only  by  substituting  in  the  minds  of  the  former 
a  sympathetic  relation  for  one  of  mere  adjustment  of  forces.  The  race 
in  power  must  be  concerned  to  keep  pace  with  the  evolving  faculty  of 
the  race  in  tutelage,  striking  a  careful  balance  at  all  times  between 
the  forces  of  aspiration  and  resistance  which  conflict  in  all  Societies. 
But,  above  all,  it  must  do  this  calmly  and  scientifically  in  face  of  the 
vituperation  of  the  progressive  sections  of  the  race  in  tutelage.  And 
here  lies  the  "  great  perhaps  "  of  the  political  destinies  of  mankind. 

Again,  we  may  put  the  problem  in  a  few  words.  In  all  auto- 
nomous countries  political  progress  means  constant  friction  and  much 
embittered  language  between  factions.  To  expect  of  the  "  back- 
ward "  races  that  they  shall  be  more  considerate  in  their  characterisa- 
tion of  the  policies  of  their  masters  than  those  masters  have  ever  been 
in  their  own  faction-strifes,  is  plainly  fantastic.  It  would  seem  no 
very  great  stretch  of  common  sense  to  realise  that  when  Liberal  and 
Tory,  for  instance,  habitually  denounce  each  other's  administration  at 
home,  they  must  look  to  having  the  administration  of  either  or  both 
denounced  by  those  who  have  to  endure  it  abroad.  Yet  the  Briton 
can  daily  see  in  his  newspapers  the  spectacle  of  journalists  grossly 
vituperating  their  own  Government  in  one  column  and  in  another 
denouncing  as  "  sedition  "  all  vituperation  of  it  by  Hindus.  If  this 
state  of  moral  incoherence  be  not  transcended  by  the  majority  or  the 
ruling  spirits,  the  problem  of  peaceful  progress  towards  autonomy 
among  the  subject  races  is  hopeless.  The  demand  that  the  latter 
shall  maintain  an  attitude  of  humble  acquiescence  for  an  indefinite 
time  in  the  hope  that  when  they  have  ceased  to  ask  for  anything 
they  will  spontaneously  be  given  it,  is  quite  the  most  senseless  formula 
ever  framed  in  any  political  discussion.  Peoples  so  acquiescent 
would  be  the  most  thoroughly  unfit  for  self-government  that  have  yet 
appeared.  They  would  be  no  longer  "  viable." 

As  the  case  stands,  the  responsibility  clearly  lies  on  the  races 
in  power.  If  they  cannot  make  the  small  effort  of  self-criticism  and 
consistency  required  to  realise  that  they  should  tolerate  blame  from 
the  races  they  dominate  (since  these  can  simply  blame  no  one  else 
for  whatever  misfortunes  they  endure),  and  should  still  go  on  helping 
them  forward,  the  game  is  up. 

In  that  case  they  will  have  failed  to  comprehend  the  necessary 
conditions  of  progress  in  the  race  relations  in  question  ;  and  when 
the  history  of  the  failure  comes  to  be  written,  it  will  not  be  upon 
the  victims  of  the  failure,  probably,  that  posterity  will  think  it  worth 
while  to  pass  the  verdict  of  "unfitness."  It  will  be  passed,  if  upon 
any,  on  the  race  which,  imputing  unfitness  to  those  whose  fate  it  con- 
trolled, was  itself  collectively  unfit  for  the  task  of  conducting  them  on 


SECOND   SESSION  47 

an  upward  path.  Insisting  on  being  their  earthly  Providence,  it  will 
have  entitled  them  to  curse  it  for  all  their  troubles.  And,  boasting 
all  the  while  of  its  supreme  capacity,  no  less  than  of  its  high  inten- 
tions, it  will  have  earned  from  the  dispassionate  onlooker  no  claim  to 
merciful  judgment 

That  there  should  occur  such  a  bankruptcy  of  civilisation  in 
respect  of  this  one  mode  of  relation  between  races  while  other 
relations  are  improving,  seems,  so  to  speak,  unnecessary.  The  prac- 
tical problem  is  certainly  hard  ;  but  then  so  are  all  great  practical 
problems  in  politics.  What  is  most  disquieting  so  far  is  the  lack 
of  semblance  of  any  general  comprehension  of  the  theoretic  problem. 
The  danger  seems  to  be  that  the  personal  equation  of  the  least 
thoughtful  and  most  brutal  sections  of  the  dominant  races  will  keep 
the  question  indefinitely  on  the  primitive  level.  When  whole  classes 
and  parties  are  found  declaring  that  the  subject  race  shall  have 
no  concessions  made  to  it  until  it  ceases  to  use  insubordinate 
language,  it  becomes  acutely  clear  to  the  investigator  that  we  are 
still  at  the  stage  before  science  if  not  before  morals.  Obviously  the 
thoroughly  subordinate  race  will  never  have  any  "  concessions  "  made 
to  it :  concessions  are  things  asked  for  and  striven  for.  Does  the 
dominator,  then,  suggest  that  he  is  improving  a  backward  race 
by  making  it  cultivate  servility  and  hypocrisy  ?  Is  it  not  his 
frequent  complaint  that  those  qualities  are  dangerously  developed 
already  ?  What  would  he  have  ? 

Let  the  imperialist  once  become  morally  consistent  and  we  can 
usefully  come  to  the  practical  problem.  It  is  primarily  one  of 
education.  The  strongest  theoretical  case  that  could  be  made  out 
against  the  plea  for  a  measure  of  self-government  in  a  subject  race 
would  run  somewhat  thus  :  "  Precisely  because  this  race,  as  you 
argue,  has  not  had  the  scrambling  education  gone  through  by  our 
own,  it  cannot  pass  from  complete  subjection  to  any  higher  state. 
You  admit  that  they  cannot  simply  be  let  loose  to  begin  with. 
Then  they  cannot  have  the  needed  preparation.  The  countries  des- 
tined to  self-government  get  there  by  walking  on  their  own  feet,  with 
however  many  stumbles.  Japan  and  Turkey  may  shake  off  their 
native  absolutism  and  set  up  constitutionalism  :  they  do  it  because 
they  can.  But  for  one  race  to  give  constitutionalism  to  another  is  a 
quite  different  thing.  There  is  no  case  on  record  of  even  the 
attempt.  Remember  you  will  be  giving  it  to  a  huge  and  hetero- 
geneous population,  many  of  whom  do  not  even  ask  it,  do  not  even 
dream  of  it" 

Putting  the  counter  case  in  that  way,  we  answer  that  the  argu- 
ment from  the  past  really  begs  the  question.  The  fact  that  certain 
races  have  reached  self-government  through  long  endeavouring  to 


48  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

stand  alone,  in  the  "  natural M  way  of  the  growing  child,  does  not 
mean  that  a  nation  or  a  congeries  of  peoples  long  withheld  from  the 
given  exercise  of  function  can  never  develop  it.  There  are  super- 
stitions in  regard  to  evolution  as  in  other  matters  ;  and  history  tells 
of  change  by  initiation  as  well  as  by  haphazard  adaptation.  If  one 
born  blind,  or  long  blind,  may  be  enabled  by  surgery  to  see,  a  race 
not  bred  to  self-government  may  be  enabled  by  example  and 
institution  to  grow  gradually  into  the  practice  of  it.  If  Turkey  and 
Japan,  with  an  "  Oriental "  past,  can  of  themselves  enter  upon  the 
new  life,  races  in  tutelage  may  be  inducted  into  it  under  guidance. 
And  where  unguided  races  have  made  the  entrance  by  more  or  less 
spasmodic  movements  and  with  chronic  friction  and  reaction,  super- 
vision may  save  others  from  the  errors  of  ignorance. 

Further,  if  only  there  be  good-will  on  the  part  of  the  race  in 
command,  there  is  not  more  but  less  difficulty  in  the  planned  intro- 
duction of  the  rudiments  of  autonomy  into  any  polity,  however 
backward,  than  in  the  compassing  of  them  by  effort  from  within. 
Normally,  the  making  of  all  the  steps  is  by  way  of  a  fortuitous 
wrestle  between  progressive  and  reactionary  forces  equally  impas- 
sioned :  here,  it  lies  with  the  ruling  races  to  prepare  for  and  time  the 
steps.  The  preparation  lies  in  the  conveyance  of  the  two  forms  of 
universal  knowledge — knowledge  how  to  live  and  work  in  the 
present,  and  knowledge  of  the  historic  past  and  of  other  polities.  It 
is  in  terms  of  their  failure  to  undertake  this  essential  schooling  that 
all  dominant  races  thus  far  stand  convicted  of  a  mainly  self-seeking 
relation  to  those  in  their  power,  all  their  protestations  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding. 

Abstention  from  the  task  of  education  is  confession  either  of  fear 
or  of  indifference.  Where  it  has  never  been  undertaken,  the  charge 
of  "  unfitness  "  partakes  of  the  nature  of  the  indictment  brought  by 
the  Wolf  against  the  Lamb.  The  progress  towards  self-government 
began  for  our  own  race  when  other  education  was  at  a  minimum. 
Let  it  be  preceded  for  the  backward  races  by  such  education  as  is 
within  the  competence  of  modern  State  machinery,  and  the  old 
pretext  of  unfitness  will  become  impossible.  Given  the  initial  steps, 
progression  for  the  ruled  in  the  discipline  of  self-government  will  be 
seen  by  the  ruling  races  to  be  progression  in  co-operation,  and  will 
be  desired  instead  of  being  feared. 

Towards  irreconcilables  the  attitude  of  wise  friends  of  the  subject 
races  will  simply  be  that  of  sane  politicians  towards  extremists 
in  other  countries.  The  fact  of  intransigeance  is  just  a  fact  like 
another,  one  of  the  hundred  variations  in  political  outlook  and 
bias  which  express  the  law  of  variation  in  all  things.  Aspiration 
or  zeal  without  extremism  has  never  occurred  in  any  wide  field  of 


SECOND   SESSION  49 

human  life,  and  never  till  mankind  has  reached  a  very  remote  stage 
of  equilibrium  conceivably  will.  Whatever,  then,  may  be  its 
reaction,  good  or  bad,  on  the  totality  of  progress,  extremism  is 
literally  a  condition  of  progress  in  the  sense  of  being  inextirpable. 
What  is  to  be  hoped  concerning  it,  in  the  cases  under  notice, 
Is  that  there  as  well  as  in  the  history  of  other  races  there  will 
take  place  the  usual  amount  of  conversion  through  stress  of  ex- 
perience to  more  moderate  ideals.  And  such  conversion  will  quite 
certainly  be  easier  when  the  controlling  Power  is  avowedly  bent  on 
promoting  racial  progress  than  when  it  is  believed  to  be  funda- 
mentally hostile  to  all  racial  aspiration.  For  all  extremism  in 
politics  the  great  prophylactic  is  steady  progression.  Those  who 
would  substitute  for  this  conception  that  of  a  "  one  way  to  rule 
Orientals  —  force  "  are  simply  reviving  for  Orientals  that  blind  denial 
of  natural  law  which  has  meant  so  much  strife  for  Occidentals  in  the 
past.  They  are  the  correlatives  of  the  irreconcilables  who  demand 
instant  "  freedom  "  ;  and,  error  for  error,  theirs  is  the  worse. 

{Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


INFLUENCE      OF     GEOGRAPHIC,     ECONOMIC, 
AND   POLITICAL   CONDITIONS 

By  Dr.  PAUL  S.  REINSCH, 

Professor  of  International  Law    in    the    University   of   Wisconsin, 
(7.S.A.,  Theodore  Roosevelt  Professor  at  Berlin  for  1911-12. 

IN  speaking  on  a  subject  so  broad  as  that  indicated  by  the  title 
of  this  paper,  it  would  be  easy  to  fall  into  a  discussion  composed 
of  vague  generalisations.  Yet  this  certainly  would  not  correspond 
with  the  desires  of  the  Committee  which  fixed  the  programme  ; 
they  did  not,  as  was  actually  done  by  a  small  college  in  the  west  of 
the  United  States,  intend  to  create  a  chair  of  Pantology.  I  shall 
therefore  endeavour  to  be  concrete  in  the  few  suggestions  which 
I  have  to  contribute  in  this  discussion,  and  to  indicate  in  a  specific 
manner  how  the  modern  tendencies  of  civilisation  are  influenced 
by  geographical  situation,  by  economic  activities,  and  by  the  forms 
of  political  action. 

I  am  not  in  fear  of  contradiction  when  I  state  that  the  cardinal 
fact  of  contemporary  civilisation  is  the  unification  of  the  world, 
the  emergence  of  organic  relations,  world-  wide  in  scope,  uniting 
the  branches  of  the  human  family  in  all  parts  of  the  earth.  This 
result  is  due  primarily  to  the  really  marvellous  advances  made 
in  all  the  methods  and  processes  of  communication.  Distance  has 

E 


50  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

been  annihilated,  and  lands  on  the  opposite  sides  of  the  earth, 
formerly  mysterious  to  one  another,  are  now  next-door  neighbours. 
In  the  train  of  these  advances  there  has  followed  the  organisation 
of  the  economic  life  of  the  world  upon  a  centralised  system.  Econo- 
mic power  is  radiated  from  the  European  and  American  centres 
to  the  farthest  corners  of  Africa  and  Asia.  Railways  and  other 
engineering  works  are  executed,  agricultural  and  mining  resources 
are  developed,  through  energies  propelled  from  the  great  financial 
centres.  Moreover,  the  scientific  and  technical  processes  employed 
in  industry  and  commerce  are  also  being  standardised  upon  a 
uniform  basis.  With  variations  imposed  by  climatic  and  other 
physical  conditions,  the  scientific  methods  of  the  world  are  never- 
theless practically  uniform,  and  this  uniformity  reacts  upon  and 
strengthens  the  unity  of  economic  organisation.  Last,  but  not 
least  important,  there  arises  from  all  these  mechanical  and  industrial 
advances  a  true  psychic  unity  of  mankind.  The  daily  news  is 
the  same  the  world  over  in  its  great  important  facts.  Its  items 
are  flashed  from  zone  to  zone,  and  in  the  morning  and  evening 
papers  the  reading  world  of  all  the  continents  follows  the  same 
dramatic  unfolding  of  political  and  social  world  life.  Great  types 
of  character  are  no  longer  merely  national  household  names,  but 
their  lineaments  are  known  the  world  over  and  everywhere  interest  is 
taken  in  their  views  and  actions.  There  is  a  world-wide  sympathy, 
so  that  if  evil  befall  in  California,  or  Chile,  or  Italy,  or  China,  the 
entire  world  is  affected  and  all  nations  are  anxious  to  offer  their 
aid  and  bear  their  share  of  the  burden. 

The  growth  of  world  unity  which  we  have  witnessed  in  our 
day  has  already  modified,  and  even  superseded  to  some  extent, 
the  effect  of  geographic  separation,  of  political  nationalism  or 
particularism,  and  of  economic  exclusiveness.  Economic  and  social 
forces  are  beginning  to  flow  in  a  broad  natural  stream,  less  and 
less  hampered  by  dynastic  and  partisan  intrigue,  by  protectionist 
walls,  by  monopolies  and  all  sorts  of  exclusive  privileges. 

In  past  ages,  indeed,  geographic  separation  was  a  fundamental 
fact.  Mountains,  deserts,  and  the  sea  set  limits  to  the  expansion  of 
races  and  separated  them  from  one  another  to  such  an  extent  as  to 
prevent  mutual  acquaintance  and  understanding.  Civilisation  on 
this  earth  will,  indeed,  always  be  dependent  upon  physical  environ- 
ment, but  the  complete  dominance  of  local  conditions  over  national 
development  is  a  thing  of  the  past  The  domination  of  natural 
forces  has  been  largely  overcome  by  scientific  mastery,  subduing 
nature  through  its  processes  and  unifying  the  different  branches  of 
the  human  race.  It  is  here  that  we  touch  upon  the  great  achieve- 
ment of  Western  civilisation  in  the  conquest  of  nature.  The  mastery 


SECOND   SESSION  51 

of  man  over  physical  forces  is  the  primal  fact.  To  me,  what  dis- 
tinguishes Europe  from  Asia  is  the  spirit  of  the  Greeks  with  all  that 
it  implies,  with  all  that  developed  out  of  it.  It  is  in  the  narrow 
valleys  of  Hellas,  confined  by  high  mountains  yet  looking  out  upon 
the  sea,  that  humanity  first  became  conscious  of  itself  and  of  its 
destiny.  Protected  from  being  overborne  by  the  sweep  of  conquer- 
ing hordes  in  the  great  migrations  that  preceded  settled  nationalism, 
yet  with  a  breadth  of  view  that  came  from  looking  out  upon  the  ocean, 
the  Greek  cities  could  acquire  that  stability  which  enabled  them 
to  be  the  theatre  of  an  independent  and  consistent  political  develop- 
ment. Thus,  secure  and  protected,  they  passed  in  review  the  things 
of  this  world,  and  there  arose  that  spirit  of  free  discussion  which  is 
the  beginning  of  all  progress  and  all  inventiveness.  Things  are  no 
longer  taken  for  granted,  but  the  reason  of  their  being  is  inquired 
into.  This  state  of  mind  also  meant  a  development  of  independent 
individualism.  Athens  was  a  great  school  in  which  men  educated 
each  other,  and  no  nation  within  a  period  so  short  as  the  hundred 
years  preceding  400  B.C.  has  developed  so  brilliant  and  striking  a  line 
of  great  personalities  as  those  who  flourished  in  the  small  city  of 
Athens  during  the  years  of  her  prime.  In  this  Greek  experience 
there  is  contained  the  root  of  that  individualism,  that  national  self- 
consciousness,  that  adaptability  and  inventiveness,  which,  to  my 
mind,  form  the  essence  of  Western  civilisation,  and  which  have  been 
unfolded  in  its  later  history. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  in  the  Orient  the  idea  of  the  dominance 
of  man  over  nature  did  not  occur.  Where  the  cloud-piercing 
Himalayas  set  a  horizon  to  all  possible  expansion  ;  where  mighty 
rivers,  descending  in  spring  torrents,  flood  whole  provinces,  sweeping 
away  mankind  together  with  its  handiwork  ;  where  earthquakes  and 
tidal  waves  devastate  the  coastal  regions — it  is  not  surprising  that 
here  man  would  not  conceive  of  himself  as  the  master  of  nature,  the 
lord  of  creation.  So  terrible  is  nature  in  her  manifestations  that  man 
bows  down  in  awe  and  at  her  hands  accepts  life  as  a  favour.  It  is 
not  surprising  that  the  Orient  lived  by  custom,  that  it  was  reluctant 
to  venture  beyond  what  experience  had  proved  safe  and  salutary, 
that  it  erected  class  and  caste  systems  for  protection  against  the 
mutability  of  things. 

It  is  in  this  connection  that  the  presence  of  fixed  boundaries 
defining  rather  narrow  territories  is  important.  Nationalism  first 
grew  in  Greece  and  Italy,  protected  by  mountains  and  by  the  sea, 
and  in  the  modern  world  it  was  England,  whose  insular  position 
enabled  her  first  to  develop  a  self-conscious  and  independent  national 
life.  In  Africa  the  absence  of  such  boundaries  has  contributed  to 
hinder  the  development  of  civilisation.  The  tribes  are  not  settled 


52  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

long  enough,  nor  are  their  boundaries  sufficiently  fixed  for  them  to 
develop  those  qualities  which  are  based  upon  stability  of  location. 
The  eternal  shifting  back  and  forth  of  population  elements  has 
retarded  African  development ;  to  a  lesser  degree  and  in  a  different 
manner  has  operated  in  the  Indian  and  Chinese  world.  India,  a  vast 
country  readily  overrun  by  conquerors,  has  appeared  a  continent 
rather  than  a  nation,  and  instead  of  like  Attica  in  its  protected  nook 
developing  a  stable  political  system,  India  has  relied  upon  the  caste 
system  for  protection  against  the  ever-shifting  mutations  of  power 
and  population.  China,  too,  has  appeared  to  her  people  more  as  a 
world  than  as  a  nation.  It  was  again  Japan  that,  like  Greece  and 
England,  and  like  Chile  in  South  America,  first  developed  an  intense 
spirit  of  nationalism  and  first  achieved  a  true  national  organisation, 
because  her  territorial  extent  was  small  and  her  boundaries  were 
strictly  defined.  She  was  protected  against  that  influence  of 
humanity  in  the  mass  which  does  not  allow  the  spirit  of  individualism 
to  stand  forth  in  nations  or  in  men. 

But  the  gift  of  science  and  invention  developed  in  the  West  has 
now  become  the  heritage  of  the  entire  world,  and  the  vast  populations 
of  Asia  are  profoundly  stirred  in  the  transition  to  new  views  of  life. 
They,  too,  are  grasping  the  idea  of  natural  law,  of  scientific  mastery, 
and  with  it  they  are  turning  to  the  individualism  and  nationalism 
of  the  West.  The  conquest  of  Nature  is  thus  becoming  a  world-wide 
phenomenon  in  which  all  races  share.  Distance  is  overcome,  and 
what  is  accessible  to  one  part  of  the  world  is  brought  to  the  door 
of  all  the  others.  Thus  conditions  are  assimilated,  and,  through 
the  spread  of  scientific  processes,  methods  of  thought  and  of  action 
are  becoming  more  and  more  alike  the  world  over.  Science  is  the 
same  everywhere.  The  engineering  solutions  in  railway  building, 
irrigation,  and  other  mechanical  works  are  identical ;  physics  and 
chemistry  are  the  same  in  France,  America,  and  Japan.  Thus 
scientific  method  is  a  unit  through  which  the  separating  influence 
of  geographic  location  is  overcome.  Through  participation  in  the 
scientific  spirit,  those  deep-lying  differences  in  point  of  view,  which 
had  been  developed  through  centuries  of  historic  experience,  are 
giving  way  to  a  unified  mode  of  seeing  and  solving  the  problems 
of  life. 

We  may  here  ask  whether  this  development  does  not  introduce 
a  danger  or  resuscitate  an  old  peril  under  a  new  form  ?  We 
have  seen  that  humanity  needed  local  protection  against  the  indis- 
criminate onslaughts  of  the  mass.  Now  that  natural  boundaries 
have  ceased  to  be  determining  factors  on  account  of  the  supremacy 
of  the  human  mind  over  physical  conditions,  is  it  not  to  be  feared 
that  humanity  will  be  reduced  to  an  indiscriminate  mass  lacking 


SECOND   SESSION  53 

distinction — in  a  word,  that  it  will  be  vulgarised  and  barbarised  ? 
We  are  still  in  need  of  cores  or  nuclei  about  which  human  self- 
consciousness  may  gather.  It  is  here  that  the  usefulness  of 
nationalism,  with  its  ideals,  lies.  When  the  physical  conditions 
which  gave  it  birth  have  lost  in  relative  importance,  humanity  is, 
nevertheless,  still  in  need  of  that  distinguishing  national  self-con- 
sciousness under  which  its  ideals  and  achievements  will  be  further 
protected  and  developed.  As  mere  localism  the  national  idea  has 
lost  force.  As  a  means  by  which  values  fixed  and  gained  in  the 
struggle  of  history  may  be  preserved  for  the  future  it  still  has  a 
meaning  and  importance. 

The  economic  world  having  become  a  unit,  its  parts  mutually 
complement  each  other.  One  region  produces  what  another  re- 
quires, and  it  again  takes  from  that  second  the  products  which  it 
cannot  itself  bring  forth.  This  is  especially  true  of  the  tropics  and 
the  moderate  zone,  as,  between  these,  physical  facts  will  always  have 
a  preponderating  influence.  Most  of  the  things  grown  in  the  tropics 
cannot  be  produced  in  the  colder  zones.  The  mutual  dependence  is 
in  the  nature  of  things  permanent.  Modern  development  has  simply 
made  it  easier  to  supply  the  needs  of  one  another,  and  have  cen- 
tralised the  exploitation  of  tropical  industries  in  a  notable  manner. 
But  how  about  the  countries  lying  within  moderate  zones  ?  Will  not 
the  very  similarity  of  scientific  and  industrial  methods  lead  to  more 
intense  competition  among  them,  or  is  it  possible  that  there  should 
be  such  a  specialisation  as  will  give  to  each  a  well-defined  field  of 
activity  ?  Will  such  products  as  wheat,  cattle,  iron,  tea,  cotton,  and 
silk  be  distributed  locally,  so  as  to  avoid  rivalry  ?  It  would  seem 
that  any  intensifying  of  competition  brought  about  by  the  develop- 
ment of  scientific  methods  can  only  be  temporary  and  superficial. 
Where  science  controls,  the  activities  of  each  part  of  the  world  will 
be  determined  by  underlying  facts  which,  when  once  recognised,  will 
have  to  be  accepted  without  murmur  or  contradiction.  As  long  as  coal 
lasts  industries  may  still  be  built  up  on  a  partly  artificial  basis  ;  but 
when  that  source  of  energy  has  once  become  exhausted,  other  forces 
more  stationary  in  their  nature  will  determine  the  localities  where 
industry  may  profitably  be  carried  on.  The  presence  of  water-power 
will  be  the  first  element  in  this  determination.  In  regions  where  it 
is  found,  and  to  which  the  power  generated  may  be  taken,  the 
industrial  life  of  the  future  will  develop.  In  this  and  other  respects 
natural  conditions  will  more  and  more  determine  the  location  of 
industries,  to  the  exclusion  of  artificial  and  political  factors.  It  is 
evident  that  this  development  will  favour  free  trade  and  the  abolition 
of  all  law-made  restrictions.  Already  the  days  of  excessive  pro- 
tectionism are  counted.  Conventional  tariffs,  reciprocity,  and  all 


54  UNIVERSAL   RACES  CONGRESS 

kinds  of  mutual  adjustments  have  taken  the  place  of  the  high- 
tariff  policy  based  upon  the  idea  that  nations  are  entirely  self-sufficing 
and  that  political  and  economic  areas  are  synonymous.  Henceforth 
natural  currents  of  trade  will  more  and  more  determine  economic 
policy,  when  it  has  been  found  that  policy  would  attempt  in  vain 
to  determine  the  direction  of  these  currents. 

Another  phase  of  the  newer  developments  of  economic  life  is 
the  internationalism  of  capital.  In  order  that  natural  forces  may  be 
utilised  to  their  fullest  extent,  it  is  necessary  that  technical  manage- 
ment and  power  may  be  readily  transferred  to  any  place  where  it 
is  needed.  Capital  is  controlled  by  the  law  of  the  highest  returns. 
It  therefore  instinctively  and  consciously  seeks  to  co-operate  with 
the  forces  of  Nature  ;  its  returns  are  most  ample  where  Nature  herself 
has  created  the  proper  conditions.  From  this  point  of  view,  it  is 
necessary  that  the  entire  earth  should  be  opened  to  industrial  enter- 
prise, that  the  capital  and  energy  of  any  nation  should  be  free  to 
engage  in  the  development  of  natural  resources  wherever  found,  and 
should  be  safe  in  undertaking  such  development.  The  web  and 
woof  of  financial  power,  human  energy,  industrial  enterprise,  human 
labour  and  natural  resources  are  making  real  that  possibility  of 
universal  inter-dependence  which  the  technical  advance  of  the 
world  has  promised  for  some  time. 

Thus  in  every  way  the  basis  of  artificial  trade  and  industrial 
policies  is  weakening,  as  nations  recognise  their  mutual  dependence. 
Like  scientific  technique,  industrial  efficiency  knows  no  national 
moods  ;  while  still  at  times  wedded  to  national  policies  it  is  essen- 
tially human  and  world-wide.  The  test  of  success  being  not 
adherence  to  narrower  national  ideals,  but  in  the  power  to  solve 
problems  on  a  basis  whose  universal  validity  must  be  recognised  by 
all,  nations  are  thus  more  and  more  inclined  to  foster  international 
relations  in  economic  life.  They  owe  it  to  their  citizens  to  enable 
them  to  participate  in  these  great  activities.  The  standards  are 
set  by  world-wide  action,  and  success  is  measured  by  these  wherever 
attempted  or  achieved.  While  national  policy  still  strives  to 
reserve  some  special  benefits  to  citizens,  the  dominant  note  in 
industrial  life  is  no  longer  national  but  international.  This  is  also 
indicated  by  the  manner  in  which  practically  every  economic  interest 
has  organised  itself  on  an  international  scale.  Such  great  unions  as 
those  in  which  the  activities  of  insurance,  of  railway  management, 
of  shipping,  of  agriculture,  of  building,  of  law,  of  education,  and  of 
science  are  discussed  and  acted  upon,  are  the  final  proof  that 
economic  organisation  has  for  ever  abandoned  the  narrower  field 
and  recognises  no  confining  local  limits. 

In  history,  political  life  has  been  conditioned  by  economic  and 


SECOND  SESSION  55 

geographical  facts.  The  manner  in  which  this  operated  in  the 
case  of  the  Greek  cities  has  already  been  pointed  out  Physical 
conditions  set  limits,  even  to  the  ambitions  of  imperial  Rome. 
Again  the  despotism  of  Russia  was  made  possible  by  natural  causes, 
and  English  and  Japanese  nationalism  is  the  result  of  a  physical 
fact.  As  through  the  scientific  progress  of  the  world  the  impor- 
tance of  these  factors  has  been  largely  reduced,  shall  we  conclude 
that  the  age  of  internationalism  has  come  in  politics  to  the  same 
degree  as  it  has  come  in  economic  life  ?  There  is  a  difference.  The 
development  of  economic  internationalism  is  a  work  in  which  every 
progressive  nation  will  co-operate  with  all  its  power.  Also  we  may 
say  any  nation  withdrawing  from  this  movement  condemns  itself  to 
sterility  and  decay.  But  it  is  not  so  clear  that  political  nationalism 
has  entirely  completed  its  service  to  humanity.  In  the  words  of 
one  of  the  speakers  of  to-day,  the  Sister  Nivedita,  words  found  in 
her  brilliant  pamphlet  on  Aggressive  Hinduism, "  Only  the  tree  that 
is  firm  rooted  in  its  own  soil  can  offer  us  a  perfect  crown  of  leaf 
and  blossom,  only  the  fully  national  can  possibly  contribute  to  the 
cosmo-national."  The  civilised  nation  to-day  will  recognise  that  its 
aim  is  humanity,  and  that  the  mission  of  its  policy  transcends  by 
far  the  limits  of  geographical  boundary,  but  we  cannot  as  yet  dis- 
pense with  these  nuclei  of  human  force  and  ideals  which  history 
has  developed.  They  are  the  great  personalities  which  make  up  the 
system  of  civilised  states.  When  their  work  is  fully  done,  they  will 
pass  away,  but  for  a  time  still  it  will  be  their  mission  to  organise  the 
efforts  of  humanity  to  higher  ends  and  to  protect  mankind  against 
engulfment  in  an  indiscriminate  mass,  with  a  lowering  of  all  ideals. 
Turning  more  specifically  to  political  action,  we  shall  note  that 
through  the  present  development,  which  we  have  been  following, 
the  antithesis  between  politics  in  the  narrower  and  in  the  broader 
sense  is  bound  to  disappear.  More  narrowly  defined,  politics  is 
the  struggle  of  men  and  of  groups  for  recognised  authority ;  more 
broadly,  it  is  the  management  and  administration  of  the  common 
affairs  of  a  nation.  To  Machiavelli  it  was  principally  the  former; 
to  Burke  it  would  be  the  latter.  But  it  is  apparent  that  these 
distinctions  must  disappear,  as  political  leaders  realise  more  and 
more  clearly  that  their  success  is  bound  up  with  good  administration. 
Now,  administration  is  becoming  more  and  more  purely  a  matter 
of  science.  The  expert  side  of  public  work  has  assumed  such  pro- 
portions that  the  old  Greek  idea  and  the  Jackson ian  Democratic 
principle  of  rotation  in  office  seems  entirely  primitive  and  inade- 
quate. The  American  Government  in  its  Department  of  Agriculture 
alone  annually  spends  £2,000,000  sterling  a  year  for  purely  scientific 
investigation.  Solutions  of  science  control  as  well  in  the  army, 


56  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

the  navy,  and  all  the  developmental  activities  of  government.  So 
it  is  no  longer  a  matter  of  favour  or  of  caprice  what  course  of 
action  shall  be  followed  and  what  men  shall  be  selected  to  do 
the  work,  but  in  these  things  scientific  demonstration  and  impartial 
tests  control.  This  is  also  true  of  such  fields  as  taxation,  railway 
control,  and  the  inspection  of  all  other  economic  activities.  The 
prominence  of  the  expert  side  of  government,  therefore,  gives  to 
that  scientific  unity,  which  permeates  others  fields  of  life,  the  same 
importance  in  public  affairs.  Thus  the  States  become  members 
of  international  unions  in  which  expert  administrations  exchange 
their  experience  and  formulate  rules  and  principles  for  their  common 
guidance. 

The  principle  of  expert  administration  in  modern  government  is 
balanced  by  that  of  public  discussion  in  parliaments.  The  danger 
of  bureaucratic  narrowness,  which  may  be  present  even  in  men 
guided  by  scientific  judgment,  is  met  by  calling  upon  the  public  in 
general  to  participate  in  State  affairs,  to  make  known  its  opinion, 
and  to  select  representatives  who  will  constitute  a  "  great  inquest "  of 
the  nation.  Thus  there  is  supplied  a  corrective  of  administrative 
decisions  and  a  motive  power  which  gives  original  strength  and 
energy  to  the  acts  of  government.  The  same  unifying  tendencies 
which  we  have  observed  in  other  branches  of  human  life  are  found 
here.  The  significance  of  the  modern  universal  tendencies  towards 
parliamentarism  will  be  discussed  by  other  speakers.  From  them  we 
shall  hear  what  effects  are  to  be  expected  from  the  recent  institutional 
changes  in  Turkey,  Persia,  Japan,  China,  and  Russia,  and  from  the 
Liberal  movement  in  Mexico.  When  those  new  vast  forces  of  public 
interest  and  energy  are  brought  into  the  political  field  of  action,  we 
may  indeed  expect  that  the  policies  of  the  world  will  be  profoundly 
influenced.  It  would  be  an  interesting  inquiry  to  try  to  trace  out  in 
detail  how  far  the  unifying  power  of  scientific  civilisation  could  be 
expected  to  operate  upon  parliamentary  institutions  and  popular 
electorates  the  world  over.  With  a  mutual  assimilation  of  the  forms 
of  government,  there  still  remain  very  deep-seated  differences  in 
popular  sentiment,  which  a  growing  scientific  culture  must  seek 
gradually  to  overcome.  Prejudices  among  broad  masses  of 
humanity  are  usually  used  as  material  for  reactionary  policies.  The 
expectations  that  democratic  Parliaments  would  always  be  pacific 
and  humane  have  been  disappointed  ;  but  the  great  gain  from  the 
recent  changes  which  we  have  noted  will  be  that  the  progress  of 
humanity  in  the  future  will  not  depend  on  narrower  groups  or 
coteries,  but  upon  the  manner  in  which  humanity  itself,  that  is, 
the  masses  of  mankind,  are  able  to  respond  to  higher  demands  and 
ideals. 


SECOND   SESSION  57 

The  basis  of  political  action  is  thus  constantly  being  broadened 
out.  The  men  who  compose  Governments  must  take  into  account 
natural  conditions  and  scientific  methods,  and  participation  in  public 
action  is  extended  to  constantly  larger  numbers.  In  the  latter, 
primal  passions  and  prejudices  are  still  active  ;  but  with  the  spread 
of  intelligence  and  scientific  methods  of  thought  they  too  will  come 
to  appreciate  more  and  more  the  underlying  unity  of  mankind. 
Intelligence,  allied  on  the  one  hand  to  the  ideals  of  a  common 
humanity,  on  the  other  to  a  grasp  of  the  complex,  but  unifying, 
forces  that  make  up  the  modern  industrial  world — this  intelligence 
we  may  rely  upon  to  make  political  action  more  and  more  rational. 
In  the  last  analysis,  the  highest  demands  of  humanity  and  of 
efficiency  are  one;  the  world  advances  because  the  ideal  attracts, 
and  because  science  compels. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


LANGUAGE    AS    A    CONSOLIDATING    AND 
SEPARATING    INFLUENCE 

By  D.  S.  MARGOLIOUTH,  D.Litt, 
Professor  of  A  rabic  in  the  University  of  Oxford. 

THE  relations  between  language  and  nationality  vary  very  much  at 
different  stages  of  evolution.  If  we  imagine  a  nation  to  commence, 
as  its  name  implies,  merely  as  an  interbreeding  group  of  human 
beings,  it  is  evident  that  each  group  of  the  kind  will  have  a  common 
language  or  system  of  phonetic  symbols  for  the  communication  of 
ideas,  and  that  whoever  transfers  himself  from  one  group  to  another 
will  be  compelled  to  adopt  the  system  of  the  latter,  unless  he  can 
force  them  to  adopt  his.  But  when  the  nation  becomes  a  political  unit, 
it  may  very  well  embrace  numerous  groups  of  the  kind.  It  will  be 
sufficient  if  there  are  a  few  persons  capable  of  acting  as  interpreters. 
Hence  both  in  ancient  and  in  modern  times  there  have  been  nations 
in  the  wider  sense  without  a  national  language  ;  such,  e.g.y  is  the 
case  of  Switzerland  in  the  present  day ;  and  the  Babylonian  king 
who  issued  rescripts  to  "all  peoples,  nations,  and  languages"  was 
addressing  the  inhabitants  of  one  empire,  and  in  the  larger  sense  the 
members  of  one  nation.  But  even  where  there  is  a  national  language, 
as  in  the  British  Isles,  there  may  be  groups  of  the  population  who 
rarely  use  it ;  even  in  London  it  is  worth  many  a  candidate's  while  to 
issue  his  address  in  a  foreign  language  in  order  to  appeal  to  a 
section  of  the  constituents.  Sometimes  these  groups  are  fluctuating, 
and  the  next  generation  will  have  adopted  the  national  language ;  in 


58  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

other  cases  a  peculiar  dialect  or  even  language  is  tenaciously  main- 
tained by  local  groups,  who,  however,  may  be  as  patriotic  as  the  rest. 
On  the  other  hand,  two  or  more  nations  may  have  the  same  national 
language,  and  yet  be  no  appreciably  nearer  to  each  other  than  if  they 
spoke  different  tongues ;  understanding  in  one  sense  does  not  pre- 
vent misunderstanding  in  another. 

Of  the  various  ties  which  bind  human  beings  together  that  of 
common  language  seems  to  possess  no  great  strength.  Other  bonds 
protect  it  rather  than  it  them.  Where  in  the  same  city  different 
languages  are  spoken  in  different  quarters,  the  quarters  are  not 
isolated  because  the  inhabitants  speak  different  languages,  but  they 
speak  different  languages  because  they  are  isolated.  They  are  isolated 
owing  to  religion  or  nationality ;  and  each  preserves  its  own  dialect 
in  consequence.  This  is  the  case,  t.g.,  in  some  Persian  cities ;  yet 
even  there  most  of  the  inhabitants  become  bilingual  or  trilingual ; 
were  it  not  for  the  real  bonds  which  keep  the  groups  together  the 
linguistic  differences  would  quickly  disappear. 

Even  where  religion  and  nationality  are  able  to  maintain  the 
interbreeding  group  in  its  purity,  they  often  fail  to  maintain  the 
national  language.  How  variable  their  efficiency  is  in  this  matter 
can  be  illustrated  from  the  phenomena  of  the  Islamic  empire ;  the 
East  Syrians  have  maintained  their  vernacular,  the  West  Syrians 
have  lost  theirs ;  Armenian  is  still  spoken  in  Armenia,  but  Coptic  is 
no  longer  spoken  in  Egypt.  The  Jews,  like  the  Copts,  might  be  taken 
as  a  type  of  a  tenaciously  interbreeding  group ;  yet  the  Jews  have  no 
national  language ;  they  speak  a  patois  of  German  or  Spanish,  or  else 
make  the  language  of  their  neighbours  their  own.  Both  these  races 
have  indeed  retained  religious  languages  as  the  possession  of  the 
learned  among  them  ;  but  for  ordinary  use  "  a  live  dog  is  better  than 
a  dead  lion." 

Statesmen  in  both  ancient  and  modern  times  have  assumed  that 
the  spirit  of  national  independence  must  be  fostered  by  the  mainten- 
ance of  a  national  language  ;  and  just  as  under  the  Roman  Republic 
the  revolt  of  the  Allies  was  accompanied  by  an  attempt  to  resuscitate 
Oscan,  so  in  our  day  the  ardent  Irish  Nationalist  would  like  to  see 
Irish  take  the  place  of  English  in  the  Emerald  Isle.  A  policy 
of  this  sort  seems  to  be  based  on  a  confusion  of  ideas.  Like  the 
Sabbath,  like  weights  and  measures,  like  the  coinage,  language  exists 
for  man,  not  man  for  language.  A  private  language  has  about  the 
same  value  as  a  cipher ;  it  enables  a  group  of  men  to  communicate 
without  being  understood  by  others  ;  but  the  cipher  gives  them  no 
advantage  unless  they  can  understand  the  others.  The  interests  of 
the  statesman  are  wholly  different  from  those  of  the  antiquarian  or 
the  naturalist ;  uniformity  is  the  ideal  of  the  one,  variety  what 


SECOND   SESSION  5$ 

charms  the  others.  That  a  great  nation  can  arise  without  a  peculiar 
language  is  demonstrated  by  the  example  of  the  United  States  ;  that 
nationality  may  be  maintained  in  defiance  of  time  and  space,  though 
the  national  language  is  forgotten,  is  proved  by  the  history  of  the 
Jews.  The  endeavour  therefore  to  turn  an  obscure  vernacular  into  a 
national  language  when  the  nation  is  already  in  possession  of  one  of 
the  great  languages  of  civilisation  is  not  unlike  in  wisdom  to  the 
practice  of  burning  bank-notes  in  order  to  show  contempt  for  the 
bank  that  issued  them. 

The  converse  practice,  forcible  suppression  of  a  language  for  fear 
of  its  preserving  a  nationality  which  the  statesman  wishes  to  merge 
in  another  is  somewhat  more  benevolent,  but  unlikely  to  compass  its 
end.  Polish  children  who  are  made  to  learn  German  or  Russian 
instead  of  their  mother  tongue  will  certainly  be  better  equipped  for 
the  battle  of  life  than  if  they  had  been  taught  Polish ;  for  the  utility 
of  a  language  varies  with  the  number  of  persons  whom  it  enables 
one  to  understand.  But  that  a  Polish  child  will  be  prevented  from 
becoming  a  Polish  patriot  because  it  has  been  compelled  to  learn 
some  language  other  than  Polish  is  an  assumption  not  justified  by 
experience.  As  has  been  seen,  those  interbreeding  groups  that  have 
preserved  nationality  most  tenaciously  have  lost  their  national 
languages. 

It  might  be  thought  that  the  possession  of  a  national  literature, 
as  a  ground  for  national  pride,  would  add  to  the  isolating  power  of  a 
national  language.  There  are  reasons  which  either  modify  this  effect 
or  even  annul  it.  On  the  one  hand,  any  national  literature  that  is  of 
value  is  international  ;  seven  cities  claim  to  be  Homer's  birthplace  ; 
Paris  has  a  public  monument  to  Shakespeare  ;  the  Bible — originally 
a  collection  of  Hebrew  and  Greek  books — is  pronounced  by  a  queen 
to  be  the  source  of  England's  greatness.  Treasures  are  of  little  value 
if  they  are  not  coveted.  Carlyle  would  not  have  regarded  Shake- 
speare as  a  better  national  asset  than  the  Cossacks  if  only  England 
knew  of  Shakespeare.  And  as  a  rule  the  hereditary  owners  of  such 
treasures  are  proud  and  delighted  that  others  should  share  or  even 
enter  into  their  inheritance. 

Literary  masterpieces  can  take  care  of  themselves,  for  there  will 
always  be  men  eager  to  master  their  original  languages  in  order  to 
interpret  them  correctly ;  and  since  the  variations  in  language  which 
are  due  to  time  are  as  great  as  those  due  to  any  other  cause,  the 
hereditary  interpreter  will  not  necessarily  be  the  best  interpreter  ; 
those  who  have  done  most  for  the  interpretation  of  the  Greek  classics 
have  as  a  rule  had  little  acquaintance  with  the  dialects  of  modem 
Greek. 

Languages,  then,  are  not  worth  artificially  preserving  either  for 


60  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

patriotic  or  literary  purposes  ;  like  railways,  they  are  instruments 
for  communication  ;  and  the  question  whether  it  is  desirable  to  have 
many  languages  or  one  is  not  very  different  from  the  question 
whether  it  is  best  for  each  country  to  have  its  own  gauge  or  that 
all  should  have  a  common  gauge.  The  protection  from  invasion 
afforded  by  a  separate  gauge  is  slight ;  the  facilities  for  commerce 
provided  by  a  uniform  gauge  are  vast.  The  advantage  to  Europe 
and  to  mankind  of  a  common  language  would  be  infinitely  greater 
than  any  loss  which  could  be  sustained  through  the  abandonment  of 
a  national  language.  The  sound  principle  for  determining  what  gauge 
should  be  adopted,  if  the  gauges  of  the  countries  were  different  and 
it  were  decided  that  they  should  be  unified,  would  be  this :  capital 
and  energy  are  assets  of  the  whole  world,  whence  the  mode  of  unifi- 
cation should  be  that  which  expended  least  capital  and  least  energy. 
The  gauges  should  be  altered  to  the  gauge  of  the  country  which 
had  the  greatest  mileage  and  the  largest  amount  of  rolling 
stock. 

The  same  is  the  sound  principle  on  which  the  unification  of 
language  may  one  day  be  attempted ;  perhaps  our  Congress  will 
have  played  a  modest  part  in  preparing  the  way.  The  invention  of 
a  new  language  would  be  the  least  economical  method  ;  for  any 
language  in  possession  of  literary  monuments,  and  which  has  been 
used  for  journalism,  has  accumulations  of  "  rolling  stock "  in  the 
shape  of  phraseology  and  idioms  for  which  a  substitute  would  have 
to  be  provided.  Those  accumulations  represent  in  any  case  the 
expenditure  of  much  energy ;  in  the  case  of  the  great  languages  of 
civilisation  vast  expenditure,  much  of  the  product  would  necessarily 
have  to  be  thrown  away  in  the  event  of  unification,  but  it  would  be 
wasteful  to  abandon  what  could  be  preserved. 

Like  most  human  institutions,  language  has  been  the  subject  of 
numerous  prejudices  and  superstitions  ;  but  few  of  these  are  now 
deserving  of  either  notice  or  refutation.  The  excellence  of  language 
is  that  it  should  be  clear  and  not  mean  ;  in  these  words  Aristotle  (as 
usual)  summed  up  all  that  can  be  said  on  the  subject.  Suppose  that 
Arabic  and  English  were  spoken  by  the  same  number  of  individuals, 
the  scale  would  be  turned  in  favour  of  English  by  the  considerations 
that  it  inserts  its  vowels,  employs  capitals,  and  can  use  italics  ;  a  page 
of  English  is  therefore  vastly  clearer  than  a  page  of  Arabic.  Between 
the  great  languages  of  Western  civilisation — English,  French,  and 
German — it  would  not  be  possible  to  decide  by  these  tests ;  none  of 
them  leaves  anything  to  be  desired  in  either  clearness  or  sublimity. 
The  only  principle  capable  of  application  would  be  that  which  has 
been  suggested — let  that  language  be  universally  adopted  the 
adoption  of  which  could  be  effected  with  the  greatest  economy. 


SECOND   SESSION  61 

We  have  already  seen  that  the  study  of  literary  monuments  is  a 
wholly  different  matter  from  the  acquisition  of  a  language  for 
practical  use.  With  us  the  Latin  and  Greek  languages  form  parts 
of  a  liberal  education ;  the  one  because  the  basis  of  European 
civilisation  is  Latin,  the  other  because  the  mightiest  monuments  of 
human  thought  are  Greek.  Few,  however,  of  those  who  study  these 
languages  in  their  youth  ever  have,  occasion  to  use  them  for  com- 
munication. They  are  taught  and  cultivated  because  man  does  not 
live  by  bread  alone.  There  is  no  reason  why  any  living  national 
language  should  not  survive  in  its  nation  in  the  same  way  as  Latin, 
or  in  the  world  in  the  same  way  as  Greek.  Some  theoretic 
knowledge  of  it  will  always  be  desirable  in  order  that  later 
generations  may  learn  whence  they  came ;  and  if  it  have  produced 
monuments  worthy  of  immortality,  they  will  be  immortal.  But  the 
desirability  of  preserving  languages  for  these  purposes,  or  for  the 
purposes  of  those  who  investigate  forms  and  roots,  does  not  affect 
the  question  whether  it  is  desirable  that  the  world  should  continue  or 
should  cease  to  be  a  Babel.  Reverence  and  affection,  qualities  which 
go  to  make  up  patriotism,  may  always  be  displayed  in  preserving 
and  adorning ;  they  need  not  be  displayed  in  employing.  Economy 
and  efficiency  should  govern  the  selection  of  instruments  for  employ- 
ment ;  and  they  point  to  the  ultimate  adoption  of  one  of  the  three 
great  languages  of  Western  civilisation  as  the  language  of  mankind. 
Such  an  arrangement  need  interfere  with  no  national  glories,  no 
religious  isolation,  though  the  tendency  of  the  immediate  future  is  for 
religions,  like  seas,  to  join  the  regions  they  divide.  Its  effect  would 
be  only  the  beneficent  one — facilitation  of  intercourse  and  economy 
of  energy. 

The  unification  of  language  within  great  areas  has  probably  been 
more  often  brought  about  by  voluntary  obedience  to  these  principles 
than  by  actual  compulsion.  Preparation  for  the  ultimate  object  must 
necessarily  be  slow  ;  the  world  must  be  made  bilingual  before  it  can 
be  made  unilingual ;  greater  uniformity  must  be  obtained  in  the 
matter  of  the  second  language,  which  is  destined  ultimately  to  super- 
sede the  first  except  in  one  linguistic  area.  The  waste  of  energy 
arising  from  want  of  uniformity  in  this  matter  is  notorious ;  thus  the 
Encyclopaedia  of  Islam  has  to  be  issued  in  three  languages,  when  two 
should  be  ample,  and  one  sufficient.  But  when  once  man  has  become 
more  generally  bilingual,  when  there  is  a  recognised  language  for 
international  and  cosmopolitan  communication  of  all  kinds,  the  way 
towards  unification  of  language  will  at  least  have  been  indicated. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 
•y.J'.ni  >dl   "it.)    <•  ti,  •':*;•_,;'.    1  n-j-i'Jiiil)  udj    r/p/to    i.;:^;  -;ij'..  •>)    i.-    i.-uusyjS 


62  UNIVERSAL   RACES  CONGRESS 

, 
RELIGION      AS     A     CONSOLIDATING     AND 

SEPARATING    INFLUENCE 

By  T.  W.  RHYS  DAVIDS,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.,  D.Sc., 
Professor  of  Comparative  Religion  in  the  University  of  Manchester ; 

and  Mrs.  RHYS  DAVIDS, 

Hon.  Special  Lecturer  on  Indian  Philosophy  in  the  University  of 
iKnoilnn  j  ,,,.  , 

Manchester. 
.rib&J  «r,  v,fiv/  3frt*H  ii  in  »vcnua  Jon  ptuotfe  ^v 

THE  more  one  thinks  about  this  subject  the  more  complicated 
and  difficult  it  appears  to  be.  To  treat  it  adequately  it  would  be 
necessary  to  take  all  cases  in  the  history  of  the  world  of  one  race 
brought  into  contact  with  another,  and  to  consider,  in  each  case, 
the  part  played  by  religion  in  the  resulting  effect.  A  comparison 
of  the  different  results  in  the  different  cases  would  then  open  up 
the  way  to  certain  qualified  conclusions  which  would  not  fail  to 
be  both  interesting  and  instructive.  This  is  precisely  one  of  the 
problems  to  which  the  young  science  of  Comparative  Religion 
hopes  eventually  to  be  able  to  give  attention.  It  is  also  one  of 
the  numerous  social  and  religious  problems  to  which  the  scientific 
method  has  not  yet  been  applied.  The  facts  have  not  yet  been 
collected.  We  have  vague  generalisations  drawn  from  single 
instances.  We  have  suggestive  studies  on  one  or  two  of  the  best 
known  cases.  But  no  attempt  has  yet  been  made  to  deal  with 
the  question  as  a  whole. 

A  single  case,  though  useless  as  the  basis  of  any  general  con- 
clusion, may  be  useful  to  illustrate  some  of  the  difficulties  involved, 
some  of  the  points  that  will  have  to  be  determined  before  any 
such  general  conclusion  can  be  formulated. 

When  a  horde  of  splendid  barbarians  who  had  accepted 
Mohamet's  doctrine  of  death  to  the  infidels,  burst  upon  the 
civilised  states  of  Asia,  they  were  no  doubt  inspired,  in  the  fury 
of  their  onslaught,  by  what  they  would  have  called  their  religion. 
To  each  state  in  turn  they  offered  the  terrible  alternative  of  con- 
version, tribute,  or  the  sword.  The  amazingly  swift  and  successful 
spread  of  Mohammedanism,  from  the  time  it  started  on  its  career 
as  a  militant  missionary  movement,  engulfing  in  three  or  four 
centuries  the  half  of  three  continents,  is  a  matter  of  modern  history. 
It  seems  to  vindicate  religion  as,  at  the  same  time,  a  social  con- 
solidator  and  social  disintegrator  without  parallel.  What  other 
motive,  unless  it  were  the  driving  consensus  of  hunger,  could  have 
availed  so  to  stir  and  urge  the  different  sections  of  the  Semitic 
race  hither  and  thither  under  the  common  banner  of  one  Prophet, 


SECOND   SESSION    fvi  63 

athirst  to  fling  the  world  on  its  knees  before  the  throne  of  the 
one  God?  From  this  present-time  perspective,  the  movement 
reads  like  a  frenzy  for  human  consolidation,  working  by  way  of 
an  equally  frenzied  disintegrating  machinery.  When  we  contem- 
plate the  loyalty,  among  many  millions,  of  one  man  to  another  as 
servants  of  the  Prophet,  in  the  wake  of  that  mighty  wave  of  war, 
it  is  the  consolidating  power  of  religion  that  impresses  us.  When 
we  consider  the  outrageous  barbarity  of  the  mind  that  says : 
"  Because  X  has  told  me  what  to  believe,  I  am  going  to  kill  you, 
unless  you  say  X  was  right,"  we  are  overwhelmed  with  the  baneful 
cleavage  wrecking  the  progress  in  human  concord  and  wrought  in 
the  name  of  religion. 

Nor  can  it  be  generally  claimed  for  militant  propagandists, 
whether  of  Islam,  or  of  the  Christian  Church,  warring  against 
heretics,  that  their  dominant  motive  was  altruistic  or  ethical.  Per- 
sonal salvation  for  the  individual  rather  than  the  good  of  the 
attacked,  is  put  forward  as  the  one  thing  needful  and  the  exceeding 
great  reward.  Founders  and  reformers  in  all  religions  reveal  the 
great  heart  that  yearns  to  gather  the  human  brood  together  in 
love  and  concord.  But  the  fierce  missioner  more  often  appeals  to 
individual  interest.  And  this  makes  men  act  in  concert  rather  along 
the  parallel  lines  of  individualism  than  along  the  converging  lines  of 
solidarity  and  mutual  service.  The  questions :  "  What  shall  I  do 
to  be  saved  ?  "  and  "  What  shall  I  do  to  be  of  service  ?  "  may  both 
be  accounted  as  religious,  but  only  the  latter  makes  essentially 
and  entirely  for  solidarity.  The  former  question  has  at  times 
found  its  solution  in  a  life  of  solitude  and  withdrawal  from  sharing 
in  the  common  lot. 

In  both  of  these  extreme  types,  therefore, — the  propagandist 
with  sword  in  hand,  and  the  apparently  misanthropical  recluse — 
we  seem  to  see  religion  manifesting  itself  as  a  disintegrator  among 
the  factors  that  tend  to  bring  mankind  into  closer  mutual 
intercourse. 

But  is  it  after  all  accurate,  in  connection  with  Jehads  and  Crusades 
and  persecutions  and  inquisitions,  to  call  the  motive  and  spring 
of  these,  religion?  Is  not  religion  possibly  a  pretext  employed 
to  veil  the  real  motives?  Consider  the  elements  engaged  in  any 
so-called  religious  war  on  either  side.  Never  has  any  one  of  them 
approached  the  spiritual  plane  of  the  one  host  or  the  other  in 
the  Holy  War  dreamt  of  by  our  John  Bunyan — the  celestial 
armies  of  the  Lord  of  hosts,  and  the  battalions  of  evil  spirits  bent 
on  the  spiritual  ruin  of  mankind  and  the  reconquest  of  heaven. 
It  needs  a  child's  simple  faith  to  people  the  camps  of  Crusaders 
or  Covenanters  with  hearts  burning  with  the  white  purity  and 


64  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

single-mindedness  of  a  Joan  of  Arc.  It  is  as  impossible  to  imagine 
the  first  Christians  going  forth  sword  in  hand  to  slay  unbelievers 
as  it  is  to  picture  a  Buddhist,  first  or  last,  taking  up  arms  against 
his  fellow-creatures.  "  Put  up  again  thy  sword  into  the  sheath," 
said  Jesus  to  his  first  Crusader.  "  If  My  kingdom  were  of  this 
world,  then  would  My  servants  fight."  Nor  can  the  militant 
Christian  justly  infer  from  the  words :  "  I  came  not  to  send  peace 
but  a  sword,"  that  it  was  a  Christian's  duty  to  be  he  who  should 
draw  the  sword.  Unmodified,  unqualified  for  early  Christians,  as  for 
all  Buddhists,  is  St.  James's  answer  to  his  own  question :  "  Whence 
come  wars  and  fightings  among  you  ?  Come  they  not  hence,  even 
of  your  lusts  that  war  in  your  members  ?  Ye  lust  and  have  not ; 
ye  kill  and  desire  to  have.  Ye  fight  and  war  .  .  .  because  ye  ask 
not.  Ye  ask  and  receive  not,  because  ye  ask  amiss,  that  ye  may 
consume  upon  your  lusts." 

"  That  worldly  motives,"  writes  Mr.  Haines  in  his  Islam  as  a 
Missionary  Religion,  "played  a  large  part  in  the  conversion,  not 
only  of  the  Arabs  but  of  the  other  nations  that  were  conquered 
and  converted  by  the  Saracens,  cannot  be  denied,  and  the  Arab 
apologist  dwells  at  some  length  upon  the  fact."  When  the  Arabs 
of  the  harvestless  desert  tasted  the  delicacies  of  civilisation  and 
revelled  in  the  luxurious  palaces  of  Chosroes,  "By  Allah,"  said 
they  in  their  wonder  and  delight,  "even  if  we  cared  not  to  fight 
for  the  cause  of  God,  yet  we  could  not  but  wish  to  contend  for 
and  enjoy  these,  leaving  distress  and  hunger  henceforth  to  others." 
Desire  for  gain,  from  the  bare  need  of  necessaries  that  parted 
the  Abrams  from  the  Lots  in  so  many  folk-migrations  up  to  the 
quest  of  treasure  that  drove  the  Spaniards  over  the  seas  and 
against  the  Aztecs,  with  the  cry  (O  irony  of  history!)  of  Sant'  lago — 
St.  James,  their  own  denouncer — on  their  tongues,  has  waved  on 
its  hosts  with  the  banner  of  religious  zeal. 

Race-aversion  and  race-pride  is  another  cause  of  cleavage 
between  man  and  man  that  finds  in  religious  zeal  and  orthodox 
aggression  a  convenient  outlet.  Surviving  as  a  fossil  even  in 
Buddhism,  the  very  gospel  of  mutual  toleration  and  amity,  where 
the  term  "Ariya"  has  come  to  mean,  not  race-complacency  but 
ethical  excellence,  hate  of  the  alien  as  alien  and  not  only  as 
infidel,  appears  too  obviously  in  religious  wars  to  need  exemplifying. 
And  the  enmity  may  become  intensified  when  the  alien  is  the 
embodiment  of  successful  rivalry,  or  of  radically  different  social 
institutions.  When  the  Christian,  sheathing  the  sword,  prays  for 
all  Jews,  Turks,  infidels  and  heretics,  he  confesses  those  as  most 
needing  escape  from  damnation  who  are  not  only  aliens,  but 
who  are  or  were  the  embodiments  of  success  in  business  on  the 


SECOND  SESSION  65 

one  hand  and,  on  the  other,  of  aggressive  restlessness  and  Asiatic 
institutions.  The  Spaniard  might  live  side  by  side  with  the 
Moslem  ;  the  Frank  and  the  Teuton  could  not.  And  further,  where 
there  has  been  aggression  in  the  name  of  religion  within  national 
borders,  the  anger  of  orthodoxy  may  always  be  traced  at  least 
in  part  to  motives  due  to  enmity  of  a  political,  social,  and 
economic  nature. 

The  terse  and  trenchant  summary  of  St.  James,  which  we  quote, 
has  so  thrust  us  on  to  two  of  the  three  great  roots  of  man's  miseries 
preached  by  Buddhism,  greed  and  enmity,  that  we  find  ourselves  in 
face  of  the  remaining  root  or  cause,  and  do  not  hesitate  to  bring  it 
forward.  If  with  Buddhist  doctrine  we  class  the  yearning  for  rebirth 
in  heaven  under  the  general  motive  of  greed  or  desire  of  gain,  and 
if  we  then  eliminate  from  all  aggressive  and  inquisitorial  measures, 
carried  out  under  the  sanction  of  religion,  the  greed  and  the  enmity 
therein  finding  expression,  we  shall  not  greatly  err  in  attributing 
the  residual  impulse  to  moha  or  unintelligence.  It  was  over  a 
Jerusalem  that,  with  unintelligent,  uncomprehending  orthodoxy, 
persecuted  the  messengers  of  a  new  and  purer  word  that  Jesus 
wept.  "If  thou  hadst  known,"  hadst  understood,  hadst  discerned, 
"  the  things  that  belong  to  thy  peace  !  But  now  they  are  hid  from 
thine  eyes."  That  rulers  and  statesmen  may  discern  in  the  rallying 
and  concentrating  attending  a  war  the  best  occasion  for  effecting 
political  unity  is  conceivable.  But  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  any 
mind  that  has  really  grasped  the  spirit  of  an  ethical  religion,  of  a 
creed  confessing  a  benevolent  deity,  to  loose  the  dogs  of  war  upon 
his  fellow-men,  or  to  coerce  belief  by  prison  or  the  stake.  The 
stupidity  behind  "  man's  inhumanity  to  man  "  is  perhaps  the  most 
tragic  thing  about  it. 

Once  more :  we  have  alluded  to  the  apparently  disintegrating 
effect  of  religion  in  the  case  of  the  recluse,  driving  him  into  an  anti- 
social career  of  solitary  living.  But  neither  is  the  mind  of  mon- 
achistic  temperament  so  simple  as  to  act  solely  by  one  motive, 
religious  or  other.  We  must  first  eliminate  all  the  Christian  Jeromes 
and  the  Buddhist  Makakassapas,  who  adopt  a  retreat  at  intervals 
as  a  spiritual  rest  cure  in  the  intervals  of  missionary  labours,  or 
again  as  an  opportunity  for  intellectual  production.  These  are  only 
cases  of  men  separating  from  their  fellows,  the  better  to  work  for 
universal  amity.  Nor  must  we  confuse  monachism  with  monasticism. 
Within  cloistered  precincts,  the  wider  intercourse  of  the  world  is 
usually  renounced  in  favour  of  the  closer  sodality  of  co-religionists. 
There  remains  the  thorough-paced  lifelong  recluse.  And  here 
again,  while  not  denying  him  religious  ardour,  we  discern  other 
motives  beneath  the  religious  pretext,  or,  at  best,  side  by  side  with 

F 


66  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

the  religious  motive.  Men  and  women  who  are  happiest  in  wild 
nature,  who  stifle  in  cities  or  in  tamed  confines  of  any  sort,  may  be 
atavistic  or  morbidly  shy,  or  otherwise  abnormal.1  But  they  are 
real  types.  And  that  injunction  of  all  genuine  religion  which  bids 
us  foster  the  habit,  with  Plotinus  as  with  the  Buddhists,  of  "going 
alone  to  the  Alone,"  affords  such  of  them  as  are  not  frankly  irre- 
ligious, a  sanction  for  their  natural  bent. 

If,  on  the  other  hand,  we  examine  movements  of  social  groups 
towards  unity  and  concord  made  in  the  name  of  religion,  we  shall 
find  it  equally  difficult  to  affirm  that  the  driving  power  is  genuinely 
religious.  The  human  love  of  novelty  and  change  may  receive 
gladly  the  inoculation  of  religious  ideas  from  without,  and  fraternise 
with  its  adherents  over  the  border.  The  latter  would  dream  they 
were  advancing  human  fraternity  by  good  missionary  work.  The 
conservative  interests  at  home  judge  that  the  recipients  are  gone  a- 
whoring  after  strange  gods.  Again,  human  gregariousness  may  fill 
church  and  chapel  more  effectively  than  any  need  to  worship  or  to 
be  edified.  Political  unrest  in  the  different  race  factors  of  an 
empire  may  cause  re-distribution  in  religious  profession,  as  we  see 
in  Austria.  And  religious  "  tests "  calling  for  certificates  or  pro- 
fessions of  faith  before  the  means  of  livelihood  are  granted,  may 
produce  an  appearance  of  religious  unity  that  is  anything  but 
genuine. 

To  conclude  this  scanty  glimpse  at  a  great  theme :  Whether 
religion  be  a  disintegrating  or  a  consolidating  force  is  no  question 
that  may  be  answered  by  a  bare  "  Yea  "  or  "  Nay."  Deeply  as  the 
religious  instinct  lies  and  stirs  in  the  heart  of  man,  it  cannot  find 
expression  apart  from  his  other  instincts,  however  much  it  may  and 
does  serve  as  a  cloak  for  them.  And,  accordingly,  as  these  instincts 
make  for  social  disintegration  or  solidarity,  so  will  be  the  religious 
activity  that  is  pressed  into  their  service. 

As  the  handmaid  of  theology,  as  the  sanction  of  this  or  that  social 
institution,  as  crystallised  and  formulated  into  a  creed,  or  a  sect 
within  a  creed,  religion  may  become  racialised.  Thus  narrowed,  it 
will  rather  intensify  the  lines  of  cleavage  between  folk  and  folk,  than 
bring  them  into  closer  intercourse. 

But  as  an  instinct,  deep-rooted  in  the  heart,  religion  transcends 
the  barriers  of  race,  in  offering  the  bond  of  a  common  aspiration 
between  individuals.  And  as  the  day  of  dogmas  wears  on  to  its  long 
twilight,  and  the  true  inwardness  of  religion  becomes  acknowledged, 
we  may  come  to  invert  the  relation  between  religion,  as  pretext,  and 
other  motives  calling  themselves  by  its  name.  More  and  more  shall 

1  G.  Havelock  Ellis,  Contemporary  Review,  February,  1909,  and  C.  Rhys  Davids, 
The  Quest,  April,  1910. 


SECOND   SESSION  67 

we  take  other  motives  as  pretext  and  expression,  for  the  religious 
instinct,  which  is  our  being's  noblest  "  creative  impulse."  *  We  shall 
come  to  suffer  the  radioactivity  of  each  man's  religion  to  work  in  the 
heart  as  a  divine  spring  of  action,  and  to  take,  as  its  pretexts  all  our 
aspirations  for  the  general  increase  of  health  and  knowledge  of  beauty 
and  happiness. 

3v,  But  still  will  this  inner  spiritual  fount  ever  make  both  for  division 
and  for  consolidation.  Men  and  women  will,  in  obedience  to  it,  meet 
ever  more  and  more,  as  here  and  now,  in  amity  and  ordered  effort 
after  mutual  understandings  and  progress  in  fraternity.  Yet  no  less 
will  the  inward  monitor  bid  this  man  or  that  woman  cultivate  selec- 
tion and  solitude ;  ever  will  it  lead  them  now  to  come  away  and  now 
to  approach,  as  befits  the  true  aristocrat  of  the  Spirit ;  ever  will  it 
urge  them  now  and  again  to  flee  alone  to  the  Alone,  to  feed  and 
recreate  the  vital  spark  of  divine  flame  before  the  altar  of  the  Ideal. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.'] 


DIFFERENCES  IN  CUSTOMS  AND  MORALS, 
AND  THEIR  RESISTANCE  TO  RAPID 
CHANGE 

By  Professor  GIUSEPPE  SERGI,  Rome. 

(a)  Differences  and  Resistance. — No  one  who  has  any  knowledge  of 
the  social  life  of  peoples,  nations,  and  primitive  tribes  is  ignorant 
of  the  existence  among  them  of  different  customs  and  diverse  forms 
of  morals ;  it  suffices  to  observe  how  individuals  behave  when  acting 
collectively  and  how  these  groups  behave  when  all  act  together,  in 
order  to  see  how  very  different  are  marriage  and  funeral  rites, 
festivals  and  combats,  religious  services,  respect  for  human  life  and 
property  and  the  laws  relating  thereto,  among  the  various  groups  of 
the  human  race.  If  we  observe  their  moral  codes  and  religions  m 
their  outward  manifestations,  we  find  a  great  difference  and  a 
profound  separation  between  the  larger  no  less  than  between  the 
smaller  groups  of  the  human  race. 

A  lengthy  exposition  of  the  facts  is  certainly  not  necessary  to 
demonstrate  such  differences,  falling  as  they  do  under  general 
observation  and  being  easily  noticed  in  the  relations  which  people 
maintain,  or  endeavour  to  maintain,  with  each  other. 

In  Europe,  except  perhaps  in  the  eastern  part,  great  and  small 
nations  have  now  the  tendency  to  approach  each  other  in  customs 
and  manners.     Facts  and   inventions  which  are  employed  in  daily 
1  We  refer  to  Bergson's  term,  elan  vital  et  createur. 


68  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

life  are  easily  communicated,  imitated,  introduced  more  or  less 
rapidly  into  common  usage,  and  are  accepted  without  difficulty  or 
resistance,  often  even  with  great  satisfaction.  In  spite  of  this 
tendency,  which  is  an  effect  of  centuries  of  communication  between 
European  peoples,  there  exist,  nevertheless,  many  different  habits  in 
modes  of  living,  in  the  interpretation  of  morality,  and  in  the  religious 
character,  although  the  dominant  religion  is  Christianity.  Hence  we 
find  differences,  sometimes  profound,  in  religious  worship,  in  the 
character  of  religious  rites,  and  in  the  conception  of  certain  Christian 
principles,  which  form  the  common  basis  of  very  different  practices. 

But  analogous  differences,  often  differences  of  form  and  of 
outward  appearance,  are  to  be  found  in  the  different  regions  of  one 
and  the  same  nation.  These  differences  are  a  record  of  the  ancient 
separation  and  the  characteristic  survivals  of  each  national  fraction. 
It  would  be  sufficient  to  give  a  mere  list  of  the  characteristic  customs 
which  persist  unchanged  and  do  not  change  in  the  historical  nations 
of  Europe ;  in  Italy,  with  its  primitive  division  into  regions  ;  in  France ; 
in  the  British  Isles  ;  and  wherever  facts  are  to  be  met  with  which  have 
an  intimate  relation  to  moral  conduct  in  its  connection  with  outward 
religious  forms.  These  facts  reveal  the  great  persistence  of  customs 
and  their  survival  through  all  the  vicissitudes  of  political  changes. 

The  people  who  are  furthest  removed  from  certain  customs  that 
are  universal  at  the  present  day  in  Europe  are  the  inhabitants  of 
Russia.  Although  the  ideas  and  manners  of  Western  Europe  have 
penetrated  into  Russia  and  have  been  accepted  and  imitated  by 
certain  classes  of  society,  among  the  enormous  mass  of  the  people 
nothing  is  changed.  Hence  it  seems  a  living  world  entirely  apart 
and  self-sufficient,  ignorant  of  what  occurs  outside  its  boundaries. 

But  the  differences  in  customs  and  morals  as  well  as  in  the 
prevailing  religious  sentiments  are  much  more  profound  in  Asia, 
where  up  to  the  present  there  has  been  immobility  and  little  or  no 
foreign  penetration.  Thibet  is  the  most  characteristic  example  of 
this,  since  having  been  completely  closed  to  Europeans,  it  has  come 
under  no  influence  but  that  of  the  Chinese,  and  has  accepted  the 
religion  of  Buddha,  of  Indian  origin.  Political  and  social  life,  with 
its  wholly  theocratic  character,  is  cut  off  from  all  communication 
with  the  world  beyond  and  is  inspired  by  a  xenophobia,  by  which 
alone  it  can  continue  to  preserve  its  characteristic  forms.  This 
people,  therefore,  isolated  and  defended  by  special  geographical 
conditions,  has  acquired  a  peculiar  character  which  shows  an  extra- 
ordinary persistence  in  the  preservation  of  its  customs. 

China,  an  enormous  agglomerate  of  peoples  which  have  been 
distinct  for  many  centuries,  has  succeeded  in  uniting  these  by 
internal  evolution  and  by  preventing  all  foreign  penetration.  It  has 


SECOND   SESSION  69 

created  a  profound  and  characteristic  civilisation,  a  great  civilisa- 
tion, existing  for  thousands  of  years,  with  forms  peculiar  to  itself  in 
language,  in  writing,  in  politics  and  in  government,  in  religion 
(which  is  the  cult  of  the  dead),  and  in  morals  both  philosophical  (the 
work  of  a  Sage)  and  popular.  It  has  lived  in  its  grandeur  and 
isolation,  cultivating  a  narrow  xenophobia  in  order  to  retain  its 
customs  and  to  preserve  its  own  civilisation,  morals,  and  religion. 
Yet  in  spite  of  its  isolation  from  the  foreign  element,  the  religion  of 
Buddha  and  the  Koran  penetrated  into  China;  but  nothing  further 
succeeded  in  penetrating  until  a  short  time  ago. 

However,  we  must  not  believe  that  the  various  peoples,  who  form 
this  national  unity  in  China,  have  lost  their  peculiar  customs  and 
their  primitive  ways  ;  just  as  in  all  other  peoples  where  new  forms  of 
morals  and  religions  have  penetrated  and  have  imposed  themselves, 
the  ancient  forms  remain  as  survivals,  persistent  and  resisting  every 
change,  as  the  new  unites  and  mingles  with  the  old ;  so  it  is  easy  in 
China  to  detect,  together  with  Buddhism  and  Confucianism,  the 
belief  in  spirits  and  other  customs  derived  from  the  primitive  ages 
of  the  various  peoples. 

Nor  are  conditions  different  in  Japan,  for  the  recent  development 
of  this  great  nation,  if  in  part  due  to  its  Europeanisation  in  political 
and  military  matters,  has  not  in  the  slightest  degree  destroyed  its 
national  customs,  which  are  so  very  different  from  those  of  Europe. 
The  people  have  remained  steadfast  and  persistent  in  the  ancient 
customs  and  ways  which  are  peculiar  to  their  country. 

But  the  persistence  and  resistance  to  change  are  seen  most  clearly 
in  morals  and  religion,  which  are  usually  closely  related  in  a  people. 
It  is  in  this  field  that  those  who  believe  they  are  improving  morals 
with  the  introduction  of  Christianity  are  accustomed  to  exercise  their 
reforming  influence.  And  they  meet  a  resistance  not  only  to  rapid 
change,  but  even  to  slow  and  peaceable  propaganda.  This  fact  may 
be  confirmed  by  examples  taken  from  the  patient  work  of  religious 
missions  in  the  midst  of  primitive  peoples  and  civilised  and  semi- 
civilised  nations.  I  may  instance  China  and  Japan,  which  resisted 
the  introduction  of  Christianity  for  a  long  time,  and  still  resist  it 
vigorously.  The  fruits  of  the  laborious  propaganda  are  very  rare, 
often  entirely  absent,  and  the  work  is  barren  of  results.  It  is  useless 
to  deny  this,  when  we  know  that  the  number  of  converts  is  extremely 
small  in  proportion  to  the  population. 

This  resistance  exists  not  only  among  peoples  who  are  averse  to 
new  dogmas  and  new  forms  of  morality,  but  also  among  those  who 
direct  the  affairs  of  state,  whether  from  sheer  resistance  or  from  a 
fear  that  other  new  changes  may  follow  in  the  life  of  the  state.  To 
this  we  may  trace  xenophobia. 


70  UNIVERSAL  RAGES   CONGRESS 

Moreover,  the  results  of  the  conversions  are  ambiguous,  because 
we  do  not  know  if  the  change  in  the  converts  be  really  genuine  and 
complete,  or  merely  superficial.  Nor  is  the  success  deeper  or  more 
sincere  among  primitive  tribes.  We  know  only  that  resistance  to 
the  acceptance  of  new  morals  and  a  new  religion  is  so  strong  as  often 
to  lead  tojbloodshed  and  revolt.  History  is  full  of  such  accounts. 

(b)  Psychology  of  Resistance. — In  order  to  understand  how  this 
resistance  to  changes  in  customs  and  morals  originated,  I  think  it 
will  be  well  to  indicate  briefly  the  psychological  and  social  factors 
which  determine  this  phenomenon. 

The  individual  psychical  state  is  of  two  forms :  static^  if  we  regard 
them  as  persisting,  ideas,  or  cognitions,  acquired  and  accumulated  ; 
dynamic,  if  we  refer  to  their  active  mobility.  These  two  forms  are 
not  separable,  except  by  analysis  ;  they  are  closely  connected  in  the 
sense  that  they  may  succeed  each  other,  as  in  the  passage  from  repose 
to  motion  and  vice  versa. 

The  cognitions  acquired,  which  form  the  patrimony  of  the 
intelligence,  remain  in  the  static  position,  as  unalterable  forms  of 
thought.  They  pass  on  to  the  dynamic  state,  when  they  are 
renewed,  or  incorporated  in  reasoning  or  in  actions  which  serve  for 
the  conduct  of  life  or  for  some  other  purpose.  In  this  case  an 
impulse  is  needed  to  determine  the  dynamic  motion ;  and  this  impulse 
is  sentiment  in  its  various  forms,  so  that  this  constitutes  the  dynamic 
motion,  the  driving  force,  as  it  were,  towards  an  action. 

This  phenomenon  is  purely  internal,  individual  and  psycho- 
logical, but  it  depends  on  other  internal  and  outward  factors,  which 
act  as  forces  of  impulse  or  stimulation  and  as  elements  which 
promote  the  psychical  life  in  the  social  state.  Man  does  not  live 
an  individual  life  only,  but  also  and  principally  a  social  one.  An 
intimate  reciprocal  relation  exists  between  man  and  society,  and 
hence  a  current  of  action  and  reaction  is  formed  which  conduces 
to  the  inseparable  union  of  the  individual  with  his  fellow-beings 
taken  collectively.  The  inner  psychological  conditions  of  each 
individual  are  interwoven  with  the  external  social  conditions  and 
the  former  cannot  subsist  without  the  latter  :  the  individual  is,  as 
it  were,  a  member  of  the  social  body. 

Further,  every  individual  depends  physically  and  psychologically 
on  conditions  that  preceded  his  actual  existence,  namely,  his 
ancestors  and  his  family,  from  whom  he  receives  by  heredity  and 
by  communication  peculiarities  in  his  psychological  as  well  as 
in  his  material  life.  These  are  factors  which  often  escape  observa- 
tion and  are  neglected  ;  but  they  are  of  great  importance  in  the 
psychological  condition  of  every  one. 

Here  I  must   briefly  enumerate  such  factors  as  enter  into  the 


SECOND   SESSION  71 

formation   of  the   individual    psychological  state  of  man   by  their 
collective  action.     These  are: — 

Hereditary  characteristics,  physical  and  psychological,  which 
appear  as  instincts. 

Suggestion  in  all  its  forms,  proceeding  from  family  and  social 
life. 

Imitation,  or  the  tendency  to  imitate  unconsciously  deeds  and 
actions  of  the  social  community. 

Educability  and  tendency  to  be  moved  by  human  influence. 

Gregarious  tendency,  or  a  tendency  to  follow  the  paths  traced 
by  others  in  social  conduct  and  to  obey. 

Sociability,  a  characteristic  developed  very  early  in  man. 

Now  all  these  factors  serve  to  form  a  psychological  organism 
in  individuals,  which  becomes  the  basis  of  all  human  life  in  so 
far  as  it  manifests  itself,  in  action  and  in  thought.  Habits  are 
formed  which  are  not  only  active  forms,  manifested  in  acts  of 
conduct,  but  also  static  forms,  that  is,  forms  of  thought  to  which 
dynamic  forms  of  action  correspond,  because  there  is  a  co-relation 
established  with  the  dominant  sentiments  developed  in  various 
ways.  This  whole  psychological  organism  assumes  the  name  and 
has  the  character  of  an  automatism,  which  implies  the  complete 
adaptation,  already  established,  of  thoughts  or  cognitions  to  senti- 
ments and  impulses  in  thought  and  action. 

Automatism  is  useful  in  human  life.  When  formed,  it  eliminates 
all  effort  in  acts  and  movements  with  reference  to  conduct  because 
it  becomes  the  natural  course  and  runs  more  smoothly  than  thought 
or  action,  and  because  it  maintains  the  continuity  of  our  action 
with  surprising  uniformity.  What  we  may  term  psychical  inertia 
then  establishes  itself.  This  is  altogether  similar  to  physical  inertia, 
and  consists  in  the  persistence  of  one  and  the  same  psychological 
state  until  a  superior  force  succeeds  in  changing  it,  establishing 
a  new  state  different  from  the  former. 

The  very  brief  exposition  I  have  given  of  the  psychological 
organism  in  its  formation  and  in  its  inner  and  social  factors,  of  the 
final  state  which  I  have  termed  psychical  inertia,  gives  us  the 
explanation  of  the  manner  in  which  habits  and  customs  are  formed, 
and  shows  how  moral  conduct,  connected  with  sentiments  and  acts 
of  religious  feeling,  become  one  and  the  same  with  customs,  and 
derive  from  them  a  power  of  resistance  to  changes. 

If  resistance  be  great  in  individuals  taken  separately,  it  becomes 
much  greater  in  a  group  taken  collectively.  The  reason  of  this 
being  that  the  psychological  organism  and  psychical  inertia  are 
already  formed,  since  in  the  social  mass  there  is  a  multiplication 


72  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

of  resistance  ;  and  if  we  compare  in  psychical  phenomena  individual 
resistance  to  collective,  we  may  say  that  the  latter  amounts  to  the 
square  of  the  mass  of  which  the  human  group  is  composed. 

(c)  Practical  Conclusions. — What  should  be  the  attitude  of  one 
nation  to  another  or  towards  other  peoples  with  which  it  has 
relations,  in  regard  to  diversity  of  customs,  morals,  and  religion  ? 

The  reply  which  presents  itself  immediately  to  us  is,  not  to 
attempt  any  change  and  to  respect  the  existing  usages  together  with 
the  sentiments  which  accompany  them,  because  one  runs  the  risk, 
from  the  resistance  which  is  made  to  changing  the  manner  of  living, 
of  disturbing  good  international  relations,  of  inciting  revolt,  blood- 
shed, and  war. 

But  this  very  general  reply  allows  of  modifications  according 
to  the  character  of  the  relations  existing  between  different  peoples 
and  nations  and  according  to  the  conditions  of  intellectual  develop- 
ment and  civilisation  of  the  populations  we  are  dealing  with.  The 
relations  may  be  solely  commercial,  and  then  there  is  no  need 
surely  for  foreign  nations  to  introduce  new  customs.  They  may 
be  political,  due  to  alliance,  and  in  this  case  no  more  than  in  the 
first  should  one  attempt  to  change  the  forms  of  social  life  and  the 
sentiments  of  the  allied  nations,  unless  it  were  to  render  them  more 
friendly  and  more  sincere  for  mutual  benefit.  The  possibility  of 
change  one  must  leave  to  time,  to  new  needs,  to  utility,  and  also 
to  imitation  which  is  so  ingrained  in  man. 

But  if  there  be  barbarous  customs  among  these  nations,  of  a 
deeply  rooted  character  and  repugnant  to  the  sentiment  of  humanity, 
should  one  use  influence  to  change  them  ?  I  believe  so,  but  slowly, 
by  example  and  persuasion  which  penetrate  into  the  minds  of  the 
people  and  develop  new  sentiments  and  new  habits.  In  doing  this 
one  should  not  insist  in  a  direct  manner ;  nor  under  this  pretext 
should  one  also  change  religious  forms  and  sentiments  also — the 
most  profound  in  the  human  soul  and  the  most  resisting ;  nor  under 
the  pretext  that  one  religion  is  more  moral  or  more  civilising  than 
another.  The  history  of  the  relations  between  different  peoples 
shows  clearly  that  this  attempt  has  led  to  many  revolutions,  mani- 
festations of  hatred  towards  foreigners,  and,  in  extreme  cases, 
even  wars. 

Among  savage  tribes,  such  as  are  found  in  Africa  and  Oceania, 
no  violence  should  be  used  in  order  to  change  their  customs  or  to 
Christianise  them.  Introduce  useful  arts  and  crafts  ;  humane  forms 
of  living  ;  respect  for  human  life  by  beginning  to  respect  it,  not 
as  some  Europeans  do,  who,  thirsting  for  gain  and  gold,  ill-treat 
the  natives,  respecting  neither  their  lives,  their  property,  nor  their 
families,  and  yet  claim  the  respect  and  obedience  of  these  same  tribes. 


SECOND   SESSION  73 

Under  a  protectorate,  respect  for  the  customs  of  the  populations 
should  be  the  same  as  that  which  should  exist  between  friendly 
nations,  were  it  only  in  order  not  to  provoke  resentment,  rebellions, 
and  wars.  If  the  protecting  Power  possess  sentiments  of  humanity 
and  act  in  a  humane  manner  towards  the  people  protected,  new 
customs  may  be  introduced  by  example  only,  by  showing  the 
immediate  usefulness  of  such  customs,  but  never  by  violence. 

Man  should  feel  sympathy  for  every  one  inhabiting  our  planet, 
who,  created  like  himself,  is  a  living  being  with  the  same  right 
to  existence  and  to  the  preservation  of  life. 

Sympathy,  the  most  extended  and  most  general  sentiment  of 
human  nature,  produces  in  its  action  the  most  beneficent  effects 
and  wards  off  the  dangers  of  a  struggle  which  would  often  be 
both  useless  and  cruel.  Human  sympathy  demands  respect  for 
the  sentiments  and  customs  of  every  people,  as  being  the  expression 
of  a  social  life  and  an  organisation  dating  from  time  immemorial. 
[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


ON   THE    PERMANENCE  OF   RACIAL   MENTAL 
DIFFERENCES 

By  CHARLES  S.  MYERS,  M.A.,  M.D.,  Sc.D., 
Lecturer  in  Experimental  Psychology  in  the  University  of  Cambridge. 

I  WISH  to  lay  before  the  members  of  this  Congress  the  four  following 
propositions  for  their  consideration  : — 

I.  That  the  mental  characters  of  the  majority  of  the  peasant 
class  throughout  Europe  are  essentially  the  same  as  those  of 
primitive  communities. 

II.  That  such  differences  between    them   as   exist   are   the 
result  of  differences   in   environment  and   in   individual   varia- 
bility. 

III.  That  the  relation  between  the  organism  and  its  environ- 
ment (considered  in  its  broadest  sense)   is  the  ultimate  cause 
of  variation,  bodily  and  mental. 

IV.  That  this  being   admitted,  the  possibility  of  the   pro- 
gressive development  of  all  primitive  peoples  must  be  conceded, 
if  only  the  environment  can  be  appropriately  changed. 

The  first  of  these  propositions  I  deliberately  put  forward  as  the 
outcome  of  a  year's  experience  in  the  Torres  Straits  and  Borneo,  and 
a  somewhat  longer  stay  in  Egypt  and  the  Sudan.  I  had  the  good 
fortune  to  visit  the  Torres  Straits  and  Borneo  as  a  member  of  the 


74  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

Cambridge  Anthropological  Expedition  under  Dr.  Haddon's  leader- 
ship, and  there  I  was  principally  occupied  with  Dr.  Rivers  and  Mr. 
McDougall  in  investigating  the  mental  characters  of  primitive 
peoples  ;  while  in  Egypt  and  in  the  Sudan  I  had  abundant  oppor- 
tunities for  making  similar  but  less  systematic  studies. 

The  results  of  the  Cambridge  Expedition  to  the  Torres  Straits 
have  shown  that  in  acuteness  of  vision,  hearing,  smell,  &c.,  these 
peoples  are  not  noticeably  different  from  our  own.  We  conclude 
that  the  remarkable  tales  adduced  to  the  contrary  by  various 
travellers  are  to  be  explained,  not  by  the  acuteness  of  sensation, 
but  by  the  acuteness  of  interpretation  of  primitive  peoples.  Take 
the  savage  into  the  streets  of  a  busy  city,  and  see  what  a  number  of 
sights  and  sounds  he  will  neglect  because  of  their  meaninglessness 
to  him.  Take  the  sailor  whose  powers  of  discerning  a  ship  on  the 
horizon  appear  to  the  landsman  so  extraordinary,  and  set  him  to 
detect  micro-organisms  in  the  field  of  a  microscope.  Is  it  then 
surprising  that  primitive  man  should  be  able  to  draw  inferences, 
which  to  the  stranger  appear  marvellous,  from  the  merest  specks  in 
the  far  distance  or  from  the  faintest  sounds,  odours,  or  tracks  in  the 
jungle?  Such  behaviour  serves  only  to  attest  the  extraordinary 
powers  of  observation  in  primitive  man  with  respect  to  things  which 
are  of  use  and  hence  of  interest  to  him.  The  same  powers  are  shown 
in  the  vast  number  of  words  he  will  coin  to  denote  the  same  object, 
say  a  certain  tree  at  different  stages  of  its  growth. 

We  conclude,  then,  that  no  fundamental  difference  in  powers  of 
sensory  acuity,  nor,  indeed,  in  sensory  discrimination,  exists  between 
primitive  and  civilised  communities.  Further,  there  is  no  proof  of 
any  difference  in  memory  between  them,  save,  perhaps,  in  a  greater 
tendency  for  primitive  folk  to  use  and  to  excel  in  mere  mechanical 
learning,  in  preference  to  rational  learning.  But  this  surely  is  also 
the  characteristic  of  the  European  peasant.  He  will  never  commit 
things  to  memory  by  thinking  of  their  meaning,  if  he  can  learn  them 
by  rote. 

In  temperament  we  meet  with  just  the  same  variations  in  primitive 
as  in  civilised  communities.  In  every  primitive  society  is  to  be  found 
the  flighty,  the  staid,  the  energetic,  the  indolent,  the  cheerful,  the 
morose,  the  even-,  the  hot-tempered,  the  unthinking,  the  philo- 
sophical individual.  At  the  same  time,  the  average  differences 
between  different  primitive  peoples  are  as  striking  as  those,  say, 
between  the  average  German  and  the  average  Italian. 

It  is  a  common  but  manifest  error  to  suppose  that  primitive  man 
is  distinguished  from  the  civilised  peasant  in  that  he  is  freer  and  that 
his  conduct  is  less  under  control.  On  the  contrary,  the  savage  is 
probably  far  more  hide-bound  than  we  are  by  social  regulations. 


SECOND   SESSION  75 

His  life  is  one  round  of  adherence  to  the  demands  of  custom.  For 
instance,  he  may  be  compelled  even  to  hand  over  his  own  children 
at  their  birth  to  others  ;  he  may  be  prohibited  from  speaking  to 
certain  of  his  relatives ;  his  choice  of  a  wife  may  be  very  strictly 
limited  by  traditional  laws  ;  at  every  turn  there  are  ceremonies  to 
be  performed  and  presents  to  be  made  by  him  so  that  misfortune 
may  be  safely  averted.  As  to  the  control  which  primitive  folk 
exercise  over  their  conduct,  this  varies  enormously  among  different 
peoples  ;  but  if  desired,  I  could  bring  many  instances  of  self-control 
before  you  which  would  put  to  shame  the  members  even  of  our  most 
civilised  communities. 

Now  since  in  all  these  various  mental  characters  no  appreciable 
difference  exists  between  primitive  and  advanced  communities,  the 
question  arises,  what  is  the  most  important  difference  between  them  ? 
I  shall  be  told — in  the  capacity  for  logical  and  abstract  thought. 
But  by  how  much  logical  and  abstract  thought  is  the  European 
peasant  superior  to  his  primitive  brother  ?  Study  our  country 
folklore,  study  the  actual  practices  in  regard  to  healing  and 
religion  which  prevail  in  every  European  peasant  community 
to-day,  and  what  essential  differences  are  discoverable  ?  Of  course, 
it  will  be  urged  that  these  practices  are  continued  unthinkingly,  that 
they  are  merely  vestiges  of  a  period  when  once  they  were  believed 
and  were  full  of  meaning.  But  this,  I  am  convinced,  is  far  from 
being  generally  true,  and  it  also  certainly  applies  to  many  of  the 
ceremonies  and  customs  of  primitive  peoples. 

It  will  be  said  that  although  the  European  peasant  may  not  in 
the  main  think  more  logically  and  abstractly,  he  has,  nevertheless, 
the  potentiality  for  such  thought,  should  only  the  conditions  for  its 
manifestations — education  and  the  like — ever  be  given.  From  such 
as  he  have  been  produced  the  geniuses  of  Europe — the  long  line  of 
artists  and  inventors  who  have  risen  from  the  lowest  ranks. 

I  will  consider  this  objection  later.  At  present  it  is  sufficient  for 
my  purpose  to  have  secured  the  admission  that  the  peasants  of 
Europe  do  not  as  a  whole  use  their  mental  powers  in  a  much  more 
logical  or  abstract  manner  than  do  primitive  people.  I  maintain 
that  such  superiority  as  they  have  is  due  to  differences  (i)  of  envi- 
ronment, and  (2)  of  variability. 

We  must  remember  that  the  European  peasant  grows  up  in  a 
(more  or  less)  civilised  environment ;  he  learns  a  (more  or  less)  well- 
developed  and  written  language,  which  serves  as  an  easier  instrument 
and  a  stronger  inducement  for  abstract  thought ;  he  is  born  into  a 
(more  or  less)  advanced  religion.  All  these  advantages  and  the 
advantages  of  a  more  complex  education  the  European  peasant 
owes  to  his  superiors  in  ability  and  civilisation.  Rob  the  peasant 


76  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

of  these  opportunities,  plunge  him  into  the  social  environment  of 
present  primitive  man,  and  what  difference  in  thinking  power  will  be 
left  between  them  ? 

The  answer  to  this  question  brings  me  to  the  second  point  of 
difference  which  I  have  mentioned — difference  in  variability.  I  have 
already  alluded  to  the  divergencies  in  temperament  to  be  found 
among  the  members  of  every  primitive  community.  But  well 
marked  as  are  these  and  other  individual  differences,  I  suspect 
that  they  are  less  prominent  among  primitive  than  among  more 
advanced  peoples.  This  difference  in  variability,  if  really  existent, 
is  probably  the  outcome  of  more  frequent  racial  admixture  and 
more  complex  social  environment  in  civilised  communities.  In 
another  sense,  the  variability  of  the  savage  is  indicated  by  the 
comparative  data  afforded  by  certain  psychological  investigations. 
A  civilised  community  may  not  differ  much  from  a  primitive  one 
in  the  mean  or  average  of  a  given  character,  but  the  extreme 
deviations  which  it  shows  from  that  mean  will  be  more  numerous 
and  more  pronounced.  This  kind  of  variability  has  probably  another 
source.  The  members  of  a  primitive  community  behave  towards 
the  applied  test  in  the  simplest  manner,  by  the  use  of  a  mental 
process  which  we  will  call  A,  whereas  those  of  a  more  advanced 
civilisation  employ  other  mental  processes,  in  addition  to  A,  say  B, 
C,  D  or  E,  each  individual  using  them  in  differing  degrees  for  the 
performance  of  one  and  the  same  test.  Finally  there  is  in  all 
likelihood  a  third  kind  of  variability,  whose  origin  is  ultimately 
environmental,  which  is  manifested  by  extremes  of  nervous  instability. 
Probably  the  exceptionally  defective  and  the  exceptional  genius  are 
more  common  among  civilised  than  among  primitive  peoples. 

Similar  features  undoubtedly  meet  us  in  the  study  of  sexual 
differences.  The  average  results  of  various  tests  of  mental  ability 
applied  to  men  and  women  are  not,  on  the  whole,  very  different 
for  the  two  sexes,  but  the  men  always  show  considerably  greater 
individual  variation  than  the  women.  And  here,  at  all  events,  the 
relation  between  the  frequency  of  mental  deficiency  and  genius  in 
the  two  sexes  is  unquestionable.  Our  asylums  contain  a  considerably 
greater  number  of  males  than  of  females,  as  a  compensation  for 
which,  genius  is  decidedly  less  frequent  in  females  than  in  males. 

This  brings  me  to  the  difficult  problem  of  the  effect  of  environ- 
ment. For  it  will  be  urged  that  these  and  other  sexual  mental 
differences  are  mainly  the  result  of  past  ages  of  different  environ- 
ment. I  shall  be  asked  to  consider  the  undoubted  increase  in  stature 
among  women,  which  has  followed  from  their  modern  training  in 
athletics.  Stature  is  admittedly  one  of  the  most  easily  modified 
physical  characters,  but  may  it  not  be  that  the  present  sexual  mental 


SECOND   SESSION  77 

differences  would  similarly  dwindle  and  perhaps  finally  disappear 
with  a  gradual  equalisation  of  the  environment  to  which  man  and 
woman  are  exposed  ? 

This  is,  indeed,  a  hard  question  to  decide.  Who  knows  the 
degree  of  mental  power  to  which  any  community  might  attain  if 
only  the  environment  could  be  appropriately  modified  ?  Who  could 
have  foreseen  the  powers  of  discrimination  which  practice  develops 
in  the  wine-expert  or  the  tea-taster?  With  what  surprise  do  we 
learn  that  the  children  of  Murray  Island,  taught  at  the  present  day 
by  a  Scotsman,  are  judged  by  him  to  be  superior  in  arithmetical 
ability  to  those  of  an  average  British  school,  despite  the  fact  that 
their  parents'  language  contained  words  for  one  and  two  only,  and 
expressed  three  by  one-two,  and  four  by  two-two !  Who  knows  what 
mental  powers  may  be  dormant  even  in  primitive  communities, 
ready  to  burst  into  full  flower  as  soon  as  the  environment  becomes 
appropriate  ? 

Against  this  point  of  view  must  be  set  another.  For  aught  we 
know  to  the  contrary,  the  essential  functions  of  womanhood  may  be 
the  determinants  not  only  of  their  special  sexual  physical  features 
but  also  of  a  greater  uniformity  of  mental  character.  So,  too,  the 
particular  environment  in  which  the  colour  and  physique  of  the 
negro  have  been  evolved  may  have  induced  a  still  more  uniform 
mediocrity  of  mental  ability.  Or  there  may  be  some  direct  but 
obscure  correlation  between  rareness  or  absence  of  genius  and 
insanity,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  feminine  or  negro  physical  form, 
on  the  other.  Certainly  there  is  not  an  instance  of  first-class  musical 
genius,  by  which,  of  course,  I  mean  originality  in  musical  composition, 
among  European  women,  despite  centuries  of  opportunity.  And  so, 
too,  there  is  not  an  instance  of  first-class  genius  in  a  pure-blooded 
American  negro,  despite  the  numbers  of  them  who  receive  a  uni- 
versity training  in  the  United  States.  It  is  true  that  their  adopted 
environment — social  status  and  climate,  in  particular — have  to  be 
taken  into  account.  We  well  know  the  type  of  individual  which 
contempt  and  persecution  produce  ;  but  these  influences  are  surely 
limited  to  the  moral,  and  hardly  affect  the  intellectual,  development 
of  the  individual.  We  have  also  to  bear  in  mind  the  paucity  of 
genius  among  the  white  population  of  the  really  southern  States. 

All  recent  work  goes  to  show  that  the  influence  of  environment 
on  biological  characters  is  far  more  potent  and  direct  than  has 
hitherto  been  supposed.  In  organic  growth  and  development  a  state 
of  equilibrium  has  to  be  maintained,  and  if  the  internal  or  external 
conditions  affecting  the  organism  are  changed,  its  unit-characters 
must  alter,  either  by  analytic  or  synthetic  change.  If  they  do  not 
alter,  or  if  the  alteration  is  not  a  suitable  one,  the  organism  is  no 


78  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

longer  adapted  to  the  environment,  and  sooner  or  later  (it  may  be 
immediately  or  in  the  first,  second,  or  third  generation)  must  perish. 

Whether  or  not  the  variations  thus  produced  are  dependent  on 
such  deeply  ingrained  internal  conditions  that  they  are  inherited 
despite  subsequent  further  changes  in  outward  environment  is  for  our 
present  purpose  of  little  concern.  It  is  sufficient  to  have  secured  the 
admission  that  variations  only  occur  when  there  is  a  disturbance  in 
the  usual  course  of  equilibrium  between  the  growing  organism  and 
the  internal  and  external  conditions  to  which  it  is  exposed.  The 
sum  total  of  the  internal  and  external  conditions  is  the  environment. 
Through  such  disturbances  the  different  races  of  mankind  have  been 
evolved.  By  fresh  appropriate  disturbances  they  are  being  modified 
to-day,  and  will  be  modified  in  the  future.  When  the  conditions  are 
too  sudden,  the  race  dies  out.  I  have  no  intention  here  of  discussing 
to  what  extent,  if  at  all,  the  modifications  in  external  conditions  are 
immediately  or  ultimately  inherited.  This,  it  appears  to  me,  does  not 
affect  the  truth  of  my  fourth  proposition,  that  if  only  the  environ- 
ment can  be  gradually  changed,  perhaps  with  sufficient  slowness  and 
certainly  in  the  appropriate  direction,  both  the  mental  and  the 
physical  characters  of  the  lowest  races  may  ultimately  attain  those 
of  the  highest,  and  vice  versd.  If  we  assume,  as  I  think  we  must 
assume,  that  the  white  and  negro  races  owe  their  respective  characters 
ultimately  to  their  environment,  there  is  no  a  priori  reason,  it  seems 
to  me,  for  denying  the  possibility  of  a  reversal  of  their  differences,  if 
the  environment  to  which  they  are  respectively  exposed  be  gradually, 
in  the  course  of  many  hundreds  of  thousands  of  years,  reversed. 

Since  writing  this  paper,  I  have  read  the  very  interesting  and  important 
work  entitled  Les  fonctions  mentales  dans  les  soctith  inferieures,  which  has 
recently  been  written  by  Professor  Levy-Bruhl.  In  this  book  he  takes  up  an 
attitude  that  differs  in  some  respects  diametrically  from  mine.  He  shows  how 
often  and  widely  anthropologists  have  erred  by  endeavouring  to  explain  the 
mentality  of  primitive  peoples  in  terms  of  our  own  advanced  mentality.  With 
this  I  am  in  complete  agreement.  Primitive  man  does  not  regard  the  world 
just  as  we,  educated  members  of  a  highly  complex  civilisation,  come  to  regard 
it.  But  when  Professor  Levy-Bruhl  goes  on  to  affirm  that  there  are  important 
differences  between  the  least  cultured  members  (the  peasant  class)  of  European 
communities  on  the  one  hand,  and  primitive  peoples  on  the  other,  there  I  part 
company  with  him.  I  am  inclined  to  admit  the  "mystic"  and  " pre-logical " 
tendencies  which  he  ascribes  to  primitive  mentality,  although  I  think  that  he  has 
grossly  exaggerated  their  importance  at  the  present  day,  and  has  not  sufficiently 
distinguished  the  very  different  stages  of  mental  development  to  which  various 
primitive  peoples  have  now  attained.  I  recognise  fully  the  force  of  what  he 
calls  "collective  representations" — the  outcome  of  social  tradition  and  organi- 
sation. Indeed  I  am  disposed  to  attribute  rather  to  the  force  of  social  tradition 
than  to  a  pre-logical  condition  of  the  primitive  mind  the  illogical  and  mutually 
contradictory  beliefs  which  arc  held  by  the  savage  at  the  present  day.  ,  There  is 
not  a  savage  who  cannot  talk  logically  about  matters  of  everyday  life.  He  can 
reason  as  we  do.  He  will  not,  where  the  force  of  social  tradition  is  so  strong, 


SECOND   SESSION  79 

where  the  contradictory  beliefs  which  he  holds  are  so  unquestionable  that  they 
can  never  be  allowed  to  appear  incompatible.  I  am  willing  to  admit  the 
possibility  that  primitive  peoples  may  be  found  whose  mental  peculiarities  are  as 
extreme  as  those  which  he  insists  on.  But  such  cases,  if  they  occur,  are  excep- 
tional, and  we  have  throughout  to  bear  in  mind  the  danger  of  deducing  the 
mental  attitude  of  a  people  from  the  customs,  ceremonies,  and  general  behaviour 
described  to  us  by  travellers  and  missionaries.  Into  what  error  would  a  people 
far  more  cultured  than  we  are  fall,  if  they  deduced  our  own  mentality  from  the 
social  and  religious  institutions  which  they  observed  among  us,  or  from  the 
statements  made  by  one  or  two  selected  individuals  in  our  midst ! 

My  remarks  refer  to  the  peasants  of  Europe  taken  as  a  whole,  and  to  the 
inhabitants  of  primitive  countries  taken  as  a  whole,  and  contrary  to  Professor 
Levy-Bruhl  I  insist  that  there  is  no  essential  mental  difference  between  them. 
We  have  in  each  the  same  native  disinclination  for  logical  thinking,  especially 
where  the  forces  of  tradition — or,  in  the  terminology  of  the  French  Anthropo- 
logical School,  collective  representations — are  antagonistic  to  it.  In  each  we 
see  the  same  readiness  to  accept  statements  which  are  utterly  contradictory,  the 
same  faint  line  of  demarcation  between  the  natural  and  the  supernatural. 
Professor  Levy-Bruhl  alludes  (p.  448)  to  the  "  frightful  rubbish  "  contained  in 
the  innumerable  encyclopedias  of  the  Chinese  on  astronomy,  physics,  chemistry, 
physiology,  &c.  How  is  it,  he  asks,  that  so  many  centuries  of  application  and 
ingenuity  have  resulted  in  nothing  ?  He  answers,  chiefly  because  each  of  these 
so-called  sciences  was  faced  at  its  beginning  with  certain  crystallised  ideas 
which  no  one  ever  dreamed  of  putting  sincerely  to  the  test  of  experiment. 
Quite  so,  but  precisely  the  same  "  rubbish  "  is  to  be  found  in  European  scientific 
works,  on  alchemy  and  natural  history,  for  example,  during  the  Middle  Ages. 
Until  comparatively  recently,  the  same  "vague  representations,"  the  same 
"mystic  pre-connexions,"  as  M.  Levy-Bruhl  terms  them,  reigned  even  in  the 
highest  European  culture  as  they  still  reign  in  the  Chinese. 

Again,  he  says  (p.  426)  that  "  the  mentality  of  primitive  man  does  more  than 
represent  to  itself  its  object  :  it  possesses  it  or  is  possessed  by  it.  It  holds  com- 
munion with  it.  ...  It  lives  it.  The  ceremonies  and  rites  lead  in  a  great 
number  of  cases  to  the  realisation  of  a  grand  symbiosis,  e.g.,  between  the 
totemic  group  and  its  totem."  In  his  view  (p.  427)  this  form  of  mental  activity 
is,  "  radically  different  from  what  our  own  society  affords  us  opportunity  for 
studying."  Here,  again,  is  surely  a  manifest  error.  This  symbiosis,  the  unity 
between  man  and  God,  this  Communion — what  is  it  but  the  highest  develop- 
ment of  the  mystical  element  in  the  most  advanced  religions  ? 

Thus  I  find  nothing  in  this  highly  interesting,  in  many  ways  psychologically 
valuable,  work  to  induce  me  to  change  the  propositions  which  I  maintain  and 
have  introduced  for  your  consideration  to-day. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


THE  INTELLECTUAL  STANDING  OF  DIFFER- 
ENT RACES  AND  THEIR  RESPECTIVE 
OPPORTUNITIES  FOR  CULTURE 

By  JOHN  GRAY,  B.Sc.,  A.R.S.M.,  F.R.A.I.,  London. 

THE  aim   of  this  paper  is  to  discuss  the  possibility  of  arriving  at 
some  numerical  evaluation  of  the  Intellectual  Standing  and  Respec- 


8o  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

tive  Opportunities  for  culture  of  a  population,  and  to  apply  the 
method  to  the  leading  Races  and  great  Nations  of  mankind. 

Such  evaluations,  even  though,  at  the  first  attempt,  they  may  not 
have  a  very  high  degree  of  precision,  are  much  to  be  preferred  to  the 
general  impressions  with  which  the  essayists  who  have  written  on 
this  subject  have  hitherto  been  content.  The  widely  differing  con- 
clusions of  the  authors  of  books  on  such  questions  as  the  relations 
of  the  coloured  and  white  races  illustrate  the  danger  of  relying  on 
general  impressions. 

There  are  several  methods  by  which  we  may  arrive  at  an  estimate 
of  the  average  intellectual  standing  of  a  population.  Without 
attempting  an  exact  definition  of  intelligence,  it  may  be  assumed 
that  this  mental  character  is  possessed  in  the  highest  degree  by  the 
leaders  of  the  people.  If  we  could  obtain  statistics  of  the  number  of 
men  per  unit  of  the  population  who,  in  each  country,  had  risen  above 
a  fixed  standard  of  eminence  in  literature,  science,  politics,  war, 
engineering,  &c.,  we  could  from  these  data  obtain  very  good  numeri- 
cal values  of  the  intellectual  standing  of  the  different  peoples.  But 
such  statistics  could  be  obtained  for  only  a  very  few  of  the  most 
advanced  and  highly  organised  nations. 

1  have  found  it  most  convenient  to  make  use  of  educational 
statistics. 

Education,  in  the  school  and  universities  of  a  country,  may  be 
regarded  as  the  means  employed  to  develop  to  the  highest  practical 
limit  the  natural  intellectual  capacity  of  the  people. 

The  number  of  pupils  and  students  per  unit  of  the  population 
may  be  regarded  as  an  approximate  measure  of  the  Opportunities  for 
Culture  offered  to  the  people. 

The  number  of  university  students  per  unit  of  the  population  is 
taken  as  a  measure  of  the  average  Intellectual  Standing  of  the  people. 
The  justification  for  this  is  that  the  majority  of  the  leaders  of  a 
people  come  from  its  universities,  and  the  average  standard  of  intelli- 
gence required  of  the  university  student  is  much  the  same  in  all 
countries  where  universities  exist.  The  few  exceptions  will  be  in- 
dicated in  dealing  with  the  values  obtained. 

Having  indicated  methods  of  obtaining,  from  educational  statistics, 
numerical  values,  of  (i)  the  Intellectual  Standing,  and  (2)  the 
Opportunities  for  Culture,  it  now  only  remains  to  find  a  method  of 
calculating  the  Natural  Capacity. 

The  Intellectual  Standing  of  a  people  may  be  regarded  as  the 
product  of  two  factors,  namely,  its  opportunity  for  culture  and  its 
natural  capacity  to  acquire  culture.  If  there  is  no  opportunity  for 
culture  there  will  be  no  culture,  however  high  the  natural  capacity 
may  be.  As  we  have  taken  intelligence  to  be  represented  by  the 


SECOND   SESSION  81 

degree  of  culture  acquired  in  the  schools,  it  follows,  and  it  is  self- 
evident,  that  there  would  be  no  intelligence  (in  this  case)  in  a  country 
if  there  were  no  schools.  On  the  other  hand,  how  ever  many  free 
schools  there  might  be  in  a  country,  there  would  be  no  intelligence  of 
the  kind  acquired  in  schools  if  there  were  no  natural  capacity  in  the 
people  to  acquire  it.  The  usual  condition  of  things  is  that  a  certain 
percentage  of  the  population  has  the  capacity  to  acquire  the  highest 
intelligence  the  schools  are  capable  of  developing.  We  may  assume 
therefore  that  the  following  formula  is  at  least  approximately  true  : — 
Intellectual  Standing  =  Opportunity  for  Culture  multiplied  by 
Natural  Capacity,  and  it  follows  from  this,  that — 

.   ~  Intellectual  Standing 

Natural  Capacity  =  ,~—        — r. — 7; — r*  ..   &  . 
Opportunity  for  Culture 

Intellectual  Standing  and  Opportunity  for  Culture  can  be  calcu- 
lated, as  has  been  shown  above,  from  educational  statistics.  Natural 
Capacity  is  equal  to  or  proportional  to  the  former  divided  by  the 
latter. 

This  method  of  measuring  natural  capacity  may  be  looked  at 
from  another  point  of  view. 

A  certain  fraction  of  the  crew  of  every  battleship  is  trained  to 
shoot.  Let  us  suppose  that  in  one  ship  10  per  cent,  attain  the 
highest  standard  of  marksmanship,  and  in  another  20  per  cent.  We 
may  say  that  the  natural  capacity  of  marksmanship  of  the  second 
crew  is  double  that  of  the  first,  because  the  opportunities  of  all  to 
become  first-class  marksmen  are  equal.  Natural  Capacity  may 
therefore  also  be  measured  by  the  percentage  of  all  persons  receiving 
equal  training,  who  attain  the  highest  standard.  This  second  defini- 
tion will  be  found  to  be  equivalent  to  that  given  above,  i.e.,  we  may 
evaluate  the  Natural  Capacity  of  a  race  for  intellectual  acquirement 
either  by  dividing  the  Intellectual  Standing  by  the  Opportunity  for 
Culture,  or  by  dividing  the  number  of  university  students  by  the 
total  number  of  pupils  and  students  in  all  the  schools  of  the 
country. 

It  is  necessary  to  add  that  the  divisions  of  the  scales  of  Intel- 
lectual Standing  and  Natural  Capacity  obtained  in  this  way  would 
probably  not  be  equal.  To  reduce  this  scale  to  one  of  equal 
divisions  we  should  have  to  assume  some  probable  law  of  the  distri- 
bution of  the  frequency  of  individual  deviations  from  the  average  of 
each  group.  The  most  probable  distribution  is  that  known  to  statis- 
ticians as  the  normal  curve.  In  the  series  which  follow  I  have 
appended  values  corrected  on  this  assumption. 

In  the  first  series  I  have  arranged  the  Nations  and  Races  for 
which  I  have  been  able  to  obtain  adequate  statistics  in  the  order  of 
their  Intellectual  Standing  calculated  in  the  manner  stated  above, 

G 


82 


UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 


Column  I.  gives  the  number  of  university  students  per  100,000  of 
the  population  ;  column  II.  gives  corrected  values,  in  a  scale  of  equal 
divisions,  showing  how  far  the  average  of  the  whole  population  is 
below  the  university  standard  ;  column  III.  gives  the  differences 
between  each  pair  of  adjacent  values. 

ORDER   OF   INTELLECTUAL  STANDING. 
I. 


i.  United  States  ... 

279-9 

277 

2.  Switzerland     ... 

200'8 

2-87 

3.  Scotland 

178-7 

2-91 

4.  France  

106-7 

3-07 

5.  Wales   'Z?™'-*.^'1 

100-2 

3-09 

6.  British  Isles     ... 

86-2 

3-I3 

7.  Spain     

85-9 

3^4 

8.  Austria  ... 

827 

m 

9.  Germany 

76-6 

3-17 

10.  England 

73'5 

3-17 

n.  Ireland  

73'  i 

3'i8 

12.  Norway  

70-7 

3-I9 

III. 

I. 

II. 

III. 

13. 

Finland  

7°'3 

3'i9 

•10 

•oo 

14. 

Sweden  

70-0 

3<r9 

•04 

•oi 

15. 

Italy      ... 

687 

3-20 

•16 

•02 

16. 

Belgium 

64-8 

3*22 

•02 

•oi 

17- 

Holland 

627 

3*23 

•04 

•oo 

18. 

Japan     

62-3 

3'23 

'01 

•05 

19. 

Hungary 

SO'3 

3-28 

•oi 

•04 

20. 

Negroes,  U.S.A. 

45'5 

3'32 

•02 

•08 

21. 

Mexico  

33'  ! 

3'4° 

•oo 

•10 

22. 

Portugal 

23*3 

3'5o 

•oi 

•oi 

23- 

Russia  

22'I 

3'S1 

•oi 

•20 

24. 

India     

10-4 

371 

•oo 

The  total  difference  between  the  highest  and  the  lowest  in  the 
above  series  is  "94,  the  average  difference  between  two  adjacent 
nations  being  '04.  By  comparing  this  with  the  actual  differences  in 
column  III.  it  will  be  readily  seen  where  steps  in  the  series  are 
higher  or  lower  than  the  average. 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  low  intellectual  standing  may  be 
due  to  the  lack  of  opportunity,  and  if  this  opportunity  is  very  bad  it 
may  even  be  associated  with  high  Natural  Capacity. 

It  may  be  noted  that  the  widest  gaps  in  this  series  are  between 
the  United  States  and  Switzerland,  between  Scotland  and  France, 
between  Mexico  and  Portugal,  and  between  Russia  and  India. 

At  the  same  time  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  nations  that  are 
closely  associated  physically,  historically,  and  geographically  come 
close  together  in  the  series.  Thus  we  have  Austria,  Germany, 
England,  Ireland,  Norway,  Finland,  and  Sweden  immediately 
following  each  other  in  the  series ;  also  Belgium  and  Holland  come 


SECOND   SESSION 


together,  and  Russia  and  India.  Geographical  contiguity  usually 
implies  a  certain  similarity  in  the  opportunities  for  education  and 
often  also  implies  that  the  peoples  are  of  the  same  physical  type. 

We  shall  next  give  the  order  of  the  nations  when  the  effect  of 
difference  of  opportunity  has  been  eliminated,  namely,  the  order  of 
Natural  Capacity. 

In  this  series  column  I.  gives  the  number  of  university  students 
per  10,000  of  all  pupils  and  students  in  the  country,  column  II.  gives 
the  corrected  values  on  a  scale  of  equal  divisions,  and  column  III. 
gives  the  differences  between  each  pair  of  adjacent  corrected  values. 


ORDER  OF  NATURAL  CAPACITY. 


I. 

II. 

III. 

I. 

United  States  ... 

IIO'2 

2*29 

I3- 

Sweden... 

.. 

•03 

2. 

Switzerland 

ioo'9 

2-32 

14. 

British  Isles 

... 

•03 

3- 

Finland  

937 

2-35 

15- 

Austria  ... 

•06 

j*jw  <{uriJ  ,.ro 

4- 

Scotland 

80-  1 

2-41 

16. 

India     ... 

.. 

•03 

5- 

France  

72*6 

2-44 

17- 

Ireland  ... 

.. 

•oi 

6. 

Mexico  

72-0 

2'45 

18. 

England 

.. 

•oi 

7- 

Portugal 

69-9 

2-46 

19. 

Norway... 

.. 

'01 

8. 

Spain 

67-6 

2'47 

20. 

Wales    ... 

.. 

•oi 

9- 

Italy      

66-i 

2-48 

21. 

Holland 

.. 

•06 

10. 

Russia   

55'3 

2'54 

22. 

Hungary 

.. 

"O2 

n. 

Japan     

52-8 

2-56 

23- 

Belgium 

.. 

•03 

12. 

Germany 

47'5 

2'59 

24. 

Negroes,  U.S.A. 

•oo 

I.      II.  III. 

47'3    2-59 


47-2  2'6o 

467  2 '60 

467  2 'DO 

46-5  2'6o 

42*2  2-63 

41-3  2-64 

38-2  2*67 

34'6  270 


327      272 


30-0      275 

24*6    2'8i 


•oi 


•oo 


•oo 


•oo 


•03 


•oi 


•03 


•03 


•02 


•03 


•06 


The  total  difference  between  the  highest  and  the  lowest  is  -52  ; 
the  average  difference  between  two  adjacent  nations  being  '02.  The 
greatest  differences  are  between  Finland  and  Scotland,  and  between 
Belgium  and  the  coloured  population  of  the  U.S.A. 

The  United  States,  as  in  the  Intellectual  Standing  series,  comes 
at  the  top  of  the  list.  This  pre-eminent  position  must  be  somewhat 
reduced,  if  the  average  standing  of  the  university  student  is  lower  in 
America  than  in  European  universities.  There  is  some  reason  for 
supposing  that  this  is  the  case.  The  same  remark  applies  to  Spain, 
in  which  the  low  average  standard  of  university  education  is  notorious. 
Switzerland  probably  occupies  an  unduly  high  position  in  the  series 


UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 


owing  to  the  presence  of  a  considerable  percentage  of  foreign  students 
at  her  universities.  This  applies  also  to  a  certain  extent  to  France, 
Germany,  and  Scotland.  Again,  it  will  be  observed  that  nations 
having  similar  racial  elements,  such  as  Spain  and  Italy  (of  the 
Mediterranean  race),  Germany,  Sweden,  British  Isles  (all  having  a 
large  Teutonic  element),  are  close  together. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  difference  between  the  average 
natural  capacity  of  the  negroes  and  that  of  the  whites  in  the  United 
States  is  twenty-three  times  as  much  as  the  average  distance  between 
two  adjacent  nations  in  series.  The  actual  intellectual  standing  of  the 
negro  is,  however,  much  higher,  being  twentieth  in  the  first  series  as 
compared  with  twenty-fourth  in  the  second  series.  This  shows  the 
benefit  he  has  received  from  growing  up  in  the  educational  environ- 
ment created  by  the  white  race  among  whom  he  lives.  The  fact  that 
the  intellectual  standing  of  the  negroes  in  America  has  benefited  so 
much  by  the  educational  opportunities  which  have  been  created  for 
them  by  the  whites,  and  which,  judging  from  what  we  know  of  them 
in  their  native  Africa,  they  were  incapable  of  creating  for  themselves, 
appears  hardly  to  have  been  realised  by  M.  Finot  when  he  says  of 
the  negroes,  "  that  in  fifty  years  they  have  realised  the  progress  which 
has  necessitated  for  many  white  races,  five  or  six  centuries."  * 


ORDER   OF  OPPORTUNITY. 


1.  Wales 

2.  United  States 

3.  Scotland 

4.  Belgium 

5.  Switzerland  ... 

6.  Negroes,  U.S.A. 

7.  British  Isles  ... 

8.  Holland 

9.  England 
10.  Austria 
n.  Norway 
12.  Germany 


I. 

II. 

262 

13.  Ireland 

254 

89-3 

14.  Hungary 

223 

15.  Sweden 

216 

78 

16.  France 

199 

17.  Spain... 

185 

55'5 

18.  Japan... 

182 

19.  Italy  ... 

181 

98 

20.  Finland 

178 

99 

21.  Mexico 

177 

61 

22.  Russia 

171 

23.  Portugal 

162 

99 

24.  India  ... 

I. 
157 

154 
148 

H7 
127 

nS 
104 
75 
47 
40 

33 

22 


II. 

70-6 
49 

28-5 
95 


22'  I 


5'3 


Column  I.  gives  the  total  number  of  pupils  and  students  per 
1,000  of  the  population  in  all  the  schools  and  universities  of  the 
country.  Column  II.  gives  (where  known)  the  Literacy — that  is,  the 
percentage — of  the  population  (excluding  those  below  school  age) 
who  can  read  and  write. 

The  series  showing  the  order  of  Opportunity  is  interesting  as 
showing  the  great  variation  of  this  among  the  various  nations  in  our 
list  In  Wales,  United  States,  and  Scotland  more  than  ten  times  the 
1  Finot,  "  Le  Prejuge  des  Races,"  p.  498. 


SECOND   SESSION  85 

number  of  children  per  1,000  of  the  population  are  at  school  than  in 
India.  As  India  stands  fairly  high  in  the  list  for  Natural  Capacity 
no  one  can  doubt  that  by  neglecting  the  education  of  India  our 
authorities  are  allowing  a  vast  amount  of  natural  ability  to  run  to 
waste  which  might  be  utilised  to  add  to  the  wealth  and  strength  of 
the  empire.  In  Russia,  owing  partly  to  the  vast  and  still  imperfectly 
absorbed  population  of  its  Asiatic  empire,  the  opportunity  for  educa- 
tion is  excessively  low.  For  Portugal,  however,  which  is  even  lower 
than  Russia,  there  is  no  corresponding  excuse. 

A  deficiency  in  Natural  Capacity  is  often  compensated  by  a 
highly  efficient  system  of  education,  as  may  be  readily  seen  by  com- 
paring the  three  series  given  above. 

Many  important  Nations  and  Races  have  not  been  dealt  with  in 
this  paper  owing  to  the  fact  that  no  adequate  statistics  could  be 
obtained.  In  the  case  of  China,  for  example,  education  in  the 
modern  sense  is  only  just  being  introduced.  There  are  said  to  be 
20,000  Chinese  at  foreign  schools  and  universities,  and  the  distinc- 
tions obtained  by  these  students  would  lead  us  to  suspect  that  the 
Natural  Capacity  of  the  Chinese  is  very  high  and  only  requires  an 
efficient  educational  system  to  enable  the  Chinese  to  take  a  very 
high  place  in  the  scale  of  the  Intellectual  Standing  of  the  Races  of 
mankind.  Turkey  is  another  country  where  the  opportunity  for 
education  is  at  a  very  low  ebb.  A  university  was  nominally  founded 
at  Constantinople  in  1900,  but  it  has  never  got  beyond  the  paper 
stage. 

The  Negro  in  Africa  has  had  little  opportunity  for  education 
compared  with  those  in  America  and  in  British  possessions.  For 
example,  in  the  Gold  Coast  only  8  per  1,000  are  at  school ;  in  Lagos 
I  per  1,000.  In  Sierra  Leone  things  are  apparently  much  better,  as 
we  find  103  per  1,000  at  school.  In  Basutoland  there  are  38  per 
1,000  at  school.  The  Negro  in  Africa  does  not  appear  to  be  able  to 
rise  beyond  the  standard  of  elementary  education,  several  attempts 
to  impart  secondary  education  having  failed.  Great  success  has, 
however,  been  achieved  with  industrial  education  of  the  Negro  both 
in  Africa  and  in  America. 

This  essay  being  a  first  attempt  to  apply  measurement  to  such 
important  qualities  of  man  and  his  environment  as  Intellectual 
Standing,  Natural  Capacity  and  Opportunity  is  necessarily  somewhat 
crude,  but  I  believe  that  it  is  only  along  these  lines  that  social 
reformers  are  likely  ever  to  arrive  at  any  agreement  as  to  the  true 
relations  subsisting  between  the  various  races  of  mankind,  and  till 
this  is  settled  all  attempts  to  place  those  relations  on  a  satisfactory 
footing  will  be  very  much  retarded. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English."] 


86  UNIVERSAL   RACES  CONGRESS 

THE    PRESENT    POSITION    OF    WOMAN 

':Tr?T 

By  Sister  NlVEDiTA  (Miss  MARGARET  NOBLE),  Calcutta, 

Author  of  "  The   Web  of  Indian  Life." 
. -jl?  bnfi  fbbitr//  •  *  frfsrm  ff*ni 

General  Considerations.-^-^  would  be  useless  to  attempt  any  com- 
parative study  of  human  institutions,  apart  from  the  ideals  of 
which  they  are  the  expression.  In  every  social  evolution,  whether 
of  the  modern  American,  the  Hottentot,  the  Semitic,  or  the 
Mongolian,  the  dynamic  element  lies  in  the  ideal  behind  it.  For  the 
student  of  sociology,  the  inability  to  discover  this  formative  factor  in 
any  given  result  constitutes  a  supreme  defect.  To  assume,  as  is  so 
often  done,  that  one  people  has  moulded  itself  on  a  moral  purpose, 
clearly  perceived,  while  in  the  minds  of  others  the  place  for  such 
purpose  is  blank,  and  they  are  as  they  have  happened  to  occur,  is 
purely  anarchic  and  pre-scientific.  Yet  some  such  conception  is 
only  too  common  amongst  those  writers  to  whom  we  are  compelled 
to  go  for  the  data  of  racial  sociology.  This  is  an  unfortunate 
consequence  of  the  fact  that,  for  the  most  part,  we  are  only  impelled 
to  the  international  service  of  humanity  by  a  strong  accession  of 
sectarian  ardour. 

io\  Another  error  to  be  avoided  in  a  comparative  statement  is  that 
of  endowing  the  more  or  less  antithetic  ideals  and  tendencies  which 
we  do  disentangle  with  a  false  rigidity  and  distinctiveness.  It  is 
easy  to  argue  backwards,  from  institutions  to  ideals,  in  such  a  way  as 
to  tabulate  whole  realms  of  poetry  and  aspiration  inexorably  closed 
to  certain  peoples.  But  ideals  are  the  opportunity  of  all,  the 
property  of  none ;  and  sanity  of  view  seems  to  demand  that  we 
should  never  lose  sight  of  the  underlying  unity  and  humanness  of 
humanity.  Thus  nothing  would  appear  at  first  sight  more  fixed,  or 
more  limiting,  than  the  polyandry  of  Thibet.  We  might  well  assume, 
a  priori,  that  to  look  for  certain  standards  and  perceptions  amongst  a 
populace  so  characterised  were  vain.  That  such  a  view  would  be 
untrue,  however,'  is  shown  at  once  by  Sven  Hedin  in  his  recent 
work,  Trans- Himalaya,  where  he  tells  of  a  Thibetan  gentleman 
imploring  him  never  to  shoot  the  wild  geese,  for  these  birds  are 
known  to  have  human  hearts.  Like  men,  they  mate  but  once; 
hence,  in  killing  one,  we  may  inflict  on  another  a  long  life  of 
perpetual  sorrow.  This  one  incident  is  sufficient  to  remind  us  of 
the  high  potentialities  of  the  human  spirit  everywhere,  however 
unpromising  may  be  the  results  of  a  superficial  glance.  Again,  we 
all  know  something  of  the  marvels  of  constructive  and  self-organising 
power  shown  by  modern  Europe.  When  we  look  behind  the 
symptom  for  the  cause,  we  may  feel  impelled  to  the  opinion  that  the 


SECOND  SESSION  87 

master-fact  in  this  regard  is  the  influence  of  the  genius  of  ancient 
Rome,  acting  first  in  the  Empire,  then  in  the  Church,  and  lastly  seen 
in  the  reaction  of  nationalities  to-day.  But  of  that  fundamental 
Roman  genius  itself  it  is  increasingly  difficult  to  make  any 
statement  that  does  not  almost  immediately  commend  itself  to  us 
as  equally  applicable  to  China  as  the  great  leader  of  the  Yellow 
Races.  The  actual  difference  between  Europe  and  Asia,  in  spite 
of  the  analogy  between  Rome  and  the  people  of  Han,  may  perhaps 
be  found  explicable  on  the  basis  of  the  differing  place  and  materials 
on  which  these  two  instincts  had  to  work.  Perhaps  the  very 
foundation-stone  of  sociological  truth  lies  in  that  unity  of  humanity 
which  such  considerations  illustrate. 

And  lastly,  we  have  to  remember  the  widely  differing  values  of 
different  classes  of  evidence.  It  is  important  always,  if  possible,  to 
make  a  people  speak  for  themselves.  Identical  material  may  be 
oppositely  handled,  as  all  will  admit,  by  different  persons ;  but  we 
cannot  go  far  wrong  in  demanding  that  in  all  cases  original  evidence 
shall  have  a  wide  preference  over  the  report  of  his  personal 
observations  and  opinions  made  by  a  foreigner.  It  would  also  be 
well  to  stipulate  for  the  same  rights  of  scrutiny,  over  even  original 
evidence,  as  would  be  exercised  by  competent  persons  in  weighing 
testimony  with  regard,  say,  to  physical  experiments  or  a  case  in  a 
court  of  law.  Statements  made,  even  by  the  natives  of  a  given 
country,  with  the  direct  intention  of  witnessing  or  ministering  to 
some  partisan  position  will  not,  on  the  face  of  it,  have  the  same 
value  as  if  it  can  be  shown  that  they  were  made  with  no  idea  of  a 
particular  question  having  arisen.  For  instance,  we  may  refer  to  the 
matter  of  the  position  of  the  Chinese  woman  in  marriage.  We 
are  assured  by  most  modern  writers  of  authority  that  this  is  most 
depressing.  In  theory,  the  wife  is  completely  subordinated,  while 
in  fact  the  man  always  exploits  to  the  full  the  opportunity  thus 
given  him.  That  marriage  can  be  brutalised  is  doubtless  as  true  in 
the  case  of  China  as  in  that  of  England.  All  that  we  have  a  right 
to  ask  is,  whether  it  has  also  the  opposite  possibility,  and  in  what 
degree  and  frequency.  I  assume  that  we  are  all  familiar  with  the 
relation  between  the  general  development  of  a  society  and  its 
impulse  to  recognise  an  individual  poet  and  accord  him  fame. 
Bearing  this  relation  in  mind,  we  shall  be  able  to  measure  the 
significance  of  a  couple  of  little  poems  translated  by  Martin  in  his 
tiny  posthumous  work,  La  Femme  en  Chine.  Of  these,  one  may 
be  given  here.  It  is  by  the  poet  Lin-Tchi  to  his  wife  : 

"  Nous  vivons  sous  le  meme  toit,  chere  compagne  de  ma  vie ; 
Nous  serons  ensevelis  dans  le  meme  tombeau,  et  nos  cendres  confondues 
Eterniseront  notre  union. 


88  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

Tu  as  bien  voulu  partager  mon  indigence,  et  m'aider  par  ton  travail, 
Que  ne  dois-je  pas  faire  pour  illustrer  nos  noms  par  mon  savoir, 
Et  te  rendre  en  gloire  tes  bons  exemples  et  tes  bienfaits  ? 
Mon  respect,  ma  tendresse,  te  1'ont  dit  tous  les  jours  !"* 

Is  it  not  true  that  one  genuine  utterance  from  the  heart  of  a 
people  is  testimony  that  outweighs  a  whole  volume  of  opinions, 
however  honest,  about  them  ?  The  historical  process,  as  manifested 
in  different  countries,  may  have  led  to  the  selection  of  various  ideals 
as  motives  of  organisation,  but  an  open  examination  of  data  will 
make  us  very  doubtful  of  statements  that  would  deny  to  any 
nationality  a  given  height  of  spirituality  or  refinement. 

Classification. — The  first  point  to  be  determined  in  dealing 
with  the  proper  subject  of  this  paper,  the  present  position  of  the 
civilised  woman,  is  the  principle  of  classification  to  be  followed.  We 
might  divide  women  into  Asiatic  and  European  ;  but,  if  so,  the 
American  woman  must  be  taken  as  European  par  excellence.  And 
where  must  we  place  the  woman  of  Japan  ?  The  terms  Eastern  and 
Western  are  too  vague,  and  modern  and  mediaeval  too  inexact.  Nor 
can  we  afford  to  discard  half  of  each  of  these  generalisations  and 
classify  woman  as,  on  the  one  hand,  Western — whether  Norse, 
Teuton,  Slav,  or  Latin — and  on  the  other  Mongolian,  Hindu,  or 
Mussulman.  Such  a  system  of  reference  would  be  too  cumbersome. 
Perhaps  the  only  true  classification  is  based  on  ideals,  and  if  so,  we 
might  divide  human  society,  in  so  far  as  woman  is  concerned,  into 
communities  dominated  by  the  civic,  and  communities  dominated  by 
the  family,  ideal. 

The  Civic  Ideal.  —  Under  the  civic  ideal  —  imperfectly  as 
particular  women  may  feel  that  this  has  yet  been  realised — both 
men  and  women  tend  to  be  recognised  as  individuals,  holding  definite 
relations  to  each  other  in  the  public  economy,  and  by  their  own  free 
will  co-operating  to  build  up  the  family.  The  civitas  tends  to  ignore 
the  family,  save  as  a  result,  like  any  other  form  of  productive 
co-operation,  and  in  its  fullest  development  may  perhaps  come  to 
ignore  sex.  In  America,  for  instance,  both  men  and  women  are 
known  as  "  citizens."  No  one  asks,  "  Are  you  a  native^  or  a  subject, 
of  America?"  but  always  "Are  you  an  American  citizen?"  The 
contemporary  struggle  of  the  Englishwoman  for  the  rudiments  of 
political  equality  with  men  is  but  a  single  step  in  the  long  process  of 
woman's  civic  evolution.  It  is  significant  of  her  conscious  acceptance 
of  the  civic  ideal  as  her  goal.  The  arrival  of  this  moment  is 
undoubtedly  hastened  by  the  very  marked  tendency  of  modern 
nations  towards  the  economic  independence  of  woman  ;  and  this 
process,  again,  though  born  of  the  industrial  transformation  from 
1  Paris,  Sandoz  et  Frischbacher,  1876. 


SECOND   SESSION  89 

manual  to  mechanical,  or  mediaeval  to  modern,  is  indirectly 
accelerated,  amongst  imperial  and  colonising  peoples,  by  the  gravi- 
tation of  the  men  of  the  ruling  classes  towards  the  geographical 
confines  of  their  racial  or  political  area.  One  factor,  amongst  the 
many  thus  brought  into  play,  is  the  impracticability  of  the  family  as 
their  main  career  for  some  of  the  most  vigorous  and  intelligent  of 
women.  These  are  thrown  back  upon  the  civitas  for  the  theatre 
of  their  activities  and  the  material  of  their  mental  and  emotional 
development.  Such  conditions  are  much  in  evidence  in  the  England 
of  to-day,  and  must  have  been  hardly  less  so  in  Imperial  Rome. 
Nero's  assassination  of  his  mother  might  conceivably  be  treated  as 
the  Roman  form  of  denial  of  the  suffrage  to  women. 

Regarding  the  civic  evolution  of  woman  as  a  process,  it  is  easy  to 
see  that  it  will  always  take  place  most  rapidly  in  those  communities 
and  at  those  epochs  when  political  or  industrial  transformation,  or 
both,  are  most  energetic  and  individuating.  The  guiding  and 
restraining  influences  which  give  final  shape  to  the  results  achieved 
are  always  derived  from  the  historical  fund  of  ideals  and  institutions, 
social,  aesthetic,  and  spiritual.  It  is  here  that  we  shall  derive  most 
advantage  from  remembering  the  very  relative  and  approximate 
character  of  the  differentiation  of  ideals.  The  more  extended  our 
sympathies,  the  more  enlarged  becomes  the  area  of  precedent.  If  the 
Anglo-Saxon  woman,  rebelling  in  England,  or  organising  herself 
into  great  municipal  leagues  in  America,  appears  at  the  moment 
to  lead  the  world  in  the  struggle  for  the  concession  of  full  civic 
responsibility,  we  must  not  forget  the  brilliance  of  the  part  played  by 
women  in  the  national  history  of  France.  Nor  must  we  forget  the 
mediaeval  Church,  that  extraordinary  creation  of  the  Latin  peoples, 
which,  as  a  sort  of  civitas  of  the  soul,  offered  an  organised  super- 
domestic  career  to  woman  throughout  the  Middle  Ages,  and  will 
probably  still  continue,  as  a  fund  of  inspiration  and  experience,  to 
play  an  immense  part  even  in  her  future.  Nor  must  we  forget  that 
Finland  has  outstripped  even  the  English-speaking  nations.  Nor 
can  we,  in  this  connection,  permit  ourselves  to  overlook  the  woman- 
hood of  the  East.  The  importance  of  woman  in  the  dynastic  history 
of  China,  for  example,  during  the  last  four  thousand  years,  would  of 
itself  remind  us  that,  though  the  family  may  dominate  the  life  of 
the  Chinese  woman,  yet  she  is  not  absolutely  excluded  from  the  civic 
career.  Again,  the  noble  protest  of  his  inferior  wife,  Tchong-tse, 
to  the  Emperor  in  556  B.C.,  against  the  nomination  of  her  own  son 
as  heir  to  the  throne,  shows  that  moral  development  has  been  known 
in  that  country  to  go  hand  in  hand  with  opportunity.  "Such  a 
step,"  she  says,  "  would  indeed  gratify  my  affection,  but  it  would  be 
contrary  to  the  laws.  Think  and  act  as  a  prince,  and  not  as  a  father." 


90  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

This  is  an  utterance  which  all  will  agree,  for  its  civic  virtue  and 
sound  political  sense,  to  have  been  worthy  of  any  matron  of  Imperial 
Rome. 

But  it  is  not  China  alone,  in  the  East,  that  can  furnish  evidence  to 
the  point.  In  India,  also,  women  have  held  power,  from  time  to 
time,  as  rulers  and  administrators,  often  with  memorable  success. 
And  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  a  similar  statement  might  not 
be  made  of  Mohammedanism.  There  is  at  least  one  Indo-Mussul- 
man  throne,  that  of  Bhopal,  which  is  generally  held  by  a  woman. 
Perhaps  enough  has  been  said  to  emphasise  the  point  that  while  the 
evolution  of  her  civic  personality  is  at  present  the  characteristic  fact 
in  the  position  of  the  Western  woman,  the  East  also  has  power, 
in  virtue  of  her  history  and  experience,  to  contribute  to  the  working- 
out  of  this  ideal.  To  deny  this  would  be  as  ignorantly  unjust  as  to 
pretend  that  Western  women  had  never  achieved  greatness  by  their 
fidelity,  tenderness,  and  other  virtues  of  the  family.  The  antithesis 
merely  implies  that  in  each  case  the  mass  of  social  institutions  is 
more  or  less  attuned  to  the  dominant  conception  of  the  goal,  while 
its  fellow  is  present,  but  in  a  phase  relatively  subordinate,  or  perhaps 
even  incipient. 

The  civic  life,  then,  is  that  which  pertains  to  the  community 
as  a  whole,  that  community — whether  of  nation,  province,  or  township 
— whose  unity  transcends  and  ignores  that  of  the  family,  reckoning 
its  own  active  elements,  men  or  women  as  the  case  may  be,  as 
individuals  only.  Of  this  type  of  social  organisation  public  spirit  is 
the  distinctive  virtue ;  determined  invasion  of  the  freedom  or  welfare 
of  the  whole,  in  the  interest  of  special  classes  or  individuals,  the 
distinctive  sin.  The  civic  spirit  embodies  the  personal  and  cate- 
gorical form  of  such  ideals  as  those  of  national  unity  or  corporate 
independence.  Its  creative  bond  is  that  of  place,  the  common  home 
— as  distinguished  from  blood,  the  common  kin — that  common  home 
whose  children  are  knit  together  to  make  the  civitas,  the  civic  family, 
rising  in  its  largest  complexity  to  be  the  national  family. 

The  characteristic  test  of  moral  dignity  and  maturity  which  our 
age  offers  to  the  individual  is  this  of  his  or  her  participation  in  civic 
wisdom  and  responsibility.  Our  patriotism  may  vary  from  jingoism 
to  the  narrowest  parochialism,  but  the  demand  for  patriotism,  in  some 
form  or  other,  we  all  acknowledge  to  be  just.  Different  countries 
have  their  various  difficulties  in  civic  evolution,  and  these  are  apt  to 
bear  harder  on  that  of  the  woman  than  of  the  man.  The  study  of 
woman  in  America,  where  society  has  been  budded,  so  to  speak,  from 
older  growths  and  started  anew,  with  the  modern  phase,  in  a  virgin 
soil,  is  full  of  illustrations.  It  would  be  a  mistake  to  attribute  the 
regrettable  tendency  towards  disintegration  of  the  family,  which  we 


SECOND   SESSION  91 

are  undeniably  witnessing  in  that  country  to-day,  to  any  ardour  in 
the  pursuit  of  civic  ideals.  High  moral  aims  are  almost  always 
mutually  coherent  Weakening  of  family  ties  will  not  go  hand  in 
hand,  in  a  modern  community,  with  growth  of  civic  integrity.  Both 
the  progressive  idea  of  the  civitas  and  the  conservative  idea  of  the 
family  are  apt  to  suffer  at  once  from  that  assumption  of  the  right  to 
enjoyment  which  is  so  characteristic  of  the  new'  land,  with  its  vast 
natural  resources  still  imperfectly  exploited.  Various  American 
States  exhibit  a  wide  range  of  institutions,  domestic  and  political. 
Some  have  long  conceded  the  right  of  female  suffrage,  while  in  others 
the  dissolution  of  marriage  is  notoriously  frivolous.  But  we  may 
take  it  as  an  axiom  that  the  ethics  of  civitas  and  of  family,  so  far 
as  woman  is  concerned,  are  never  really  defiant  of  each  other  ;  that 
neither  battens  on  the  decay  of  its  fellow,  but  that  both  alike  suffer 
from  the  invasions  of  selfishness,  luxury,  and  extravagance ;  while 
both  are  equally  energised  by  all  that  tends  to  the  growth  of 
womanly  honour  and  responsibility  in  either  field.  Even  that  move- 
ment, of  largely  American  and  feminist  origin,  which  we  may  well 
refer  to  as  the  New  Monasticism — the  movement  of  social  observa- 
tion and  social  service,  finding  its  blossom  in  university  settlements 
and  Hull  Houses — is  permeated  through  and  through  with  the 
modern,  and  above  all  with  the  American,  unsuspiciousness  of 
pleasure.  It  is  essentially  an  Epicurean  movement — always  remem- 
bering, as  did  Epicurus,  that  the  higher  pleasures  of  humanity  include 
pain — not  only  in  the  effort  it  makes  to  brighten  and  enliven  poverty 
and  toil,  but  also  in  the  delicate  and  determined  gaiety  of  spirit 
of  those  engaged  in  it,  who  have  never  been  heard  to  admit  that  the 
hair-shirt  of  social  service,  with  all  its  anxiety  and  labour,  affords 
them  anything  but  the  keenest  of  delight  to  don. 

, The  Family  Ideal. — The  society  of  the  East,  and  therefore  neces- 
sarily its  womanhood,  has  moulded  itself  from  time  immemorial 
on  the  central  ideal  of  the  family.  In  no  Eastern  country,  it  may  be 
broadly  said — the  positive  spirit  of  China  and  the  inter-tribal  unity 
of  Islam  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding — has  the  civic  concept  ever 
risen  into  that  clearness  and  authority  which  it  holds  in  the  modern 
West.  As  a  slight  illustration  of  this,  we  have  the  interesting  question 
of  the  sources  amongst  different  peoples  of  their  titles  of  honour.  In 
China,  we  are  told,  all  terms  of  courtesy  are  derived  from  family  rela- 
tionships. The  same  statement  is  true  of  India,  but  perhaps  to  a  less 
extent ;  for  there  a  certain  number  of  titles  are  taken  from  the  life  of 
courts,  and  also  from  ecclesiastical  and  monastic  organisations.  The 
greatest  number  and  variety  of  titles  of  honour,  however,  is  un- 
doubtedly to  be  found  amongst  Mussulman  nations,  who  have  been 
familiar  from  the  beginning  with  the  idea  of  the  alien  but  friendly 


92  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

tribe.  In  all  countries,  as  well  in  Asia  as  in  mediaeval  Europe, 
individual  women,  owing  to  the  accidents  of  rank  or  character,  have 
occasionally  distinguished  themselves  in  civil  and  even  in  military 
administration.  If  France  has  had  her  saintly  queen,  Blanche  of 
Castile,  China  has  had  a  sovereign  of  talents  and  piety  no  less 
touching  and  memorable  in  Tchang-sun-chi,  who  came  to  the  throne 
in  626  A.D.  as  wife  of  Tai-tsoung ;  and  military  greatness  and  heroism 
have  more  than  once  been  seen  in  Indian  women.  In  spite  of  these 
facts,  the  civitas,  as  the  main  concern  of  women,  forms  an  idea  which 
cannot  be  said  ever  to  have  occurred  to  any  Eastern  people,  in 
the  sense  in  which  it  has  certainly  emerged  during  the  last  hundred 
years  amongst  those  nations  which  inherit  from  Imperial  Rome. 

In  the  West  to-day  there  are  large  classes  of  unmarried  women, 
both  professional  and  leisured,  amongst  whom  the  interest  of  the 
civic  life  has  definitely  replaced  that  of  the  domestic  life.  The  East, 
meanwhile,  continues  to  regard  the  family  as  woman's  proper  and 
characteristic  sphere.  The  family  as  the  social  unit  determines  its 
conception  of  the  whole  of  society.  Community  of  blood  and  origin, 
knitting  the  kinship  into  one,  becomes  all-important  to  it  as  the  bond 
of  unity.  The  whole  tends  to  be  conceived  of  in  Eastern  countries 
as  the  social  area  within  which  marriages  can  take  place.  That  com- 
bination of  conceptions  of  race  and  class  which  thus  comes  into 
prominence  constitutes  caste,  rising  in  its  multiplicity  into  the 
ecclesia  or  samaj.  Throughout  the  art  of  Eastern  peoples  we  can  see 
how  important  and  easily  discriminated  by  them  is  the  difference 
between  mean  and  noble  race.  The  same  fact  comes  out  even  in 
their  scientific  interests,  where  questions  of  ethnology  have  always 
tended  to  supplant  history  proper.  And  in  geography  their  attention 
naturally  gravitates  towards  the  human  rather  than  the  economic 
aspects  of  its  problems.  As  a  compensating  factor  to  the  notion 
of  birth,  the  East  has  also  the  more  truly  civic  idea  of  the  village 
community,  a  natural  norm  for  the  thought  of  nationality.  But  left 
to  themselves,  undisturbed  by  the  political  necessities  engendered  by 
foreign  contacts,  Oriental  communities  would  probably  have  con- 
tinued in  the  future,  as  in  the  past,  to  develop  the  idea  of  a  larger 
unity,  along  the  lines  of  family,  caste,  samaj,  and  race,  the  culmination 
being  the  great  nexus  of  classes,  sects,  and  kinships  bound  together  by 
associations  of  faith  and  custom  for  the  maintenance  of  universal 
purity  of  pedigree.  The  West,  on  the  other  hand,  though  not  in- 
capable of  evolving  the  worship  of  blood  and  class,  tends  naturally 
to  the  exaltation  of  place  and  country  as  the  motive  of  cohesion,  and 
thus  gives  birth  to  the  conception  of  nationality  as  opposed  to  that 
of  race. 

Racial  unity  tends  to  modification,  in  the  special  case  of  the 


SECOND   SESSION  93 

Mussulman  peoples,  by  their  dependence  on  a  simple  religious  idea, 
acting  on  an  original  tribal  nucleus,  as  their  sole  and  sufficient  bond 
of  commonalty.  Islam  encourages  the  intermarriage  of  all  Mussul- 
mans, whatever  their  racial  origin.  But  it  would  be  easy  to  show  that 
this  fact  is  not  really  the  exception  it  might  at  first  appear.  The  race 
has  here,  in  an  absolute  sense,  become  the  church,  and  that  church  is 
apostolic  and  proselytising.  Thus  the  unit  is  constantly  growing  by 
accretion.  It  remains  fundamentally  a  racial  unit,  nevertheless, 
though  nearer  than  others  to  the  national  type.  In  the  case  of 
Chinese  civilisation,  again,  the  race-idea  would  seem  to  be  modifiable 
by  Confucian  ethics,  with  their  marvellous  common-sense  and  regard 
for  the  public  good,  creating  as  these  do  a  natural  tendency  towards 
patriotism  and  national  cohesion.  Yet  it  is  seen  in  the  importance  of 
ancestor-worship  as  the  family  bond.  The  sacrament  of  marriage 
consists  in  the  beautiful  ceremony  of  bringing  the  bride  to  join  her 
husband  in  the  offering  of  divine  honours  to  his  forefathers. 

Amongst  Hindus  the  same  motive  is  evidenced  in  the  notion  that 
it  is  the  duty  of  all  to  raise  up  at  least  one  son  to  offer  ceremonies  of 
commemoration  to  the  ancestors.  The  forefathers  of  an  extinct 
family  go  sorrowful,  and  may  be  famine-stricken,  in  the  other  world. 
In  my  own  opinion  this  is  only  an  ancient  way  of  impressing  on  the 
community  the  need  for  maintaining  its  numbers.  This  must  have 
been  an  important  consideration  to  thoughtful  minds  amongst  early 
civilised  peoples,  faced  as  they  were  by  the  greater  numbers  of  those 
whose  customs  were  more  primitive.  Only  when  a  man's  place  in  his 
community  was  taken  by  a  son  could  he  be  free  to  follow  the  whims 
of  an  individual  career. 

The  Family  in  Islam. — The  family  is,  in  all  countries  and  all  ages,  the  natural 
sphere  for  the  working-out  of  the  ethical  struggle,  with  its  results  in  personal 
development.  The  happiness  of  families  everywhere  depends,  not  on  the  subor- 
dination of  this  member  or  that,  but  on  the  mutual  self-adjustment  of  all.  In  the 
large  households  and  undivided  families  of  Eastern  countries  this  necessity  is  self- 
evident.  The  very  possibility  of  such  organisation  depended  in  the  first  place  on 
the  due  regimentation  of  rank  and  duties.  Here  we  come  upon  that  phenomenon 
of  the  subordination  of  woman  whose  expression  is  apt  to  cause  so  much  irrita- 
tion to  the  ardent  feminists  of  the  present  day.  Yet  for  a  permanent  union  of 
two  elements,  like  husband  and  wife,  it  is  surely  essential  that  one  or  other  should 
be  granted  the  lead.  For  many  reasons  this  part  falls  to  the  man.  It  is  only 
when  the  civic  organisation  has  emerged  as  the  ideal  of  unity  that  husband  and 
wife,  without  hurt  to  their  own  union,  can  resolve  themselves  into  great  equal 
and  rival  powers,  holding  a  common  relation  to  it  as  separate  individuals.  The 
premier  consideration  of  family  decorum  involves  the  theoretical  acceptance,  by 
man  or  woman,  of  first  and  second  places  respectively.  In  the  patriarchal  family 
— and  the  matriarchate  is  now  exceptional  and  belated — the  second  place  is 
always  taken  by  woman  ;  but  the  emphasis  of  this  announcement  is  in  proportion 
to  the  resistance  offered  to  its  first  promulgation.  That  is  to  say  the  law  was 
formulated  at  the  very  birth  of  patriarchal  institutions,  when  it  sounded  as  if  it 


94  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

were  nothing  more  than  a  paradox.  It  is  this  fact,  and  not  any  desire  to  insult 
or  humiliate  women  as  such,  that  accounts  for  the  strength  of  Eastern  doctrines 
as  to  the  pre-eminence  of  man.  Semitic  institutions,  and  especially  the  charac- 
teristic polygamy  of  Mussulman  peoples,  are  a  testimony  to  this  enthusiasm  for 
fatherhood  at  the  moment  of  the  rise  of  the  patriarchate.  To  a  fully  individualised 
and  civicised  womanhood,  the  position  of  wife  in  a  polygamous  family  might 
well  seem  intolerable.  Such  an  anomaly  is  only  really  compatible  with  the 
passionate  pursuit  of  renunciation  as  the  rule  of  life,  and  with  the  thought  of  the 
son,  rather  than  the  husband,  as  the  emotional  refuge  and  support  of  woman. 
Polygamy,  though  held  permissible  in  India  and  China  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  family,  does  not  receive  in  either  country  that  degree  of  sanction  which 
appears  to  be  accorded  to  it  in  Islam.  It  is  at  once  the  strength  and  the  weakness 
of  Islamic  civilisation  that  it  seems  to  realise  itself  almost  entirely  as  a  crystal- 
lisation of  the  patriarchal  ideal,  perhaps  in  contrast  to  the  matriarchal  races  by 
whom  early  Semitic  tribes  were  surrounded.  In  the  spontaneous  Islamic  move- 
ment for  progressive  self-modification  which  our  time  is  witnessing,  under  the 
name  of  Babisnt,  or  Behai-ism,  great  stress  is  laid  on  the  religious  duty  of  educa- 
ting and  emancipating  woman  as  an  individual. 

The  Family  in  China. — China,  though  seemingly  less  dependent  on  the  super- 
natural for  the  sources  of  her  idealism  than  either  India  or  Arabia,  appears  to 
have  an  intellectual  passion  for  the  general  good.  She  appreciates  every  form  of 
self-sacrifice  for  th.v  good  of  others,  but  is  held  back,  apparently  by  her  eminently 
rational  and  poftive  turn  of  mind,  from  those  excesses  of  the  ideal  which  are  to 
be  met  with  in  India.  She  judges  of  the  most  generous  impulse  in  the  light  of 
its  practical  application.  As  an  example,  her  clear  conception  of  the  importance 
of  perfect  union  between  a  wedded  couple  never  seems  to  have  led  her  to  the 
practice  of  child  marriage.  The  age  of  twenty  for  women  and  thirty  for  men  is 
by  her  considered  perfect  for  marrying.1  Nor  has  any  inherent  objection  ever 
been  formulated  in  China  to  the  education  of  woman.  On  the  contrary,  the 
National  Canon  of  Biography,  ever  since  the  last  century  B.C.,  has  always  devoted 
a  large  section  to  eminent  women,  their  education  and  their  literary  productions. 
Many  famous  plays  and  poems  have  been  written  by  women.  And  as  a  special 
case  in  point,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  one  of  the  dynastic  histories,  left 
unfinished  on  the  death  of  its  author,  was  brought  to  a  worthy  conclusion  by  his 
accomplished  sister." 

The  fact  that  a  woman  shares  the  titles  of  her  husband,  and  receives  with  him 
ancestral  honours,  points  in  the  same  direction  of  respect  and  courtesy  to  woman 
as  an  individual.  We  are  accustomed  to  hear  that  filial  piety  is  the  central  virtue 
of  Chinese  life  ;  but  it  is  essential  that  we  should  realise  that  this  piety  is  paid  to 
father  and  mother,  not  to  either  alone — witness  in  itself  to  'the  sweetness  and 
solidarity  of  family  life.  I  have  heard  a  translation  of  a  long  Chinese  poem  on 
the  discovery  of  the  vina,  or  Oriental  violin,  in  which  we  see  a  maiden  sigh  over 
her  weaving,  and  finally  rise  from  the  loom  and  don  man's  attire,  in  order  to  ride 
forth,  in  place  of  her  aged  father,  to  the  wars  in  the  far  north.  It  is  on  her  way 
to  the  seat  of  action  that  she  comes  across  the  instrument  which  is  the  soul  of 
song,  and  sends  it  back  to  her  father  and  mother,  that  its  music  may  tell  how  her 
own  heart  sighs  for  them  day  and  night  !  All  writers  seem  to  agree  in  admitting 
that  the  devotion  of  children  to  parents  here  extolled  is  fully  equalled  by  the  love 
of  Chinese  parents  for  their  children. 

The  essential  part  of  the  ceremonies  of  ancestral  worship  must  be  performed, 
in  a  Chinese  family,  by  the  sons.  Woman  may  assist,  it  seems,  but  can  never 
replace,  man  in  this  office.  In  the  year  1033  the  Dowager- Empress,  in  the  office 
of  Regent,  as  a  protest  against  the  exclusion  of  women,  insisted  on  herself  per- 

1  Martin.  *  Professor  Giles,  Lecturer  at  Columbia  University. 


SECOND   SESSION  95 

forming  the  state  worship  to  the  ancestors  rendered  necessary  by  the  advent  of  a 
comet.  This  bold  innovation  proved,  however,  merely  exceptional.  Again,  the 
rule  that  a  child  shall  be  born  in  its  father's  house  is  one  of  unbending  rigour,  in 
spite  of  the  great  liberality  with  which  women  are  often  allowed,  after  marriage, 
to  revisit  the  paternal  roof.1  These  facts  mark  the  memory  of  an  energetic 
transition  from  matriarchate  to  patriarchate,  which  has  failed,  nevertheless,  to 
obliterate  all  traces  of  the  earlier.  Chinese  society  ascribes  the  end  of  the 
matriarchate,  that  is  to  say,  the  institution  of  marriage,  to  the  mythical  emperor 
Fou-hi,  some  two  and  a  half  millenniums  before  the  Christian  era.  In  confirma- 
tion of  the  tradition,  this  emperor  himself  is  said  to  have  been  of  virgin  birth,  that 
is  to  say,  his  mother  was  unwedded,  a  common  characteristic  of  the  ancient 
Chinese  saints  and  heroes.2  A  similar  persistence  of  the  memory  of  the  matri- 
archate is  seen  in  Southern  China,  in  the  prevalence  of  the  worship  of  goddesses, 
and  notably  of  K wan- Yin,  Queen  of  Heaven.  It  should  be  said  that  throughout 
Asia  the  worship  of  goddesses  is  vastly  older  than  that  of  gods,  and  may  be  held 
one  of  the  best  means  of  studying  the  matriarchate.  The  Chinese  ideograph  for 
clan-name  is  a  compound  of  woman  and  birth,  a  distinct  relic  of  the  period  when 
descent  was  reckoned  through  the  mother.  And  finally,  the  persistence  of 
matriarchal  influence  is  seen,  not  only  in  the  frequent  political  importance  of  the 
Dowager-Empress,  or  Queen-Mother,  but  also  in  humbler  ranks  of  society,  by  the 
vigilance  which  seems  to  be  exercised  by  the  woman's  family,  and  even  by  her 
native  or  ancestral  village,  over  the  treatment  accorded  to  her  in  marriage. 
According  to  Dr.  Arthur  Smith,  it  is  this  which  is  effective  in  staving  off  divorce 
as  long  as  possible  and  in  punishing  cruelty  or  desertion.  Thus  the  woman's 
kindred  enjoy  a  remarkable  unwritten  power,  as  a  sort  of  opposite  contracting 
party  in  the  treaty  of  marriage,  and  exercise  a  responsibility  and  care  unexampled 
in  Europe. 

Nor  is  pure  idealism  altogether  unrepresented  in  the  life  of  Chinese  women. 
This  is  seen  in  the  tendency  of  girls  to  take  the  vow  of  virginity  ;  in  the  respect 
felt  for  women  who  marry  only  once ;  and  in  the  public  honours  accorded  to 
such  as,  before  sixty  years  of  age,  complete  thirty  years  of  faithful  widowhood. 
Both  Buddhism  and  Tao-ism  include  orders  of  nuns,  amongst  whom  the  Tao-ist 
communities  are  said  at  present  to  enjoy  the  greater  social  prestige.  A  regrettable 
feature  of  these  ideals — which  may  play  a  part,  however,  in  impelling  Chinese 
society  forward  upon  the  exaltation  of  the  civic  life  for  women — is  the  fact 
that  girls  sometimes  band  themselves  together  under  a  secret  vow  of  suicide  in 
common,  if  any  of  their  number  should  be  forced  into  marriage.  Writers  on  the 
subject  attribute  this  reverence  for  the  idea  of  virginity  to  the  percolation  of 
Indian  thought  into  China,  and  such  may  possibly  be  its  origin.  But  it  is  easy  to 
understand  that  it  might  have  arisen  spontaneously,  from  those  high  conceptions 
of  womanly  honour  that  are  inseparable  from  the  stability  of  patriarchal  institu- 
tions, joined  to  that  historic  commemoration  of  the  heroic  women  of  the  matri- 
archate which  has  already  been  mentioned. 

The  Family  in  India. — In  India,  as  in  China,  the  perpetuation  of  the  family  is 
regarded  as  the  paramount  duty  of  the  individual  to  the  Commonwealth.  There 
is  a  like  desire  for  male  posterity,  made  universal  by  a  similar  rule  that  only  a 
son  can  offer  the  sacraments  of  the  dead  to  the  spirits  of  his  forefathers.  But 
the  practice  of  adoption  is  very  frequent,  and  the  intervention  of  a  priestly  class, 
in  the  form  of  domestic  chaplains,  makes  this  element  somewhat  less  central  to 
the  Hindu  system  than  to  the  Chinese,  amongst  whom  the  father  is  also  the 
celebrant. 

As  throughout  Asia,  the  family  is  undivided,  and  in  the  vast  households  of 
this  type  domestic  matters  are  entirely  in  the  governance  of  women.  Servants 

1  Dr.  Arthur  Smith,  Village  Life  in  China.  3  Giles. 


96  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

are  few  in  the  inner  or  women's  apartments,  and  even  women  of  rank  and 
wealth  give  more  time,  and  contribute  more  personal  energy,  to  the  tasks  of 
cooking,  nursing,  and  cleansing  than  we  should  think  appropriate.  Child- 
marriage,  which,  though  decreasing,  is  still  more  or  less  the  representative 
custom,  renders  the  initial  relations  of  the  young  bride  to  her  husband's  people 
somewhat  like  those  of  a  Western  girl  to  her  first  boarding-school.  But  it  is  not 
to  be  forgotten  that  the  woman  shares  in  the  rank  and  titles  of  her  husband, 
hence  the  path  of  her  promotion  to  positions  of  honour  and  priority  is  clearly 
marked  out  from  the  beginning.  The  advent  of  motherhood  gives  her  an  access 
of  power,  and  this  recognition  culminates  in  the  fact  that  in  the  absence  of  sons 
she  is  her  husband's  heir,  and  always  the  guardian  of  her  children  during  their 
minority.  As  a  widow,  she  has  also  the  very  important  right  of  adoption.  The 
personal  property  of  a  mother  goes  to  her  daughters. 

Anything  more  beautiful  than  the  life  of  the  Indian  home,  as  created  and 
directed  by  Indian  women,  it  would  be  difficult  to  conceive.  But  if  there  is  one 
relation,  or  one  position,  on  which  above  all  others  the  idealising  energy  of  the 
people  spends  itself,  it  is  that  of  the  wife.  Here,  according  to  Hindu  ideas,  is 
the  very  pivot  of  society  and  poetry.  Marriage,  in  Hinduism,  is  a  sacrament, 
and  indissoluble.  The  notion  of  divorce  is  as  impossible  as  the  re-marriage  of 
the  widow  is  abhorrent.  Even  in  Orthodox  Hinduism  this  last  has  been  made 
legally  possible,  by  the  life  and  labours  of  the  late  Pundit  Iswar  Chunder  Vid- 
yasagar,  an  old  Brahminical  scholar,  who  was  one  of  the  stoutest  champions  of 
individual  freedom,  as  he  conceived  of  it,  that  the  world  ever  saw.  But  the 
common  sentiment  of  the  people  remains  as  it  was,  unaffected  by  the  changed 
legal  status  of  the  widow.  The  one  point  that  does  undoubtedly  make  for  a 
greater  frequency  of  widow-remarriages  is  the  growing  desire  of  young  men  for 
wives  whose  age  promises  maturity  and  companionship.  A  very  pathetic 
advertisement  lately,  in  one  of  the  Calcutta  dailies,  set  forth  such  a  need  on  the 
part  of  a  man  of  birth  and  position,  and  added,  "  Not  one  farthing  of  dower  will 
be  required  ! "  Probably  this  one  social  force  alone  will  do  more  than  any  other 
to  postpone  the  age  of  marriage  and  ensure  the  worthy  education  of  woman. 
It  is  part  of  the  fact  that  Hinduism  sees  behind  the  individual  the  family,  and 
behind  the  family  society,  that  there  is  no  excuse  made  for  the  sin  of  abandoning 
the  husband  and  deserting  the  burdens  and  responsibilities  of  wifehood.  If  one 
does  this,  the  East  never  plays  with  the  idea  that  she  may  have  fled  from  the  in- 
tolerable, but  gravely  makes  her  responsible  for  all  the  ensuing  social  confusion. 
There  was  indeed  a  movement  of  religious  revivalism  in  the  fifteenth  century — a 
sort  of  Hindu  Methodism — which  asserted  the  right  of  woman  as  equal  to  that 
of  man  to  a  life  of  religious  celibacy.  But  ordinarily,  any  desertion  of  the 
family  would  be  held  to  be  unfaithfulness  to  it.  And  all  the  dreams  of  the 
Indian  people  centre  in  the  thought  of  heroic  purity  and  faith  in  wifehood. 

There  is  a  half-magical  element  in  this  attitude  of  Hindus  towards  women. 
As  performers  of  ritual-worship  they  are  regarded  as  second  only  to  the  profes- 
sional Brahmin  himself.  I  have  even  seen  a  temple  served  by  a  woman,  during 
the  temporary  illness  of  her  son,  who  was  the  priest.  Our  prejudice  in  favour 
of  the  exclusive  sacramental  efficacy  of  man,  instinctive  as  it  may  seem  to  us,  is 
probably  due  to  Semitic  influences.  Even  Rome  had  the  Vestal  Virgins  !  In  the 
non-Brahminical  community  of  Coorg  the  whole  ceremony  of  marriage  is  per- 
formed by  women,  and  even  amongst  Brahmins  themselves,  the  country  over,  an 
important  part  of  the  wedding  rites  is  in  their  hands.  A  woman's  blessing  is 
everywhere  considered  more  efficacious  than  a  man's  in  preparing  for  a  journey 
or  beginning  an  undertaking.  Women  are  constituted  spiritual  directors,  and 
receive  the  revenues  and  perform  the  duties  of  a  domestic  chaplaincy  during 
the  incumbent's  minority  without  the  matter  even  exciting  comment.  A  little 
boy  is  taught  that  whatever  he  may  do  to  his  brothers,  to  strike  his  sister  would 


SECOND  SESSION  97 

be  sacrilege.  A  man  is  expected  to  love  his  mother  above  any  other  created 
being.  And  the  happiness  of  women  is  supposed  to  bring  fortune  in  its  train. 
The  woman-ruler  finds  a  sentiment  of  awe  and  admiration  waiting  for  her, 
which  gives  her  an  immense  advantage  over  a  man  in  the  competition  for 
enduring  fame.  These  facts  are  of  course  partly  due  to  the  intense  piety  and 
self-effacement  of  the  lives  led  by  women  at  large ;  but  still  more  to  the  dim 
memory  of  a  time  when  they  were  the  matriarchs  and  protectors  of  the  world. 
There  is  no  free  mixing  of  the  sexes  outside  the  family  in  any  one  of  the  three 
great  Asiatic  societies — Chinese,  Indian,  or  Islamic.  But  the  degree  of  woman's 
cloistered  seclusion  varies  considerably  in  different  parts,  being  least  in  those 
provinces  of  India  where  the  communal  institutions  of  primitive  society  have 
been  least  interfered  with  by  contact  with  Mohammedanism,  and  at  its  strictest, 
probably,  amongst  the  Mussulman  peoples. 

The  Economic  Standing  of  Women  in  the  East. — Even  a  cursory  study  of  the 
position  of  woman  is  compelled  to  include  some  mention  of  her  economic 
standing.  In  societies  where  the  family  furnishes  her  main  career,  she  is 
generally  of  necessity  in  a  position  of  dependence,  either  on  father  or  husband. 
Amongst  Hindus,  this  is  mitigated  by  a  dot,  consisting  of  jewels,  given  at 
marriage  and  after.  This  property,  once  given,  becomes  the  woman's  own, 
not  to  be  touched  even  by  her  husband,  and  in  case  of  widowhood,  if  there 
is  no  other  fund,  she  is  supposed  to  be  able  to  sell  it  and  live  on  the  interest. 
Amongst  Mohammedans  a  dower  is  named,  and  deeds  of  settlement  executed 
by  the  husband  at  marriage.  It  is  said  that  every  Mussulman  cabman  in 
Calcutta  has  undertaken  to  provide  for  his  wife  a  dower  of  thousands  of  rupees. 
To  pay  this  is  obviously  impossible,  yet  the  institution  is  not  meaningless.  In 
case  he  wishes  for  divorce  a  man  can  be  compelled  to  pay  to  the  uttermost, 
and  God  Himself,  it  is  said,  will  ask,  on  the  Day  of  Judgment,  where  is  the 
amount  that  he  left  in  default.  It  is  easy  to  see  how  this  is  calculated  to  protect 
the  wife.  The  custom  gives  point  also  to  the  beautiful  story  of  Fatima, 
daughter  of  Mohammed  and  wife  of  Ali,  who  was  asked  by  her  father  what 
dower  she  would  wish  named,  and  answered,  "  The  salvation  of  every  Mussul- 
man ! "  Leaving  her  own  future  thus  unprotected  in  the  risks  of  marriage, 
God  Himself  would  not  be  able  to  refuse  her  dower  on  the  Day  of  Judgment 

I  have  not  been  able  to  discover  what  provision  is  made  by  the  Chinese 
for  a  woman,  in  case  of  a  long  and  lonely  widowhood.  Doubtless,  in  China  as 
in  India,  the  most  substantial  part  of  her  provision  lies  in  the  solidarity  of 
the  family  as  a  whole.  If  her  husband's  relatives  cannot  support  her,  a  woman 
falls  back  upon  her  own  father  or  brothers.  As  long  as  either  family  exists, 
and  is  able  to  support  her,  she  has  an  acknowledged  place.  If  she  have  sons, 
both  she  and  they  must  remain  with  the  husband's  people. 

The  whole  East  understands  the  need  of  a  woman's  having  pin-money.  In 
China,  it  is  said,  the  proceeds  of  cotton-picking,  and  no  doubt  also  what  comes 
of  the  care  of  silkworms ;  in  India,  such  matters  as  the  sale  of  milk,  cattle, 
and  fruit ;  and  among  Mohammedans,  eggs,  chickens,  and  goat's  milk,  are 
all  the  perquisites  of  the  mistress  of  the  household.  Like  the  French,  the 
Eastern  woman  is  often  of  an  excessive  thrift,  and  her  power  of  saving,  by  the 
accumulation  of  small  sums,  is  remarkable.  That  the  women  require,  in  the 
interests  of  the  home  itself,  to  have  a  store  of  their  own,  probably  every  man 
would  admit.  Of  course,  where  the  circumstances  of  the  family  are  of  a 
grinding  poverty,  this  cannot  be. 

It  must  be  understood  that  the  present  age,  in  the  East  even  more  than 
amongst  ourselves,  is  one  of  economic  transition.  Fifty  years  ago  there,  as  a 
hundred  and  fifty  years  ago  amongst  ourselves,  the  main  occupation  of  all 
women,  and  especially  of  those  of  gentle  birth,  was  spinning.  I  have  met  many 
a  man  of  high  education  whose  childhood  was  passed  in  dependence  on  the 

U 


98  UNIVERSAL   RAGES   CONGRESS 

secret  earnings  of,  say,  a  grandmother.  Such  a  possibility  no  longer  exists, 
and  perhaps  one  of  the  saddest  consequences,  East  and  West,  is  the  amount 
of  unfruitful  leisure  that  has  taken  its  place.  Instead  of  the  old  spinning  and 
its  kindred  arts,  the  Western  woman,  as  we  all  know — owing  to  the  growth 
of  luxury  and  loss  of  efficiency — has  become  still  more  dependent  on  her 
husband  than  she  was.  The  main  economic  advance  of  woman  among  our- 
selves lies  in  the  striking-out  of  new  professions  and  careers  by  unmarried 
women.  This  is  not  yet  a  factor  of  great  importance  in  the  East.'  In  India, 
we  have  a  few  women-doctors  and  writers  ;  and  a  growing  perception  of  the 
need  of  modern  education  is  raising  up  a  class  of  teachers,  who  are  training 
themselves  to  assist  in  the  spread  of  instruction  amongst  women.  Besides  this, 
in  a  lower  social  class,  the  old  household  industries  are  giving  place  to  the 
factory  organisation,  and  in  many  places  woman  is  becoming  a  wage-earner. 
This  change  is  of  course  accompanied  by  great  economic  instability,  and  by 
the  pinch  of  poverty  in  all  directions.  It  is  one  of  the  many  phases  of  that 
substitution  of  civilisations  which  is  now  proceeding.  This  substitution  is  a 
terrible  process  to  watch.  It  is  full  of  suffering  and  penalties.  Yet  the  East 
cannot  be  saved  from  it.  All  that  service  can  attempt  is  to  secure  that  insti- 
tutions shall  not  be  transplanted  without  the  ideals  to  which  they  stand  related. 
Accepting  these,  it  is  possible  that  Eastern  peoples  may  themselves  be  able 
to  purify  and  redeem  the  new,  transforming  it  to  the  long-known  uses  of  their 
own  evolution. 

Incipient  Developments. — India,  it  should  be  understood,  is  the 
headwater  of  Asiatic  thought  and  idealism.  In  other  countries  we 
may  meet  with  applications,  there  we  find  the  idea  itself.  In  India, 
the  sanctity  and  sweetness  of  family  life  have  been  raised  to  the 
rank  of  a  great  culture.  Wifehood  is  a  religion,  motherhood  a  dream 
of  perfection ;  and  the  pride  and  protectiveness  of  man  are  deve- 
loped to  a  very  high  degree.  The  Ramayana — epic  of  the  Indian 
home — boldly  lays  down  the  doctrine  that  a  man,  like  a  woman, 
should  marry  but  once.  "  We  are  born  once,"  said  an  Indian  woman 
to  me,  with  great  haughtiness  ;  "  we  die  once.  And  likewise  we  are 
married  once !  "  Whatever  new  developments  may  now  lie  before 
the  womanhood  of  the  East,  it  is  ours  to  hope  that  they  will  con- 
stitute only  a  pouring  of  the  molten  metal  of  her  old  faithfulness 
and  consecration  into  the  new  moulds  of  a  wider  knowledge  and 
extended  social  formation. 

Turning  to  the  West,  it  would  appear  that  the  modern  age  has 
not  unsealed  any  new  springs  of  moral  force  for  woman  in  the 
direction  of  the  family,  though  by  initiating  her,  as  woman,  into 
the  wider  publicity  and  influence  of  the  civic  area  it  has  enormously 
increased  the  social  importance  of  her  continuing  to  drink  undis- 
turbed at  the  older  sources  of  her  character.  The  modern  organisa- 
tion, on  the  other  hand,  by  bringing  home  to  her  stored  and 
garnered  maternal  instinct  the  spectacle  of  the  wider  sorrows  and 
imperfections  of  the  civic  development,  has  undoubtedly  opened  to 
her  a  new  world  of  responsibility  and  individuation.  The  woman 


SECOND   SESSION  99 

of  the  East  is  already  embarked  on  a  course  of  self-transformation 
which  can  only  end  by  endowing  her  with  a  full  measure  of  civic 
and  intellectual  personality.  Is  it  too  much  to  hope  that,  as  she 
has  been  content  to  quaff  from  our  wells  in  this  matter  of  the 
extension  of  the  personal  scope,  so  we  might  be  glad  to  refresh 
ourselves  at  hers,  and  gain  therefrom  a  renewed  sense  of  the  sanc- 
tity of  the  family,  and  particularly  of  the  inviolability  of  marriage  ? 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 
b-H'i'  )  fiir.JwjjRiMji/;  >n<-bibn<>->  ^i'li/ifjovpT'i"  vH  h<  > 


INSTABILITY   OF    HUMAN   TYPES 

By  Dr.  FRANZ  BOAS, 
Professor  of  Anthropology  in  Columbia   University,  New   York. 

WHEN  we  try  to  judge  the  ability  of  races  of  man,  we  make  the 
silent  assumption  that  ability  is  something  permanent  and  stationary, 
that  it  depends  upon  heredity,  and  that,  as  compared  to  it,  environ- 
mental, modifying  influences  are,  comparatively  speaking,  of  slight 
importance.  While  in  a  comparative  study  of  the  physical  character- 
istics of  races  that  are  as  distinct  as  the  white  and  the  negro,  or 
the  negro  and  the  Mongol,  this  assumption  might  be  accepted  as 
a  basis  for  further  studies,  its  validity  is  not  so  clear  in  a  comparison 
of  the  mental  characteristics  of  branches  of  the  same  race.  When, 
for  instance,  it  is  claimed  that  certain  types  of  Europe  show  better 
mental  endowment  than  other  types  of  Europe,  the  assumption  is 
made  that  these  types  are  stable,  and  cannot  undergo  far-reaching 
differences  when  placed  in  a  new  social  or  geographical  environment. 

It  would  seem,  therefore,  that  a  study  of  the  stability  of  race- 
types  has  not  only  a  fundamental  biological  importance,  but  that 
it  will  also  determine  our  views  of  the  relative  mental  endowment 
of  different  types  of  man. 

A  theoretical  investigation  of  this  problem  will  show  that  the 
assumption  of  an  absolute  stability  of  human  types  is  not  plausible. 
Observations  on  growth  have  shown  that  the  amount  of  growth 
of  the  whole  body  depends  upon  more  or  less  favourable  conditions 
which  prevail  during  the  period  of  development.  Unfavourable 
conditions  retard  growth ;  exceptionally  favourable  conditions  acceler- 
ate it.  A  more  detailed  study  of  the  phenomena  of  growth  has 
shown  that  the  development  of  different  parts  of  the  body  does 
not  proceed  by  any  means  at  the  same  rate  at  a  given  period. 
Thus  at  the  time  of  birth  the  bulk  of  the  body  and  stature  are 
very  small,  and  increase  with  great  rapidity  until  about  the  four- 
teenth year  in  girls,  and  the  sixteenth  year  in  boys.  On  the 


\ 


ioo  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

other  hand,  the  size  of  the  head  increases  rapidly  only  for  one 
or  two  years  ;  and  from  this  time  on  the  increment  is,  comparatively 
speaking,  slight.  Similar  conditions  prevail  in  regard  to  the  growth 
of  the  face,  which  grows  rapidly  for  a  few  years  only,  and  later 
on  increases,  comparatively  speaking,  slowly.  The  amount  of  water 
contained  in  the  brain  also  changes  with  a  fair  amount  of  rapidity 
during  the  early  years  of  life,  and  remains  about  the  same  later 
on.  It  follows  from  this  observation  that  if  an  individual  is 
retarded  by  unfavourable  conditions  after  a  certain  organ  has  obtained 
nearly  its  full  development,  while  other  organs  are  still  in  the 
process  of  rapid  evolution,  the  former  cannot  be  much  influenced, 
while  the  latter  may  bear  evidence  of  the  unfavourable  conditions 
which  were  controlling  during  a  certain  period  of  life.  This  must 
necessarily  have  the  result  that  the  proportions  of  the  body  of 
the  adult  will  depend  upon  the  general  conditions  of  life  pre- 
vailing during  youth,  and  the  effects  of  these  conditions  will  be 
most  noticeable  in  those  organs  which  have  the  longest  period  of 
development. 

It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  the  central  nervous  system  continues 
to  develop  in  structure  longer  perhaps  than  any  other  part  of  the 
body,  and  it  may  therefore  be  inferred  that  it  will  be  apt  to  show 
the  most  far-reaching  influences  of  environment. 

It  follows  from  this  consideration  that  social  and  geographical 
environment  must  have  an  influence  upon  the  form  of  the  body 
of  the  adult,  and  upon  the  development  of  his  central  nervous 
system. 

This  theoretical  consideration  is  borne  out  by  observation.  The 
investigations  of  Bolk  have  shown  clearly  that  an  increase  in  stature 
has  occurred  in  Europe  during  the  last  decades,  due  evidently  to 
a  change  of  environment ;  and  the  numerous  investigations  which 
have  been  made  on  the  proportions  of  the  body  of  the  well-to-do 
and  of  the  poor,  of  able  students  and  poor  students — all  show 
characteristic  differences,  which  may  be  explained  in  great  part 
as  effects  of  the  retardation  and  acceleration  to  which  we  have 
referred. 

It  would  seem,  however,  that  besides  the  influences  of  more 
or  less  favourable  environment  which  affect  the  form  of  the  body 
during  the  period  of  growth,  a  number  of  other  causes  may  modify 
the  form  of  the  body.  Professor  Ridgeway  goes  so  far  as  to  think 
that  the  stability  of  human  types  in  definite  areas  and  for  long 
periods  is  an  expression,  not  of  the  influence  of  heredity,  but  of 
the  influence  of  environment;  and  that,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
modifications  of  the  human  form  which  are  found  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean area,  in  Central  Europe,  and  in  North-western  Europe,  are 


SECOND  SESSION  101 

due  to  the  differences  of  climate,  soil,  and  natural  products.  It 
does  not  seem  to  me  that  adequate  proof  can  be  given  for  modifi- 
cations of  the  human  form  as  far-reaching  as  those  claimed  by 
Professor  Ridgevvay,  although  we  must  grant  the  possibility  of 
such  influences.  We  have,  however,  good  evidence  wljiich  shows 
that  the  various  European  types  undergo  certain  changes  in  a 
new  environment.  The  observations  on  which  this  conclusion  is 
based  were  made  by  me  on  emigrants  from  various  European 
countries  who  live  in  the  city  of  New  York,  and  on  their 
descendants. 

The  investigation  of  a  large  number  of  families  has  shown  that 
every  single  measurement  that  has  been  studied  has  one  value 
among  individuals  born  in  Europe,  another  one  among  individuals 
of  the  same  families  born  in  America.  Thus,  among  the  East 
European  Jews  the  head  of  the  European-born  is  shorter  than 
the  head  of  the  American-born.  It  is  wider  among  the  European- 
born  than  it  is  among  the  America-born.  At  the  same  time  the 
American-born  is  taller.  As  a  result  of  the  increase  in  the  growth 
of  head,  and  decrease  of  the  width  of  head,  the  length-breadth 
index  is  considerably  less  than  the  corresponding  index  in  the 
European-born.  All  these  differences  seem  to  increase  with  the 
time  elapsed  between  the  emigration  of  the  parents  and  the  birth 
of  the  child,  and  are  much  more  marked  in  the  second  generation 
of  American-born  individuals. 

Among  the  long-headed  Sicilians  similar  observations  have  been 
made,  but  the  changes  are  in  a  different  direction.  The  stature 
does  not  change  much ;  if  anything,  it  is  shorter  among  the 
American-born  than  among  the  European-born.  The  head  is 
shorter  among  the  American-born,  and  at  the  same  time  wider, 
than  among  the  European-born.  Thus  a  certain  approach  of  the 
two  distinct  types  may  be  observed. 

It  would  of  course  be  saying  too  much  to  claim  that  this 
approach  expresses  a  tendency  of  diverse  European  types  to  assume 
the  same  form  in  America.  Our  studies  prove  only  a  modification 
of  the  type ;  but  we  are  not  able  to  determine  what  the  ultimate 
amount  of  these  modifications  will  be,  and  whether  there  is  any 
real  tendency  of  modifying  diverse  types  in  such  a  way  that  one 
particular  American  type  should  develop,  rather  than  a  limited 
modification  of  each  particular  European  type. 

The  people  of  Bohemia  and  Hungary  show  also  the  effect  of 
the  changed  environment.  Among  them  both  width  of  head  and 
length  of  head  decrease.  The  face  becomes  much  narrower,  the 
stature  taller. 

It  is  most  remarkable  that  the  change  in  head-form  of  American- 


102 

born  individuals  occurs  almost  immediately  after  the  arrival  of  their 
parents  in  America.  A  comparison  of  individuals  born  in  Europe 
with  those  born  in  America  shows  that  the  change  of  head-form  is 
almost  abrupt  at  the  time  of  immigration.  The  child  born  abroad, 
even  if  it  is  less  than  one  year  old  at  the  time  of  arrival,  has  the 
head-form  of  the  European-born.  The  child  born  in  America,  even 
if  born  only  a  few  months  after  the  arrival  of  the  parents,  has  the 
head-form  of  the  American-born.  The  failure  of  American  environ- 
ment to  influence  the  foreign-born  might  be  expected,  because  the 
total  change  of  the  head-index  from  early  youth  to  adult  life  is 
very  small.  On  the  other  hand,  those  measurements  of  the  body 
which  continue  to  change  during  the  period  of  growth  show  a 
marked  influence  of  American  environment  upon  European-born 
individuals  who  arrive  in  America  as  young  children.  Thus  the 
stature  of  European-born  individuals  increases  the  more  the  younger 
they  were  at  the  time  of  their  arrival  in  America.  The  width  of 
the  faces  decreases  the  more  the  younger  the  child  that  came 
to  America. 

These  observations  are  of  importance,  because  it  might  be 
claimed  that  the  changes  in  head-form  develop  because  the 
mechanical  treatment  of  children  in  America  differs  from  their 
treatment  in  Europe.  The  European  child  is  swaddled,  while  the 
American  child  is  allowed  to  lie  free  in  the  cradle.  The  change 
in  the  face  diameters  and  in  stature  show,  however,  that  such 
mechanical  considerations  alone  cannot  explain  the  changes  that 
actually  take  place. 

The  results  obtained  by  a  rough  comparison  of  European-born 
and  American-born  have  been  corroborated  by  a  direct  comparison 
of  European-born  parents  and  their  own  American-born  children, 
and  also  by  a  comparison  of  the  European  immigrants  who  came 
to  America  in  one  particular  year,  and  of  their  descendants  born 
in  America.  In  all  these  cases  the  same  types  of  differences  were 
found. 

These  observations  seem  to  indicate  a  decided  plasticity  of 
human  types  ;  but  I  wish  to  repeat  that  the  limits  of  this  plasticity 
are  not  known  to  us.  It  follows,  however,  directly,  that  if  the 
bodily  form  undergoes  far-reaching  changes  under  a  new  environ- 
ment, concomitant  changes  of  the  mind  may  be  expected.  The 
same  reasons  which  led  us  to  the  conclusion  that  more  or  less 
favourable  conditions  during  the  period  of  growth  will  have  the 
greater  influence  the  longer  the  period  of  development  of  a  particular 
part  of  the  body,  make  it  plausible  that  a  change  of  environment 
will  influence  those  parts  of  the  body  most  thoroughly  which  have 
the  longest  period  of  growth  and  development.  I  believe,  therefore, 


SECOND  SESSION  103 

that  the  American  observations  compel  us  to  assume  that  the 
mental  make-up  of  a  certain  type  of  man  may  be  considerably 
influenced  by  his  social  and  geographical  environment.  It  is,  of 
course,  exceedingly  difficult  to  give  an  actual  proof  of  this  conclusion 
by  observation,  because  we  know  that  the  mental  manifestations 
depend  to  a  great  extent  upon  the  social  group  in  which  each 
individual  grows  up ;  but  it  is  evident  that  the  burden  of  proof  is 
shifted  upon  those  who  claim  absolute  stability  of  mental  character- 
istics of  the  same  type  under  all  possible  conditions  under  which 
it  may  be  found. 

It  may  be  pointed  out  here  that  the  change  of  type  which  has 
been  observed  in  America  is  in  a  way  analogous  to  the  difference 
of  type  that  has  been  observed  in  Europe  in  a  comparison  between 
the  urban  population  and  the  rural  population.  In  all  those  cases 
in  which  thorough  investigations  have  been  made  in  regard  to 
this  problem,  a  difference  in  type  has  been  found.  The  interpre- 
tation given  in  this  phenomenon  is,  however,  entirely  different 
from  the  one  attempted  here.  One  group  of  observers,  particularly 
Ridolfo  Livi,  believe  that  the  type  found  in  urban  communities 
is  largely  due  to  the  greater  mixture  of  local  types  found  in  cities 
when  compared  to  the  open  country.  Others,  notably  Otto  Ammon 
and  Rose,  believe  that  we  have  here  evidence  of  natural  selection, 
and  that  the  better  type  survives.  It  seems  to  my  mind  that 
the  latter  theory  cannot  be  substantiated,  but  that  both  mixture 
and  change  of  type  are  sufficient  to  explain  what  is  taking  place 
in  the  transition  from  rural  life  to  urban  life. 

orfj  It  will  naturally  be  asked,  what  produces  changes  in  human 
types?  Can  these  changes  be  so  directed  as  to  bring  about  an 
improvement  of  the  race?  I  do  not  believe  that  these  questions 
can  be  answered  in  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge.  The 
structural  changes  which  must  necessarily  accompany  the  modifi- 
cations of  gross  form  are  entirely  unknown,  and  the  physiological 
functions  which  are  affected  by  the  new  environment  cannot  even 
be  surmised.  It  seems,  therefore,  a  vain  endeavour  to  give  a 
satisfactory  explanation  of  the  phenomenon  at  the  present  time. 
The  investigation  should  be  extended  over  numerous  types^  and 
carried  on  in  different  climates  and  different  social  environments, 
before  we  can  hope  to  understand  the  correlation  between  bodily 
form  and  function  and  outward  influences.  The  old  idea  of 
absolute  stability  of  human  types  must,  however,  evidently  be 
given  up,  and  with  it  the  belief  of  the  hereditary  superiority  of 
certain  types  over  others. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


104  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 


CLIMATIC   CONTROL   OF   SKIN-COLOUR 

By  LIONEL  W.  LYDE,  M.A., 
Professor  of  Economic  Geography  at  University  College,  London. 

THERE  is  no  doubt  that  difference  of  skin-colour  is  one  of  the 
greatest  "  racial "  barriers,  and  yet  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  it 
is  entirely  a  matter  of  climatic  control. 

The  accepted  unity  of  primeval  man  has  a  double  basis,  and 
would  not  be  disproved  even  by  the  most  complete  proof  of  the 
existence  of  different  original  stocks — "  gorilla,"  "  orang,"  "  gibbon," 
or  any  other.  For  the  glaciation  of  the  earth  must  have  compressed 
all  alike  into  low  latitudes,  where  uniformity  of  climatic  conditions 
and  consequent  human  needs  and  food-supply  must  have  produced 
uniformity  of  results. 

The  accepted  site  of  the  ancestral  home  in  "  Javanese  "  latitudes, 
even  if  there  can  be  no  longitudinal  delimitation,  involves  the 
assumptions  (i)  that  early  Pleistocene  man  was  dark-skinned  and 
(2)  that  his  earliest  natural  movements  would  be  longitudinal — east- 
ward or  westward  along  the  old  Indo-African  bridge,  which  may  or 
may  not  have  formed  part  of  a  larger  "  Lemurian  "  continent. 

Now,  in  such  longitudinal  movements  this  primeval  man,  whom — 
without  necessarily  accepting  all  or  any  of  the  suggestions  about  a 
possible  "  Gondwanaland  " — we  may  call  a  Gondwana,  could  meet 
with  no  marked  change  of  temperature.  And  any  Pleistocene  relics 
of  a  possible  Gondwanaland  had  this  at  least  in  common  with  the 
present  distribution  of  land  in  the  Southern  Hemisphere,  that  their 
most  southerly  margin  was  in  comparatively  low  latitudes.  There 
was,  therefore,  no  reasonable  chance  of  the  Gondwana  being  bleached 
by  movement  polewards,  though  he  might  be  blackened  by  moving 
from  forest  to  savana. 

The  case  was  different  when  he  began  to  move  northward  ;  and 
any  Pleistocene  relics  of  a  possible  "Angaraland  "  had  this  at  least 
in  common  with  the  present  distribution  of  land  in  the  Northern 
Hemisphere,  that  their  most  northerly  margin  was  in  very  high 
latitudes.  Consequently,  even  pre-glacial  man,  if  he  moved  north- 
wards, must  have  been  bleached. 

But  when  the  negro  of  to-day  is  bleached — by  disease  or  fright,  old 
age  or  residence  in  dark  forest,  he  turns  yellowish,  as  the  "  shaded  " 
inner  sides  of  his  hands  or  feet  are  normally.  And  the  same  fate 
must  have  overtaken  the  primeval  Gondwana  when  he  began  to  be 
bleached  by  movement  polewards.  Thus  we  infer  a  semi-primeval 
yellow  man,  whom  we  may  call  an  Angara. 


SECOND   SESSION  105 

This  Angara,  again,  even  in  the  inter-glacial  periods,  must  have 
been  largely  confined  to  longitudinal  movement  inside  his  own 
domain ;  and  such  movement  would  bring  him  eventually  to  an 
eastern  or  a  western  ocean.  In  approaching  this  ocean  he  would  be 
further  bleached  by  the  increased  humidity,  and  would  become  really 
white-skinned,  as  the  Japanese  and  the  Tavastian  Finns  actually  are 
to-day. 

The  fundamental  differences  of  skin-colour  between  the  black 
tropical  and  the  white  temperate  types  of  man  are,  therefore,  of 
purely  climatic  origin,  the  climatic  influence  working  both  directly 
from  without  and  indirectly  through  the  different  relative  activities  of 
lungs  and  intestines,  the  tropical  climate  throwing  on  the  skin  and 
the  intestines  work  which  the  temperate  climate  throws  on  the  lungs. 
The  consequent  increased  activity  of  the  lungs,  in  the  presence  of 
relatively  little  sun-light  and  sun-heat,  favours  the  lighter  colour  of 
skin,  while  the  increased  activity  of  the  liver  and  other  intestines,  in 
the  presence  of  relatively  great  sun-light  and  sun-heat,  favours  the 
darker  colour. 

Under  these  circumstances  it  seems  obvious  that,  whatever  the 
value  or  the  worthlessness  of  skin-colour  as  a  test  of  "race,"  it  is 
enormously  the  most  important  consideration  in  the  climatic  distri- 
bution of  man.  There  is  no  question  that  ordinary  sunburn  in  this 
country  is  a  pathological  phenomenon — i.e.,  an  injury  caused  only 
and  directly  by  the  short,  actinic  rays — that  it  seldom  occurs  in 
dark-skinned  persons,  and  that  it  can  be  prevented  in  the  fair- 
skinned  by  a  slight  staining  of  the  skin.  And  there  is  no  question 
that  natural  skin  pigment  is  evolved  for  a  precisely  similar  purpose — 
t'.e.y  to  exclude  the  dangerous  "  X  "-like  rays. 

Not  only,  then,  is  man  pigmented  as  a  protection  against  too  much 
sun-light,  but  the  amount  of  pigment  also  varies  with  the  intensity 
of  the  sun-light.  It  is  actually  evolved  under  exposure  to  the  light. 
Consequently  in  each  "  race "  there  must  have  been  originally  suffi- 
cient to  protect  it  from  the  particular  intensity  of  the  light  in  the 
particular  race-home.  Otherwise  the  "race"  would  have  become 
extinct,  just  as  any  plant  would  have  become  extinct  in  which  there 
was  not  sufficient  chlorophyll  to  absorb  the  rays  of  the  particular 
wave-length  that  will  break  up  the  carbonic  oxide  of  the  air.  If 
pigment  is  developed  according  to  need,  and  if  black  stops  more  rays 
than  brown,  we  should  expect  to  find  the  "  blackest "  skins  amongst 
men,  like  the  blackest  stripes  on  the  zebra,  in  the  hottest  parts  of  the 
world  that  are  unforested ;  and  this  is  precisely  what  we  do  find — 
the  real  black  man  coming  (except  for  a  few  small  groups,  e.g.,  on  the 
edge  of  the  Australian  desert)  essentially  from  the  African  savana. 
The  rich  black  of  the  Western  Sudan,  with  its  high  percentage  of 


106  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

bright  sunshine  to  leeward  of  monsoon  jungle,  is  not  found  inside  the 
jungle  or  on  islands  with  typically  marine  climates.  For  instance, 
the  negrilloes  of  the  equatorial  forest  in  Africa,  like  the  Sakai  in  the 
Malay  jungle,  are  yellowish  ;  the  Samangs,  like  most  of  the  Austra- 
lians, are  dark  chocolate  ;  the  Nilotic  negroes  are  reddish  ;  the  Indo- 
nesians are  almost  tawny. 

The  absence  of  the  forest  is  important  from  two  points  of  view. 
It  means,  of  course,  the  direct  absence  of  tree-shade  ;  it  implies  also  a 
relative  deficiency  of  rain,  which  is  normally  associated  with  absence 
of  cloud.  And  it  is  precisely  this  underlying  question  of  humidity 
that  decides  the  varying  shades  of  skin  in  the  "  black  "  man  outside 
the  forest  areas.  Wherever  there  is  humid  air  to  blanket  the 
dangerous  rays,  as  in  the  latitudes  of  constant  equatorial  rainfall  or 
at  the  bottom  of  an  enclosed  valley,  there  the  new  adult  arrival  is 
actually  "  bleached,"  and  indigenous  children,  as  amongst  the  Krus, 
never  become  very  deeply  pigmented.  On  the  same  principle,  the 
race-home  of  the  white  peoples  was  bound  to  be  confined  to  the  only 
part  of  the  world  where  moist  winds  blow  regularly,  towards  high 
latitudes  against  a  relief  which  allows  them  easy  access  inland  over  a 
large  area. 

Here,  even  apart  from  the  humidity,  neither  heat  nor  light  is 
intense ;  so  that  black  skin  is  not  needed  as  a  protection  against 
excessive  light,  while  white  skin  is  needed  to  minimise  radiation  of 
the  relatively  deficient  heat.  But  even  here  the  precise  shade  is 
blonder  where  the  winds  are  never  "  traded  "  in  summer ;  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  even  white-haired  animals  have  points  that  are  not  pro- 
tected by  hair — e.g.,  the  nose,  protected  by  pigment,  and  that  from 
the  lower  end  of  the  spectrum — e.g.,  pink. 

Intermediate  between  the  black  man  and  the  white  man  comes 
the  yellow  man,  who  is  essentially  the  product  of  desiccating  grass- 
lands in  intemperate  latitudes.  Here  the  fundamental  considerations 
are  lack  of  humidity  and  seasonal  extremes  of  temperature.  Again 
the  absence  of  cloud  makes  light  the  dangerous  element,  and  the 
man  must  be  pigmented  ;  but  the  question  of  temperature  is  also 
important.  The  natural  colour  is,  therefore,  one  which  conserves 
heat  nearly  as  well  as  white,  but  which  also  protects  from  light ;  and 
in  these  latitudes  a  colour  from  the  low  end  of  the  spectrum  gives 
ample  protection,  especially  as  the  minimum  cloudiness  is  associated 
with  the  winter  season.  That  is  to  say,  on  the  great  steppes  and 
prairies  of  the  Northern  Hemisphere,  as  upon  the  great  plateaus  and 
tundra,  the  normal  colour  should  be  some  shade  of  yellow  or  red. 

The  normal  red  or  yellow  of  these  intemperate  grass-lands  is 
certain  to  be  modified  by  anything  which  changes  the  relative 
humidity,  and  so  the  percentage  of  cloud — e.g.,  mountains  or  proxi- 


SECOND   SESSION  107 

mity  to  the  sea  ;  and  therefore  "Aryan  "  mountaineers,  like  maritime 
Mongols,  must  be  associated  with  white  skins,  just  as  the  typical 
blonds  of  Europe  must  be  associated  with  fiord  and  forest.  Indeed, 
we  may  formulate  a  definite  scheme  of  colour  zones  by  relating 
temperature,  as  conditioned  by  sunshine  and  relief,  to  rainfall,  as 
implying  humidity  and  cloudiness. 

The  sun  can  certainly  "  blacken  "  wherever  he  is  overhead  and 
even  outside  that  limit  of  latitude  if  the  humidity  is  very  low ;  and  a 
comparison  of  the  mean  annual  isotherm  of  80°  F.  with  the  corre- 
sponding mean  annual  isohyet  of  10  inches  suggests  about  25°  N. 
and  S.  as  the  natural  limits  of  black  skin.  But,  of  course,  inside 
these  limits  there  are  large  areas  where,  as  we  have  seen,  other 
conditions  may  interfere  with  the  effect  of  direct  bright  sun-light. 

Again,  the  sun  can  certainly  "  brown  "  up  to  the  poleward  limits 
of  the  Trade-winds,  within  which  the  cold,  dry  air  is  moving  from 
colder  to  warmer  latitudes,  and  can  therefore  at  first  hold  much  more 
moisture  than  it  can  normally  get.  These  poleward  limits  of  the 
Trade-wind  system  thus  include  all  sub-tropical  "  Mediterranean " 
areas  with  their  dry,  bright  summers  and  low  relative  humidity ;  and 
we  may  fix  the  natural  limits  of  brown  skin  as  within  such  parts  of 
latitudes  25°  to  35°  N.  and  S.  as  experience  the  full  effect  of  the 
Trade-winds  and  have  no  local  influence  counteracting  that  effect 
We  may  add  that  there  is  a  climatic  propriety  in  the  love  of  these 
brown-skinned  peoples,  alike  in  the  summer  drought  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean area  and  in  the  winter  drought  of  the  Monsoon  area,  for 
clothing  of  colours  from  the  low  end  of  the  spectrum — e.g.,  red  or 
yellow. 

(nr*Once  inside  the  normal  lower  latitudes  of  the  Anti-Trades  a 
tinge  of  bleaching  yellow  naturally  invades  the  brown,  and,  as  red  is 
so  near  yellow  in  the  spectrum,  the  particular  tinge  may  tend  towards 
yellow  or  red  or  olive  in  response  to  particular  local  conditions,  the 
yellow  being  always  associated  with  vast  desiccating  grass-lands. 

The  northern  limit  of  this  yellow  zone  must  have  been  naturally 
about  the  northern  latitudes  of  China ;  but,  as  Western  Asia  came 
more  and  more  under  the  influence  of  drought,  the  limit  in  that 
direction  would  be  extended  polewards  at  least  as  far  as  the  edge  of 
the  Siberian  forest.  Comparing  these  conditions  with  their  nearest 
parallel  in  the  grass-lands  of  North  America,  we  may  fix  the  natural 
frontiers  of  the  yellow  skin  round  such  continental  parts  of  35°  to 
45°  N.  as  are  unforested,  and  such  areas  farther  north  as  come 
directly  under  the  influence  of  winter  winds  from  a  Pole  of  cold. 

Outside  the  limits  just  referred  to,  within  a  southern  frontier 
which  may  roughly  coincide  with  the  southern  frontier  of  Bear- 
worshippers,  is  the  actual  race-home  of  the  white-skinned.  Here 


io8  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

the  sun  has  only  power  to  "  tan,"  and  even  that  power  is  heavily 
discounted  by  the  constant  presence  of  forests  and  in  the  normal 
path  of  cyclonic  systems.  In  view,  then,  of  the  great  importance  of 
the  angle  of  ray-impact  and  the  thickness  of  atmosphere  passed 
through,  we  may  fix  the  natural  limits  of  the  "  tanned  "  white  within 
such  parts  of  latitudes  45°  to  55°  N.  as  are  maritime  or  forested, 
whilst  the  "bleached"  white  must  have  come  from  north  of  55°  N., 
which  is  roughly  the  latitude  of  Copenhagen. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English."] 


THE    EFFECTS   OF   RACIAL    MISCEGENATION 
By  Professor  EARL  FINCH,  Wilberforce  University,  U.S.A. 

IT  is  well  known  that  whenever  two  races  occupy  the  same 
geographical  area  a  mixed  population  arises ;  in  fact,  such  a  large 
percentage  of  the  world's  population  has  come  into  existence  by  race 
crossing  that  the  character  of  the  product  is  as  important  for  social 
welfare  as  it  is  interesting  for  the  anthropologist  and  sociologist. 
The  question  gains  added  importance  in  the  present  era  of  colonial 
expansion  from  the  increasing  contact  of  the  European  with  the  dark- 
skinned  populations  of  the  tropics,  with  whom  he  has  never  hesitated 
to  mingle  his  blood.  The  question,  however,  has  been  so  generally 
approached  from  the  side  of  philosophic  doctrine,  rather  than  from 
the  side  of  objective  study,  that  there  is  the  greatest  possible 
divergence  between  the  conclusions  of  those  who  presume  to  speak 
with  authority.  The  followers  of  Gobineau,  in  France,  and  Morton, 
in  America,  have  maintained  that  racial  inter-mixture  has  had  and 
can  have  only  disastrous  consequences.  At  the  other  extreme  are 
those  who  preached  the  gospel  of  amalgamation  in  the  United 
States,  during  and  after  the  Civil  War,  maintaining  that  intermixture 
between  races  so  dissimilar  as  the  whites  and  negroes  would  prove 
beneficial.  It  is  the  object  of  the  writer  to  present  some  facts  tend- 
ing to  prove  that  race  blending,  especially  in  the  rare  instances  when 
it  occurs  under  favourable  circumstances,  produces  a  type  superior 
in  fertility,  vitality,  and  cultural  worth  to  one  or  both  of  the  parent 
stocks. 

The  superiority  of  the  mixed  people  to  the  native  stock  in 
fertility  and  vitality  is  shown  by  their  persistence,  sometimes  in  the 
very  locality  in  which  the  native  race,  in  contact  with  foreigners,  has 
declined  or  disappeared.  When  Tasmania  was  colonised  the  native 
population  was  roughly  estimated  at  7,000.  The  policy  of  extermi- 
nation pursued  by  the  colonists  had  reduced  the  aborigines  to  120  in 


SECOND   SESSION  109 

1832.  These  were  removed  to  Flinder's  Island;  but  although  the 
locality  is  healthy  they  had  declined  in  1847  to  14  men,  22  women, 
and  10  children.  These  were  removed  in  1847  to  Oyster  Cove  in 
the  southern  part  of  Tasmania,  but  they  declined  so  rapidly  that  only 
three  elderly  women  survived  in  1869,  the  last  of  whom  died  in  I876.1 
The  rapid  decline  of  the  Maoris  and  Australians  is  well  known. 
The  native  population  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  estimated  at  300,000 
when  Cook  discovered  the  Islands  in  1778  had  declined  to  29,787  in 
1900. 

It  was  apparent,  however,  even  in  the  time  of  Darwin,  that  a 
cross  between  the  native  stock  and  a  civilised  race  gives  rise  to  a 
progeny  capable  of  existing  and  multiplying  in  spite  of  changed  con- 
ditions. Between  1866  and  1872  the  native  Hawaiians  decreased  by 
8,08 1,  while  the  half-breeds  increased  by  847.2  Between  1890  and 
1900  the  Hawaiians  of  full  blood  decreased  from  34,436  to  29,787, 
while  those  of  mixed  blood  increased  from  6,186  to  7,848. 

Quatrefages  wrote  that  "the  Polynesian  Islanders  disappear  with 
a  terrible  rapidity,  whilst  their  mixed  races,  and  even  pure-blooded 
Europeans,  show  a  redoubled  fertility."  3  Although  the  American 
Indian  tends  to  decline  in  the  presence  of  European  civilisation,  the 
products  of  the  blending  of  Negroes,  Spanish,  and  Portuguese  with 
the  Indian,  form  a  large  fraction  of  the  population  of  the  southern 
part  of  the  Western  hemisphere.  The  Griquas  of  South  Africa, 
descendants  of  Dutch  and  Hottentots,  have  prospered  and  multiplied, 
while  the  pure  Hottentots  have  rapidly  decreased.  Even  after 
making  due  allowance  in  all  these  cases  for  the  increase  due  to  the 
birth  of  half-breeds  of  the  first  generation,  the  superior  fertility  and 
vitality  of  the  mixed  population  are  evident. 

Pitcairn  Island  was  settled  in  1790  by  nine  English  mutineers,  six 
Tahitian  men,  and  fifteen  Tahitian  women.  In  1808  only  white  men 
and  eight  or  nine  women  and  children  were  left.  But  the  first  half- 
breeds  grew  up,  intermarried,  and  had  numerous  children.  In  1855 
the  population  had  increased  to  200.  After  removing  to  Norfolk 
Island  in  1856  they  increased  so  rapidly  that,  although  sixteen 
returned  to  Pitcairn  in  1859,  they  numbered  300  in  1868  ;4  in  1905 
the  population  of  Norfolk  Island  was  1,059,  a  majority  of  whom  were 
descendants  of  the  mutineers.  The  present  population  of  Pitcairn 
Island  is  flourishing.  Emily  L.  McCoy,  a  direct  descendant  of  one 
of  the  mutineers,  writes :  "  We  have  good  constitutions,  though  so 
closely  related,  and  we  are  as  healthy  and  active  from  childhood  to 

1  J.  Bonwick,  The  Lost  Tasmanian  Race. 

*  Darwin,  Descent  of  Man,  vol.  i.,  p.  253. 

s  Quatrefages,  The  Human  Species,  p.  220. 

4  Darwin,  Descent  of  Man,  vol.  i.,  p.  253.    Quatrefages,  The  Human  Species,  p.  263. 


no  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

old  age  as  a  people  can  well  be."  x  The  remarkable  increase  of  the 
half-breeds  of  Pitcairn  and  Norfolk  Islands,  more  rapid  than  the 
increase  of  the  population  of  England,  is  in  striking  contrast  with  the 
rapid  decline  of  the  Tasmanians,  Maoris,  and  Australians. 

Facts  in  favour  of  the  view  that  mulattoes  are  not  fertile  are  so 
eagerly  sought  that  the  large  body  of  evidence,  tending  to  prove  the 
exact  opposite,  is  ignored.  An  eminent  authority  in  the  United 
States  argues  that  the  decrease  of  intercourse  between  whites  and 
negroes  in  the  Southern  States  is  causing  a  decrease  in  the  number 
of  mulattoes  and  a  perceptible  return  to  the  pure  African  type.2  But 
the  census  shows  that  there  has  been  a  more  rapid  increase  among 
mulattoes  than  among  negroes  of  the  purer  type,  during  this  very 
period  of  decreasing  intercourse.3 

Percentage  of  mulattoes  in  total  negro  population  : — 

''mi890.  18*0. 

Continental  United  States  ... ;  •  •'••^.OMI.J.'    15-2         ...         12 
North  Atlantic  Division      ...    ,<)'{..•>{''  •••     23'2         •••         17'3 

South  Atlantic  Division      ...         I3'4        •»»[  •     10*4 

j  ''. 
North  Central  Division    ,. .„    .    *•*     31  •••        22'3 

South  Central  Division       .i.jlIjiHi   b'ji.?.:    14       *   ?&"*  li'S 
Western  Division     ...      >  V.7"'J*UJi^   t-  .4.     39-2     >*>v.*        35-6 

jljiw  ly'OiiMiJ  ;i>'(.  bin;   r!.-iru".ru'  ^vpv  v1!  To  "nil  fto.d    >;fj  "I*.-  alcyhaio 
Although  it  is  probable  that  the  decrease  of  race  crossing  in  the 

United  States  is  often  over-estimated,  there  are  conditions  unfavour- 
able to  the  perpetuation  of  the  mulatto  type.  There  is  a  tendency  for 
the  mixed  population  to  disappear  by  marrying  into  the  darker  race, 
or  by  identifying  themselves  with  the  white.  The  strenuous  attempt 
to  bar  negroes  from  participation  in  the  privileges  of  democratic 
society  leads  many  of  the  proscribed  class,  whose  negro  blood  cannot 
be  detected,  to  affiliate  with  the  favoured  race  by  settling  in  localities 
where  they  are  unknown.  The  rapid  increase  of  mulattoes  under 
these  conditions  is  strong  evidence  that  they  are  not  inferior  in 
fertility  or  virility  to  either  of  the  parent  stocks.  The  coloured 
people  in  Jamaica  persist  as  a  fairly  well-marked  type,  although  their 
number  is  hardly  one-fourth  that  of  the  blacks,  while  the  white  popu- 
lation is  so  small  that  no  large  number  of  mixed  people  can  be  added 
by  race  crossing.  The  mulatto  class  persists  in  Haiti,  although  they 
form  only  ten  per  cent,  of  the  population,  and  the  number  of  whites  is 
negligible.  The  mixed  population  of  Santo  Domingo  increases 
rapidly,  although  the  number  born  from  crossing  with  any  pure  stock 
is  very  small. 

It  is  extremely  difficult  for  the  mixed  class  to  demonstrate  their 
cultural  worth  because  of  the  deplorable  conditions  under  which  the 

1  The  Independent,  September  29,  1904. 

1  Bruce,  The  Plantation  Negro  as  Freeman,  p.  53. 

»  Census  Bulletin,  p.  8  ;  Negroes  in  the  United  States,  p.  16. 


SECOND   SESSION  in 

mixed  populations  come  into  existence.  Most  race  crossing  has 
occurred  on  the  outskirts  of  civilisation,  and  the  half-breeds,  despised 
by  one  race  and  despising  the  other,  have  been  outcasts  from  society. 
The  victims  of  prejudice  and  social  ostracism  are  certain  to  display 
some  bad  qualities ;  yet,  despite  these  untoward  circumstances,  there 
is  a  large  body  of  evidence  of  the  superior  energy  and  mental  vigour 
produced  by  the  race  crossing.  The  greater  number  of  negroes  who 
have  achieved  distinction  in  the  United  States  have  been  men  of 
mixed  blood.  Many  of  the  purer  type  have  manifested  remarkable 
intellectual  power,  yet  it  is  probably  more  than  a  coincidence  that 
Douglas,  Washington,  and  DuBois,  who  have  attained  the  height  of 
group  leadership,  have  been  mulattoes ;  superior,  moreover,  to  both 
the  white  and  blacks  in  their  ancestry.  The  mulattoes  of  Haiti  form 
a  large  percentage  of  the  aristocracy,  and  are  very  prominent  in  com- 
merce, in  the  professions,  and  in  State  affairs.  The  coloured  people 
of  Jamaica  constitute  a  majority  of  those  engaged  in  the  trades  and 
professions.  Sir  Sydney  Olivier  considers  that  this  class  of  mixed 
race  is  indispensable  to  any  West  Indian  community,  because  it  saves 
the  community  from  the  cleavage  between  white  and  black,  and  helps 
to  form  an  organic  whole.  Quatrefages  believed  that  the  half-breed 
of  the  negro  and  European,  when  placed  under  normal  conditions, 
justifies  the  words  of  the  old  traveller,  Thevenot :  "  The  mulatto  can 
do  all  that  the  white  man  can  do  ;  his  intelligence  is  equal  to  ours."  * 
If  the  mulatto  is  not  superior  in  fertility,  the  rapidly  declining  birth-rate 
of  the  white  nations  may  soon  give  him  this  significant  advantage. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  racial  miscegenation  often  produces  an 
inferior  population.  The  withholding  of  social  and  legal  sanction 
from  inter-racial  marriages  tends  to  limit  unions  to  the  lower  classes, 
the  offspring  of  which  are  like  the  parents.  But  the  results  are  likely 
to  be  advantageous  if  the  crossing  occurs  under  favourable  conditions. 
"  The  Ainos  of  Japan,  who  are  vanishing  by  amalgamation,  are  a  very 
different  and  more  primitive  type  than  the  Japanese,  and  both  appear 
to  be  benefited  by  the  process  of  absorption.  The  Portuguese  and 
the  Dutch  have  been  intermarrying  for  several  centuries  in  farther 
India  to  the  advantage  of  both  races,  as  is  true  of  the  Russians  with 
the  older  natives  of  Siberia.  The  mixture  of  Arabs  with  the  North 
Africans  has  produced  the  Moors  ;  many  crossings  of  the  Turks,  the 
mixture  of  the  Spaniards  and  Indians  in  South  America  and  Mexico, 
especially  in  Chile,  which  have  resulted  in  Neo-Indian  and  Neo-Aryan 
types,  show  how  favourably  the  crossing  of  races  may  act  if  differences 
are  not  great  and  if  both  sexes  of  both  races  marry  with  each  other 
instead  of  only  the  men  of  one  with  the  women  of  the  other."2  In 

*  The  Human  Species,  p.  283. 

*  G.  Stanley  Hall,  Adolescence,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  722-3. 


112  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

the  province  of  Saint  Paul,  Brazil,  Portuguese  and  inhabitants 
of  the  Azores  have  intermarried  with  the  native  Gayanazes  and 
Carijos.  From  the  first,  unions  were  regularly  contracted  among 
them,  and  the  offspring  were  accepted  as  the  equals  of  the  pure 
whites.  From  these  unions  has  sprung  a  race  as  noted  for  remarkable 
moral  development  as  for  intellectual  power  and  for  strength,  beauty, 
and  courage. 

Crossing  was  accomplished  under  normal  conditions  in  Saint  Paul 
because  of  favourable  social  sentiment ;  approximately  normal  condi- 
tions prevailed  at  Pitcairn,  because  of  geographical  isolation.  The 
Paulists  appear  to  be  equal,  if  not  superior,  to  the  most  advanced 
of  the  parent  stocks,  while  few  will  deny  that  the  Pitcairn  Islanders 
are  superior  to  their  Tahitian  mothers  and  their  English  fathers. 

While  race  blending  is  not  everywhere  desirable,  yet  the  crossing 
of  distinct  races,  especially  when  it  occurs  with  social  sanction,  often 
produces  a  superior  type  ;  certainly  such  crossing  as  has  occurred 
tends  to  prove  absurd  the  conclusion  that  the  dilution  of  the  blood  of 
the  so-called  higher  races  by  that  of  the  so-called  lower  races  will 
either  set  the  species  on  the  highway  to  extinction,  or  cause  a  relapse 
into  barbarism. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.'] 


THIRD    SESSION 

CONDITIONS   OF  PROGRESS  (SPECIAL  PROBLEMS} 


TENDENCIES  TOWARDS  PARLIAMENTARY 

RULE 

By  Dr.  CHR.  L.  LANGE,  Brussels, 

General  Secretary  of  the  Interparliamentary  Union,  Norwegian 
Member  of  the  Second  Hague  Conference. 

Definition  of  Terms. — In  general  the  term  parliamentary  rule 
denotes  that  special  form  of  national  self-government  which  was 
founded  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  some  two  hundred  years  ago, 
and  of  which  the  special  characteristic  is  the  subordination  of  the 
Executive  to  the  Legislature.  The  Government,  or  Cabinet,  tends  to 
become  a  sort  of  committee  chosen  from  among  the  party  which  has 
a  majority  in  the  more  important  branch  of  the  Parliament,  or 
National  Representative  Assembly. 

In  this  Congress  it  will  be  chiefly  interesting  to  examine  one 
general  aspect  of  the  question.  It  seems  to  me  that  here  it  is  natural, 
not  so  much  to  study  the  specific  tendency  toward  parliamentary  rule, 
which  is  limited  to  certain  countries  of  highly  developed  European 
civilisation,  as  to  follow  the  general  trend  of  political  evolution 
towards  self-government,  through  elected  representatives,  in  national 
affairs. 

I  beg  to  lay  stress  on  each  of  the  words  in  this  expression. 

The  word  national  is  used  only  in  opposition  to  local  or  provincial. 
It  will  be  outside  the  scope  of  the  present  paper  to  discuss  the  rather 
dubious  use  of  the  words  nation  and  national  as  almost  synonymous 
with  state  and  political. 

The  essential  point  in  the  question  before  us  is  the  representative 
character  of  the  persons  charged  with  a  national  mandate,  and  the 
correct  title  of  the  paper  would  therefore  perhaps  be  :  "  Tendencies 

113  i 


114  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

towards  a  Representative  System  of  Government."  In  earlier  times 
this  representative  character  was  very  often  granted  by  the  Central 
Government ;  the  members  of  the  House  of  Commons  in  England, 
for  instance,  were  often  nominated  by  them. 

In  our  time  it  is  hardly  possible  to  conceive  representation 
without  an  elective  basis,  and  owing  to  the  democratic  development 
this  basis  tends  to  become  more  and  more  popular  in  character.  In 
some  States  this  evolution  has  already  reached  its  ultimate  term,  and 
the  principle  of  manhood  and  womanhood  suffrage  has  been  estab- 
lished. 

As  a  rule  democratic  development  is  accompanied  by  a  strong 
leaning  towards  parliamentary  ascendancy  as  against  the  monarch- 
ical or  governmental  element,  though  this  is  not  always  the  case.  It 
is  of  no  great  interest  in  this  connection  to  distinguish  between 
despotism  and  absolutism.  In  neither  case  is  there  an  element  of  a 
representative  character  of  any  importance  in  the  management  of 
public  affairs.  But  it  is  necessary  to  observe  the  distinction  between 
what  might  be  called  constitutional  government  and  parliamentary 
government  proper. 

In  constitutional  government  the  Sovereign  is  bound  by  a  Consti- 
tution, and  some  very  important  functions  of  the  State — legislation 
or  finance — can  only  be  exercised  by  a  co-operation  of  the  Executive 
and  the  Legislature,  the  Government  and  Parliament.  This  is  the 
system  which  prevails  in  the  United  States  of  America  and  in 
Germany.  In  parliamentary  government,  as  is  said  above,  the 
Government  is  dependent  on  Parliament  to  such  an  extent  that, 
practically  speaking,  the  Cabinet  is  only  a  committee  of  the  parlia- 
mentary majority.  This  is  the  case  in  Great  Britain,  in  France,  and 
in  most  of  the  other  European  countries.  There  are,  of  course,  a 
good  many  intermediate  forms,  and  it  is  generally  an  idle  question 
to  ask  to  what  type  of  government  one  or  the  other  State  belongs  ; 
certainly  no  great  light  is  shed  on  the  problem  by  such  a  distinction. 
It  is  cited  here  only  to  give  completeness  to  our  classification. 

What  we  shall  try  to  trace  here,  then,  is  the  general  tendency 
towards  the  adoption  of  a  representative  form  of  government  in  national 
affairs. 

Early  Development. — Though  it  seems  that  the  principle  of  repre- 
sentative government  was  known  in  antiquity  (provincial  assemblies), 
its  application  became  of  real  importance  only  in  the  Middle  Ages. 
Two  conditions  facilitated  this  :  the  States  were  of  a  feudal  character, 
the  component  parts  of  each  claiming  a  certain  independence  within 
the  general  body,  and  they  were  large.  The  first  circumstance 
implied  that  the  different  parts  should  have  a  certain  share  in  the 
management  of  common  affairs  ;  the  second  circumstance  made  it 


THIRD   SESSION  115 

necessary  that  only  some  of  the  persons  inhabiting  each  component 
part  could  meet  in  common.  Thus  the  representative  system  origi- 
nated. There  is  no  country  in  Europe  that  has  passed  through  the 
feudal  stage  which  has  not,  at  some  time  or  other,  had  a  representative 
assembly  organised  in  "Orders."  In  most  countries  absolutism  put 
an  end  to  the  existence,  even  the  formal  existence,  of  these  institu- 
tions ;  but  they  survived  in  a  few.  In  England,  in  Sweden,  and  in 
the  Netherlands  the  Parliament,  or  the  Orders,  or  States-General, 
have  had  a  continuous,  though  often  very  chequered,  existence  down 
to  our  own  time,  and  as  long  as  the  Polish  Empire  existed  the  Diet 
was  the  chief  expression  of  Polish  national  life. 

It  is  from  the  first  of  these  countries,  England,  that  the  repre- 
sentative form  of  government,  as  the  logical  and  natural  expression 
of  popular  liberties,  spread  throughout  the  nations  of  European 
civilisation,  and  in  the  last  few  decades  also  to  other  countries.;  "to 

Beginning  of  Modern  Times. — Politically  speaking,  our  age  is  the 
age  of  Democracy,  and  the  great  event  opening  this  chapter  in  the 
world's  history  is  the  American  Declaration  of  Independence  on- 
the  4th  of  July  of  the  year  1776.  In  all  the  thirteen  States  founded 
by  this  great  charter  representative  rule  was  firmly  established,  and 
when,  in  1789,  after  thirteen  years  of  experiment  and  hesitation,  the 
Confederacy  was  at  length  established,  the  same  principle  was 
applied  to  the  treatment  of  federal  affairs. 

The  same  year  which  saw  the  definite  establishment  of  the  great 
Democracy  west  of  the  Atlantic  witnessed  the  opening  of  the  great 
drama  in  European  affairs  whence  the  Europe  of  our  own  time  has 
issued. 

The  birth  of  Modern  Europe  was  accompanied  by  violent  throes  ; 
life  was  sacrificed  recklessly  to  bring  forth  new  life.  The  great 
Revolution  and  the  Napoleonic  wars  are  events  of  importance  in 
a  larger  history  than  that  of  France  alone.  No  single  European 
country  had  the  same  features  in  1815  as  it  had  had  in  1789.  Fron- 
tiers had  changed  ;  the  great  principle  of  national  self-government — 
one  nation,  one  State — found  a  more  adequate  expression  at  least 
than  before ;  and  in  countries — such  as  Italy  or  Germany — where  the 
principle  was  violated  after  having  found  some  expression,  however 
imperfect,  the  national  ideals  continued  to  live  in  the  minds  and 
hearts  of  the  nation,  and  later  proved  a  vigorous  leaven  in  its  life^ 
pregnant  of  great  changes. 

Not  only  had  frontiers  and  external  forms  changed :  the  social 
and  political  conditions  of  most  European  nations  were  also  pro- 
foundly modified. 

To  return  to  our  special  subject,  however.  Very  few  of  the 
countries  of  Europe  were  found,  in  1815,  after  the  fall  of  Napoleon, 


ii6  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

to  possess  representative  institutions.  The  few  were :  England — or 
rather  Great  Britain  and  Ireland — where  no  modification  had  taken 
place  ;  Sweden,  where  the  Orders  in  1809  had  recovered  the  legisla- 
tive and  controlling  power  of  which  absolutism  had  robbed  them ; 
Norway,  where  the  dissolution  of  the  secular  Union  with  Denmark 
had  given  the  nation  an  opportunity  of  establishing  a  Constitution 
adapted  to  the  democratic  social  conditions  of  the  people ;  France 
and  the  Netherlands,  where  the  restored  dynasties  found  it  prudent 
to  secure  their  domination  through  the  granting  of  Constitutions;  and 
Switzerland,  where,  in  some  cantons  at  least,  a  representative  system 
prevailed,  while  in  others  the  direct  popular  rule,  inherited  from  an 
earlier  age,  still  existed.  In  Hungary,  in  Poland,  and  in  Finland 
there  were  Constitutions  ;  but  they  existed,  practically  speaking,  only 
on  paper.  The  Kingdom  of  Poland,  where  the  Diet  had  a  semblance 
of  life  from  1815  to  1830,  disappeared  completely  later  on,  even  in 
name  (1867). 

The  other  European  States  remained  autocratic.  Meanwhile  the 
revolutionary  movement  in  Europe  had  provoked  a  great  upheaval 
in  Latin  America,  where  a  series  of  revolutions  created  a  great 
number  of  independent  States  out  of  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese 
colonies.  One  of  them,  the  Portuguese  colony  of  Brazil,  adopted 
a  monarchical  Constitution,  to  become  a  Republic  only  some  decades 
later,  in  1889.  All  the  Spanish  colonies  became  Republics.  In  the 
chequered  history  of  their  careers,  all  these  States  have  kept  the 
semblance  at  least  of  a  representative,  and  even  an  advanced  demo- 
cratic, system  of  government,  though  in  reality  they  have  very  often 
been  under  the  despotic  sway  of  a  military  dictator. 

Establishment  of  European  Constitutions,  1815-80. — Autocratic 
Europe  was  not  allowed  a  prolonged  rest :  succeeding  revolutions, 
of  which  it  is  superfluous  to  give  the  details  here,  destroyed  the 
fabric  of  despotism  in  reiterated  shocks.  Sometimes,  even,  con- 
stitutional life  was  established  without  any  revolution  at  all,  as  in 
several  of  the  States  of  South  Germany  in  the  years  from  1816 
to  1819.  Greece,  in  1829,  and  Belgium,  in  1830,  won  national 
independence  and  subsequently  established  a  representative  form 
of  government.  In  Spain  and  in  Portugal  Constitutions  were 
granted  in  the  thirties,  after  military  upheavals,  while  Switzerland, 
through  a  series  of  changes,  arrived  at  its  present  democratic  regime 
in  federal  as  well  as  cantonal  affairs. 

For  the  leading  States  of  Central  Europe,  the  great  revolutions 
of  1848  were  the  beginning  of  profound  reforms.  When  the  strong 
tide  of  revolution  had  subsided  in  1851,  it  seemed,  indeed,  as  if 
next  to  nothing  were  changed.  Germany  was  still  divided  ;  Austria 
had  regained  its  commanding  position  ;  and  Italy  still  consisted 


THIRD   SESSION  117 

of  a  motley  collection  of  petty  principalities,  with  Austria  as  the 
dominating  power.  Only  in  Denmark  had  autocracy  given  way 
to  a  democratic  Constitution.  In  two  States,  however,  besides 
Denmark,  political  changes  of  profound  significance  had  taken  place. 
In  Sardinia  a  Constitution  had  been  granted,  and  in  Prussia  the 
King  had  been  forced  to  make  the  same  concession.  These  Con- 
stitutions became  the  starting-point  of  far-reaching  developments. 
Sardinia  took  the  lead  in  the  struggle  for  Italian  unity,  extending 
the  sway  of  its  representative  institutions  to  the  other  parts  of  the 
peninsula,  as  they  were  added  to  its  own  possessions,  and  at  last 
became  the  Kingdom  of  Italy.  Prussia,  some  years  later,  followed 
this  example,  and  in  its  struggle  with  Austria  made  itself  the 
champion  of  representative  institutions.  And  when,  in  1866, 
Prussia  and  Sardinia  had  combined  for  the  final  struggle  against 
Austria,  and  Austria  had  been  conquered,  the  first  consequence  was 
the  establishment,  in  the  dual  Hapsburg  monarchy,  of  a  represen- 
tative system  of  government. 

The  various  Christian  States  which  have  successively  issued 
from  the  Ottoman  Empire  have  followed  the  same  line  of  develop- 
ment :  Roumania,  Servia,  and  Bulgaria. 

In  1880  there  were  in  Europe  only  two  important  States  with 
autocratic  Constitutions — Russia  and  Turkey.  In  America  there 
was  not  a  single  State  without  representative  institutions,  and  in 
Asia  one  State,  Japan,  had  imitated  the  European  States  and 
established  a  Constitution  in  1889.  It  should  not  be  forgotten,  too, 
that  a  whole  series  of  self-governing  British  colonies  had  organised 
themselves  on  a  representative  basis. 

Recent  Advances. — Broadly  speaking,  no  profound  change  took 
place  in  this  domain  during  the  twenty-five  years  between  1880 
and  1905.  It  is  true  that  during  this  period,  as  during  the  preceding 
ones,  representative  institutions  assumed  a  more  and  more  pro- 
nounced democratic  character :  the  suffrage  was  extended  to  a 
greater  number  of  citizens,  and  the  power  of  popular  and  represen- 
tative institutions  became  greater  as  against  that  of  the  sovereign 
or  the  aristocracy.  But  during  these  twenty-five  years  no  single 
state  changed  its  autocratic  for  a  representative  regime. 

From  1905  begins  a  new  era  in  this  respect,  an  era  which  has 
its  starting-point  in  the  Russo-Japanese  War.  These  developments 
are  still  present  in  our  minds,  and  the  fates  of  the  several  countries 
concerned  will,  moreover,  form  the  subject  of  separate  papers  in 
this  Congress.  It  will  therefore  be  sufficient  here  to  recall  the  main 
points  in  the  evolution  considered  as  a  whole. 

The  Russo-Japanese  War  influenced  in  two  ways  the  evolution 
which  we  are  endeavouring  to  trace.  It  gave  a  strong  impetus  to 


n8  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

the  movement  for  reform  in  Russia  itself,  and  ultimately  it  provoked 
the  institution  of  a  representative  chamber  in  that  country — a  Duma 
and  a  Council  of  Empire,  forming  together  the  Russian  Parliament. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  victory  of  the  Japanese  over  one  of  the 
great  Powers  of  Europe  evoked  a  movement  of  political  reform  in 
the  Asiatic  world.  In  1906  a  revolutionary  upheaval  forced  the 
Persian  Shah  to  grant  a  Constitution,  and  in  1908  a  peaceful 
revolution,  led  by  the  party  of  Young  Turks,  under  the  inspiration 
of  the  Committee  of  Union  and  Progress,  made  an  end  of  the 
despotic  rule  of  the  Sultan,  and  established  a  constitutional  and 
parliamentary  regime.  The  last  few  months  have  shown  how 
serious  are  the  forces  at  work  in  the  Chinese  Empire  for  the  same 
end,  and  both  in  India  and  Egypt  native  parties  are  working  in 
various  ways  for  the  establishment  of  popular  and  representative 
institutions.  In  India  a  small  beginning  has  been  made,  and  the 
native  population  is  being  initiated  to  the  use  of  representative 
institutions. 

j^u^There  is  little  doubt  that  this  movement,  which  has  evidently 
a  very  pronounced  character,  and  asserts  itself  with  growing  force 
in  most  of  the  ancient  countries  which  are  generally  described  as 
Oriental,  will  go  on  until  it  reaches  its  logical  conclusion,  as  it  has 
done  in  European  countries.  It  is  a  development  of  the  profoundest 
interest  to  every  student  of  political  problems,  and  it  will  perhaps 
be  desirable  to  say  a  few  words  both  of  the  dangers  or  risks,  and 
of  the  promises,  which  it  contains. 

Dangers  and  Promises. — I  think  I  ought  first  of  all  to  point  out 
the  seriousness  of  the  special  problem  with  which  all  these  young 
movements  in  favour  of  representative  institutions  are  confronted. 
It  is  this.  They  enter  on  the  path  of  political  evolution  at  a  time 
when  the  more  progressive  nations  have  led  a  political  life  for 
generations,  perhaps  for  centuries,  and  have  therefore  reached  a 
highly  developed  stage  in  the  extension  of  both  popular  and  par- 
liamentary liberties.  It  is  quite  natural  that  the  younger  nations, 
bent  on  imitating  their  models,  should  be  disposed  to  pass  at  one 
single  bound  to  the  same  advanced  stage,  neglecting  the  inter- 
mediate steps,  and  forgetting  that  political  life  presents  special 
difficulties  which  are  only  overcome  under  certain  conditions.  It 
is  true  that  the  art  of  politics  is  only  acquired  in  the  process  of 
governing,  and  it  is  far  from  the  intention  of  the  present  writer  to 
lay  down  any  hard-and-fast  rule  according  to  which  political 
institutions  should  be  granted  to  a  people.  On  the  contrary,  I 
should  be  disposed  to  say  that  it  is  precisely  the  demand  for 
political  liberty  which  gives  the  best  proof  of  the  need  to  establish  it. 

On   the   other   hand,   nobody  will   disagree  with   the   statement 


THIRD  SESSION  119 

that  a  serious  risk  will  always  be  involved  when  a  nation  passes 
from  autocracy  to  a  very  advanced  stage  of  political  liberty,  either 
as  to  popular  rights — suffrage,  liberty  of  the  Press,  freedom  of 
association,  &c. — or  as  to  the  influence  of  the  representative  system 
on  government  and  administration. 

Especially  in  the  latter  respect,  i.e.,  the  influence  on  the  adminis- 
tration, the  difficulties  are  very  great.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
autocracy,  if  it  can  be  freed  from  its  grave  defects,  its  temptation 
to  commit  capricious  and  arbitrary  acts,  presents  great  advantages 
for  an  efficient  and  powerful  administration.  A  strong  will  and  a 
strong  hand  are  essential  here.  As  a  rule  a  long  education  will 
be  necessary  to  attain  the  same  degree  of  efficiency  under  popular 
government.  'brpj^f 

'  m  There  is  yet  another  great  danger  or  risk  which  I  think  should 
be  pointed  out  in  this  connection,  a  risk  which  it  is  natural  to  dwell 
on  at  such  a  Congress  as  this.  I  am  thinking  of  the  strengthening, 
the  intensification  sometimes,  of  nationalist  sentiments  and  prejudices 
which  very  often  follow  the  creation  of  representative  institutions 
within  a  State. 

yrji.This  intensification  manifests  itself  in  two  ways.  Most  of  the 
Empires  which  have  adopted  representative  institutions  during  the 
last  few  years  are  far  from  homogeneous  in  their  ethnic  composition. 
Russia  or  Turkey,  not  to  speak  of  China,  embraces  several  distinct 
nationalities.  Very  often  in  these  countries  autocracy  alone  was 
able,  or  thought  itself  able,  to  retain  power,  by  an  appeal  to 
nationalist  sentiment,  making  a  pretext  of  the  hatred  of  foreign 
peoples,  within  or  without  the  frontiers  of  the  Empire,  to  avert 
attention  from  what  was  not  as  it  should  be  in  internal  affairs.  - -i 

It  seems,  unfortunately,  that  this  method  has  not  been  abandoned 
with  the  abandonment  of  autocratic  rule.  Nay,  nationalism  even 
appears  in  the  new  conditions  to  have  a  more  legitimate  character, 
because  it  is  backed  up  by  a  popular  force  and  is  more  than  the 
expression  of  a  despot's  whims.  Since  nationalism  is,  by  its  very 
definition,  a  simple  and  unreflecting  sentiment,  it  appeals  to  the 
least  instructed,  and  it  should  not  be  a  matter  of  surprise  that  it 
often  arises  in  the  first  stages  of  a  new  democracy. 

It  was  said  above  that  it  manifests  itself  in  two  ways.  It  may 
appear  as  the  determination  of  the  ruling  caste  to  subject  and 
dominate  foreign  elements  within  the  State,  or  as  a  hatred  of  the 
foreigner  without.  It  should  be  expressly  observed  that  in  neither 
form  is  this  feeling  a  new  phenomenon,  characteristic  only  of  the 
empires  with  which  we  are  now  concerned.  On  the  contrary,  in  this 
respect  it  may  be  said  that  such  societies  are  following  the  standards 
•of  European  civilisation,  though  not  its  highest  standards.  I  think 


120  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

it,  however,  only  fair  to  add  that,  if  Europeans  have  suffered  some- 
what from  the  general  hatred  of  the  foreigner  that  is  found  in  these 
Oriental  countries,  they  are  only  reaping  what  has  been  freely  sown, 
in  action  and  in  speech,  by  themselves  or  by  their  ancestors. 

But  if  the  prevailing  tendency  towards  popular  representation, 
or  parliamentary  rule,  is  pregnant  with  grave  problems,  it  is  no  less 
rich  in  great  promise. 

There  is,  firstly,  a  general  aspect  of  this  advance  on  which  I 
need  only  say  a  very  few  words.  We  have  seen  that  the  political 
progress  of  our  time  has  chiefly  manifested  itself  among  what  are 
called  the  Oriental  nations.  Until  recently  these  nations  were  re- 
garded as  evidently  inferior,  because  they  were  supposed  to  be 
incapable  of  self-government.  The  exception  of  Japan  was  there 
only  to  confirm  the  general  rule.  Otherwise  "  Asiatic  despotism  " 
used  to  be  words  indissolubly  linked  together.  The  introduction 
of  parliamentary  institutions,  not  only  in  one  but  in  several 
Oriental  countries,  removes  this  prejudice  and  bridges  the  gulf 
between  East  and  West. 

Next  comes  the  beneficent  influence  of  representative  institu- 
tions in  a  nation's  life.  It  may  safely  be  said  that  parliamentary 
rule  is  of  less  importance,  perhaps,  in  its  direct  bearing  on  the 
policy  and  government  of  the  peoples  concerned  than  in  its  wider 
moral  aspect.  Parliamentary  rule  is  above  all  things  a  great 
educational  force.  Resting  on  and  combined  with  local  autonomy, 
or  local  self-government  on  a  representative  basis,  it  is  the  most 
powerful  emancipating  agency  within  our  reach — greater  than  the 
school,  greater  even  than  the  best  means  of  communication.  It 
is  true  that  national  and  racial  prejudices  acquire  a  great  force  in 
the  first  stages  of  political  development ;  but  if  the  representative 
institutions  of  a  country  are  not  exclusively  and  deliberately  based 
on  the  domination  of  a  single  nation  or  caste,  if  the  Constitution 
allows  also  the  representatives  of  the  minor  nationalities  within 
the  empire  to  meet  and  to  work  in  Parliament,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  as  to  the  final  outcome. 

The  first,  the  elementary,  condition  of  a  good  understanding  is 
knowledge.  Through  co-operation,  even  through  the  struggles 
within  the  different  parliaments,  the  representatives  of  different 
nations  or  races  will  be  led  on  step  by  step,  though  it  be  through 
fear  or  hate,  to  mutual  respect.  Therefore  I  hold  that,  more 
especially  from  the  point  of  view  which  distinguishes  this  Con- 
gress, the  present  decided  tendency  towards  parliamentary  rule  is 
one  of  great  promise. 

There  will  be  a  natural  desire  in  this  Congress,  apart  from 
political  considerations,  that  all  nationalities  should  have  the 


THIRD   SESSION  121 

opportunity  of  meeting  within  the  parliaments  of  the  States  to 
which  they  belong  on  a  footing  of  perfect  equality.  No  colour- 
line,  no  language  or  nation-line,  can  be  tolerated,  if  the  object  of 
this  Congress  is  to  be  attained — i.e.,  a  fuller  understanding,  the 
most  friendly  feeling,  and  a  heartier  co-operation. 

I  think  this  argument  may  perhaps  be  carried  a  little  farther. 
Parliamentary  life  seems  to  work  in  the  long  run  against  national 
prejudice,  not  only  within  the  single  State,  but  also  in  foreign 
affairs.  The  parliamentarians,  as  representatives  of  the  people,  will 
have  a  stronger  sense  of  their  responsibility  in  the  decision  and 
the  control  of  peace  and  war ;  they  will  be  more  anxious  than  the 
autocrat,  or  his  minister,  or  the  clique  influencing  either,  to  avoid 
international  complications.  Kant  long  ago  made  it  a  condition 
for  the  establishment  of  universal  peace  that  the  different  nations 
should  have  attained  self-government.  The  educative  force  of 
parliamentary  institutions  will  also  tend  to  strengthen  the  wish  to 
learn  from  other  nations,  and  to  develop  a  free  interchange  of 
goods  and  intercourse  with  them.  All  this  makes  for  inter- 
nationalisation.  European  life  is  already  international  to  a  large 
extent.  With  the  East  coming  into  line  with  the  West — as  I  have 
shown  above — the  conditions  have  been  created  for  a  general  human 
advance  which  could  not  have  been  thought  possible  before  our 
time.  Even  the  boldest  designs  of  international  organisation  had 
to  face  the  difficulty  that  there  were  certain  barbarians,  or  a  "  yellow 
peril,"  outside  the  pale  of  civilised  and  organised  international 
society.  It  is  not  the  progress  of  political  institutions  alone  which 
now  renders  a  world-wide  organisation  conceivable  ;  material  pro- 
gress, mechanical  inventions  in  industry  and  in  the  means  of  com- 
munication, are  still  more  important.  What  makes  this  development 
so  hopeful  is  that  all  these  forces  are  working  in  the  same  direction. 

Tendencies  towards  Parliamentary  Rule  in  International  Affairs. 
— In  this  connection  it  will  be  natural  to  add  a  few  words  as  to  the 
tendency  of  the  last  twenty  or  thirty  years  to  apply  the  representa- 
tive system  even  to  a  larger  area  than  that  of  the  national 
empires.  Some  of  these  are,  indeed,  already  of  a  world-wide 
character,  uniting  within  their  bounds  populations  living  under  very 
different  conditions.  The  problem  of  conciliating  autonomy  with 
unity  has  in  these  cases  been  solved  through  federation.  The 
United  States  of  America  is  the  most  interesting  instance  in  point, 
for  they  have  succeeded  in  assuring  to  each  of  the  forty-five  States 
of  which  the  Union  is  composed  full  autonomy  in  their  own  affairs 
as  well  as  an  equal  share  in  the  representation  in  the  Senate, 
while  the  differences  between  the  States  are  controlled  by  the 
composition  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 


122  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

It  is  only  natural  that  the  idea  of  organising  a  wider  political 
society,  embracing  all  the  States  of  the  world,  should  proceed  on 
these  lines.  As  yet,  however,  nothing  has  been  done  officially  in 
this  respect.  The  two  Peace  Conferences,  which  met  at  the 
Hague  in  1899  and  1907,  were  composed  exclusively  of  Govern- 
ment Delegates,  the  delegates  of  all  countries  possessing  equal 
votes.  Here,  then,  the  principle  of  popular  representation  through 
election  was  not  recognised  at  all. 

There  exists,  however,  an  international  institution  which  contains 
the  germ  of  a  representative  institution,  though  as  yet  it  has  no 
official  standing.  It  is  the  Interparliamentary  Union,  and  some 
words  on  the  organisation  and  aims  of  this  institution  may  be  con- 
sidered appropriate  in  this  connection. 

The  Interparliamentary  Union  was  founded  at  the  World's  Fair 
in  Paris,  in  1889,  through  the  initiative  of  an  Englishman,  Sir 
William  Randal  Cremer  (d.  1908)  with  the  hearty  co-operation  of 
a  Frenchman,  M.  Frederic  Passy,  the  well-known  economist  and 
philanthropist  The  Union  was  founded  with  a  rather  limited 
scope,  that  of  promoting  the  practice  of  arbitration  in  the  settle- 
ment of  international  differences.  It  has  held  a  series  of  Conferences 
in  the  different  European  capitals,  the  last,  the  sixteenth,  being  held 
at  Brussels  last  summer.  The  Conferences  have  gained  an  increas- 
ing number  of  adhesions,  and  have  sometimes  had  the  character 
of  great  demonstrations  in  favour  of  international  peace  and  good- 
will. This  was  especially  the  case  with  the  Conference  in  London, 
1906,  and  in  Berlin,  1908.  At  each  of  these  notable  gatherings 
there  met  more  than  six  hundred  parliamentarians,  representing 
upwards  of  twenty  different  nationalities.  --njj 

After  some  years  of  action,  without  any  definite  organisation,  the 
Union  in  1892  organised  itself  in  national  groups,  with  a  common 
representation  in  the  Interparliamentary  Bureau,  or  Council,  as  it 
was  afterwards  called.  The  headquarters  were  first  fixed  at  Berne, 
but  in  1909  they  were  transferred  to  Brussels.  At  that  time  a 
great  change  took  place  in  the  position  of  the  Union.  Since  1909 
it  has  received  subsidies  from  various  Governments,  and  thus  has, 
so  to  speak,  won  an  official  position.  It  should  be  said,  however, 
that  the  Conferences  of  the  Union  have  no  organised  representa- 
tive character.  In  some  countries  the  parliamentary  groups,  or 
even  Parliament  itself,  appoints  delegates  to  the  sessions  of  the 
Union.  This,  however,  is  as  yet  an  exception.  Generally  the 
members  of  each  Conference  meet  only  as  private  parliamen- 
tarians, and  on  their  own  account ;  but,  as  they  belong  to  different 
political  parties,  they  may  be  said  to  represent  fairly  well  the 
assemblies  of  which  they  are  members. 


THIRD  SESSION  123 

The  chief  aim  of  the  Union  is  still  to  promote  international 
arbitration,  besides  discussing  questions  of  public  International 
Law  (Statutes,  art.  i).  There  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  great 
influence  of  the  Union  in  this  province.  It  has  contributed  more 
than  any  other  agency  to  the  extensive  use  of  arbitration  during 
recent  years.  The  code  of  the  Permanent  Arbitration  Court  at 
the  Hague  rests  on  a  plan  outlined  by  one  Interparliamentary 
Conference,  while  the  calling  of  the  Second  Peace  Conference  at 
the  Hague  is  due  to  the  initiative  of  another. 

No  existing  institution  offers  such  excellent  opportunities  for 
promoting  the  great  object  of  the  present  Races  Congress.  Here 
the  responsible,  elected  representatives  can  meet  and  exchange 
opinions,  discuss  the  large  problems  which  divide  them,  and  try 
to  arrive  at  conclusions  which  may  give  at  least  partial  satis- 
faction. And  this  will  be  still  more  true  when,  as  may  be  foreseen, 
the  Union  extends  its  aim  and  admits  the  discussion,  not  only  of 
problems  of  a  juridical  character,  but  also  of  other  international 
questions  of  general  interest.  The  Conferences  will  then  represent 
very  nearly  an  International  Parliament,  and  only  its  voluntary 
organisation  will  debar  it  from  being  really  the  Parliament  of  Man. 

I  do  not  think  that  the  International  Parliament  of  the  future, 
which  is  no  doubt  coming,  will  lay  down  a  common  law  for  mankind, 
except  in  certain  restricted  departments  which  are  really  common  to  all. 

This  International  Parliament  will  chiefly  favour  the  parallel 
development  of  national  legislation  and  will  endeavour  to  bring 
about  the  unification  of  law  in  those  respects  in  which  it  is  feasible 
and  desirable.  I  do  not  see  any  ideal  in  international  uniformity. 
On  the  contrary,  national  and  racial  diversity  is  in  my  opinion 
a  condition  of  progress  and  life.  The  very  word  international  has 
the  word  national  as  one  of  its  component  parts,  as  an  essential 
condition  of  its  meaning. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.']  iq/Ii: 

CHINA 

By  Wu  TING-FANG,  LL.D., 

Late  Chinese  Minister  to  United  States  of  America,  Mexico,  Peru,  and 

Cuba;    ex- Vice- President    of  Foreign    Office,    &c.,    in    Peking; 

Member  of  the  Hague  Court. 


IT  is  an  undisputed  fact  that  no  existing  country  in  the  world  has  a 
more  ancient  history  than  China,  and  that  her  civilisation  dates  from 
the  earliest  times.  Like  other  nations,  she  has  her  legends,  which 
purport  to  have  arisen  half  a  million  years  ago,  but  from  the  lack  of 


124  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

authentic  records  little  credence  can  be  attached  to  such  claim.  The 
accession  of  the  Emperor  Fuk-Hi,  2953  B-c->  'ls>  however,  recorded 
in  the  Chinese  annals,  and  with  him  begins  the  period  known 
amongst  the  Chinese  as  "  High  Antiquity."  From  that  epoch  dates 
the  succession  of  dynasties  down  to  the  present  time  ;  and  the  names 
of  the  different  rulers,  their  reigns  and  the  principal  events  happening 
in  each,  are  recorded  in  Chinese  history. 

Her  civilisation  may  justly  be  described  as  the  most  venerable  in 
existence.  It  was  founded  in  the  remotest  period  of  antiquity,  and 
developed  under  her  own  peculiar  system  of  ethics,  her  own  social 
and  moral  code,  without  aid  from  extraneous  sources.  This  is  partly 
due  to  her  geographical  position,  but  chiefly  to  the  homogeneity  of 
her  people,  all  of  whom,  with  a  few  unimportant  exceptions,  belong 
to  the  same  race,  use  the  same  language,  have  a  common  religion 
and  literature,  and  are  governed  by  practically  the  same  system  of 
laws,  morals,  and  customs.  It  is  quite  beyond  the  scope  of  this  paper 
to  discuss  in  detail  the  various  stages  of  China's  civilisation,  but  a 
general  view  of  it  may,  perhaps,  be  obtained  from  the  following  four 
different  points  of  view. 

1.  Religious. — From  time  immemorial  the  Chinese  appear  to  have 
had  definite  religious  beliefs.     They  had  clear  ideas  of  a  Godhead,  a 
supreme  being  ruling   over  the  universe.     He  was   designated  the 
"  Heavenly  King,"  or  "  Supreme  God,"  by  whose  decree  the  destiny 
of  every  creature  or  thing  was  supposed  to  be  fixed.     He  was  repre- 
sented as  both  merciful  and  just,  and,  while  rewarding  the  good  and 
punishing  the  wicked,  he  was  not  indisposed  to  temper  justice  with 
mercy.     Consequently,  he  was  feared,  revered,  and  worshipped  by 
all,   from   the   Emperor  down   to   the    peasant.     Other   gods   were 
admitted  and  worshipped  ;  but  they  were  regarded  as  ministers,  so 
to  speak,  of  the  Heavenly  King,  who   appointed  them  to  various 
offices,  in  much  the  same  way  as  the  Emperor  appointed  his  officials 
to  rule  over  his  empire.     This  kind  of  religious  belief  persists  to  the 
present  day,  especially  among  the  educated  classes,  and  has  exerted 
a  strong  and  beneficial  influence  on  the  civilisation  of  China,  in  spite 
of  the  mystic,  and  frequently  idolatrous,  doctrines  and  creeds  intro- 
duced by  the  so-called  Taoists  and   Buddhists  during  the  Middle 
Ages  of  Chinese  history. 

2.  Social  and  Moral. — The  Chinese  had  their   own   social   and 
moral  code  ages  ago,  and   scores   of  centuries   have   passed   away 
without  any  material  change  in  it.    There  are  five  degrees  of  relation- 
ship recognised  by  the  code,  and  each   degree   has  its   prescribed 
duties,   responsibilities,    and    rights.     First   comes   the    relationship 
between  the  sovereign  and  his  subjects.     The  former  is  charged  with 
the  loving  and  benevolent  care  of  his  people,  while  the  latter  are 


THIRD   SESSION  125 

enjoined  to  obey  and  serve  their  king  with  loyalty  and  faithfulness. 
Parents  and   children    come   next.     "  Honour   thy   father   and   thy 
mother "   was,   and  is,  as   much   a   divine  commandment  with  the 
Chinese   as  with  the   Hebrews ;  and  under  the   heading   of  "  filial 
piety  "  all  the  offspring  of  a  family  are  bound  by  an  inflexible  law  to 
yield  obedience  and  love  to  their  progenitors.     Parents  are  not  with- 
out obligations  to  their  children.     They  have  to  cherish,  educate,  and 
maintain  them,  and  to  provide  for  their  future  welfare.     It  may  be 
said  that  in  no  other  country  is  the  family-tie  held  more  sacred  than 
in  China.     The  next  relationship  is  that  of  husbands  and  wives  ;  and, 
as  some  misapprehension  exists  concerning  the  status  of  women  and 
the  practice  of  polygamy  in  China,  it  may  be  well  to  dwell  at  greater 
length  on  this  relationship.     A  husband  is  bound  to  treat  his  wife 
with  great  consideration  and  courtesy,  and  to  cherish  and  provide  for 
her,  while  the  wife  is  required  to  love  and  obey  her  spouse.     A  man 
is  permitted  by  law  to  have  one  wife  only,  and  the  wife  one  husband. 
It  is  incorrect  to  say  that  the  Chinese  are  polygamous,  since  the 
marriage  of  more  than  one  wife  is  treated  as  an  offence  in  Statute- 
law,  and  is  punishable  by  heavy  penalties,  and  the  second  marriage 
is  declared  null  and  void.     As  a  concession  to   human   weakness, 
however,  and  especially  for  the  humane  purpose  of  providing  for  the 
unfortunate  issue  of  unmarried  women  and  securing  the  continuation 
of  the  family-line  on  the  male  side,  the  law,  by  a  fiction,  recognises 
the  status  of  children  born  in   concubinage,   and   admits   them  to 
become  members  of  the  families  as  if  they  were  born  in  wedlock. 
This  legal  indulgence  has,  in  course  of  time,  led  to  much  abuse,  and 
has  given  the  impression  that  a  Chinese  can  have  as  many  wives  as 
he  desires.     As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  so-called  secondary  wife  is  not 
recognised  by  law,  and  has  no  legal  status  in  a  Chinese  family.     As 
to  the  present  position  of  women  there  is  also  some  misconception. 
To  those  who  are  well  acquainted  with  the  family  life  of  the  Chinese, 
the  position  of  Chinese  women  does  not  seem  much  lower  than  that 
now  attained  by  the  majority  of  their  sisters  in  the  West.     Within 
the  Chinese  home  their  reign  is  supreme.     As  Empresses,  mothers, 
wives,  and    sisters  they  usually  obtain  their  due  share  of  honour, 
power,  homage,   affection,   and    respect.     Their   education,   even   in 
former  times,  was  not  entirely  neglected,  and,  besides  literature,  they 
were  early  instructed  in  needlework  and  household  management,  in 
order  to   fit  them   to   become  effective   helpmates   of  their  future 
husbands.     Since  the  beginning  of  the  national  reform   movement 
within  the  last  few  years  many  public  as  well  as  private  schools  for 
girls  have  been  established.     The  custom  of  the  seclusion  of  women 
is  being  gradually  abandoned,  and  they  now  enjoy  as  much  liberty 
and  freedom  as  their  Western  sisters. 


126  UiNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

The  relationship  between  the  older  and  younger  members  of  the 
family  forms  the  fourth  degree,  and  rules  have  been  framed  for  the 
regulation  of  their  conduct  toward  each  other.  The  Chinese  exact 
from  the  younger  members  great  respect  and  reverence  for  their 
elders,  who,  in  turn,  are  enjoined  to  treat  their  juniors  with  kindness 
and  courtesy.  This  rule  is  enforced,  not  only  in  families,  but  in  all 
the  village-communities  throughout  the  empire.  Hence  in  every 
hamlet  or  country-place  a  council  of  elders  is  generally  elected  to 
deal  with  local  affairs,  and  its  decisions  on  matters  referred  to  it  have 
usually  the  force  and  authority  of  law.  The  officials  interfere  very 
little  with  their  findings,  and  thus  a  vast  amount  of  time  is  saved,  and 
good  order  maintained,  with  little  expense  and  trouble  to  the  Govern- 
ment. This  method  of  local  government  by  the  gentry  and  elders  has 
been,  and  is,  of  the  greatest  utility  and  benefit.  It  forms  the  nucleus 
of  local  self-government,  and  the  foundation  of  parliamentary  rule. 

The  last  and  fifth  degree  of  relationship  is  that  between  friends 
and  others  with  whom  one  associates,  and  the  requirements  of  the 
social  code  in  this  respect  are  cordiality,  sincerity,  and  faithfulness. 
Honest  dealing  in  all  transactions  is  secured  by  this  moral  law ;  very 
few  Chinese,  except  those  of  the  lowest  order,  dare  transgress  it. 
For  this  reason  the  commercial  integrity  of  the  Chinese  is  proverbial 
and  is  much  appreciated  by  foreigners  and  natives  alike. 

3.  Political. — The  government  of  China  from  the  beginning  of  its 
history  until  now  has  been  patriarchal  in  character.  The  theory  was 
that  the  Emperor  was  the  sire,  having  received  his  appointment  from 
Heaven,  and  his  various  ministers  and  officers  were  the  responsible 
elders  and  stewards  of  the  various  departments,  provinces,  and 
districts.  For  many  centuries  the  occupant  of  the  Imperial  throne 
held  his  high  office  for  life,  and  at  his  demise  or  retirement  some 
able  and  virtuous  minister  was  chosen,  either  by  the  Emperor  himself 
or  by  the  people  or  their  representatives,  as  his  successor.  As  the 
government  was  for  the  benefit  of  the  people,  the  Emperor  was  in 
some  instances  compelled  to  resign,  or  was  forcibly  removed,  if  his 
reign  turned  to  their  detriment.  The  history  of  China  contains 
several  instances  in  which  these  drastic  measures  were  taken  to 
remove  unjust  rulers.  In  1766  B.C.,  Ch'eng-t'ang,  founder  of  the 
Shang  dynasty,  banished  the  wicked  ruler  Kieh,  and  in  1122  B.C.  Wu 
Wang,  of  the  Chow  dynasty,  deposed  the  cruel  King  Chou.  The 
rare  occurrence  of  such  incidents  was  due  to  the  comparative  sound- 
ness of  the  government  and  wisdom  of  the  rulers,  and  to  the  institu- 
tion of  a  peculiar  system  of  strict  surveillance  and  mutual  responsi- 
bility among  all  classes  of  the  people,  which  had  the  effect  of 
deterring  them  from  any  interference  in  government  affairs  that 
might  involve  them  and  their  relations  in  trouble.  Since  the  advent 


THIRD   SESSION  127 

of  foreigners  into  China,  the  establishment  of  foreign  consulates  in 
different  ports,  and  the  acquaintance  with  foreign  officials,  merchants, 
and  missionaries,  the  Chinese  have  gradually  learned  the  more  liberal 
systems  of  government  prevalent  in  Europe  and  America.  As  a 
consequence,  within  the  last  few  years,  the  officials  and  the  people 
have  shown  an  eager  desire  for  reform  in  various  directions.  This 
has  led  the  people  to  take  a  more  active  interest  in  municipal  and 
imperial  affairs,  and  in  some  instances  they  have  not  hesitated  to 
send  remonstrances  against  governmental  measures  or  actions  which 
they  looked  upon  as  unwise  and  injurious.  A  few  years  ago,  in  com- 
pliance with  the  express  wishes  of  the  people,  imperial  edicts  were 
issued  promising  constitutional  government  and  the  formation  of  a 
national  parliament  in  ten  years.  Preparations  are  being  made  for 
carrying  out  this  promise.  Local  assemblies,  composed  of  delegates 
from  different  districts,  have  been  formed,  and  meetings  are  held 
periodically  to  discuss  matters  of  local  or  provincial  interest.  A 
senate,  composed  of  nobles,  officials,  and  men  of  distinction  in 
science,  literature,  or  commerce,  has  lately  been  established  in  Peking. 
The  formation  of  a  responsible  cabinet  has  recently  been  urged  by 
the  public,  and  the  period  of  ten  years  fixed  [before  the  inaugura- 
tion of  a  parliament  has  been  considered  too  long.  Yielding  to 
public  opinion  and  to  the  representations  of  a  majority  of  the  pro- 
vincial Viceroys  and  Governors,  and  of  the  ministers  in  Peking, 
the  Government  issued  an  Imperial  Edict  on  November  4,  1910, 
changing  the  date  for  the  establishment  of  the  Parliament  to  the  fifth 
year  of  Hsuant'ung,  the  year  1913,  and  decreeing  that  the  official 
system  be  reorganised,  a  cabinet  formed,  a  code  of  constitutional  law 
framed,  and  the  rules  and  regulations  governing  Parliament  and  the 
election  of  members  of  the  Upper  and  Lower  Houses,  and  other 
necessary  constitutional  reforms,  be  prepared  and  put  into  force 
before  the  assembling  of  Parliament.  Thus  it  is  hoped  that  in  two 
years'  time  a  constitutional  Government  and  a  Parliament  will  be  in 
existence  in  this  ancient  empire. 

4.  Educational. — The  instruction  of  the  young  had  in  the  earliest 
times  engaged  the  attention  of  Chinese  educators.  Besides  teaching 
their  youths  polite  literature  and  other  branches  of  learning,  they 
gave  them  moral  training  of  a  high  order.  The  curriculum  embraces 
mathematics,  mechanics,  painting,  and  music,  athletic  exercises,  such 
as  fencing,  horse-riding,  driving,  archery,  &c.  As  a  result  the 
Chinese  led  the  world  in  polite  literature,  in  inventive  and  mechanical 
genius,  and  in  fine  arts.  But  in  the  course  of  time  some  of  these 
useful  subjects  were  neglected,  or  omitted  from  the  curriculum,  and, 
instead  of  improving,  the  educational  system  deteriorated  consider- 
ably. Since  the  national  reform  movement,  however,  the  education 


128  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

of  the  young  has  engrossed  the  serious  attention  of  officials  and 
people,  and  energetic  steps  have  been  taken  to  improve  the  educa- 
tional system  and  to  train  boys  and  girls  in  all  useful  subjects  along 
modern  lines. 

Language. — An  international  language  is  sadly  needed  in  these 
days  of  free  communication  and  commerce  throughout  the  world.  This 
want  is  much  more  felt  by  Orientals  than  Occidentals.  A  Briton  or 
an  American,  after  learning  one  foreign  language,  such  as  French, 
will  be  able  to  travel  in  Europe  or  elsewhere,  and  make  himself 
understood  without  difficulty.  With  the  Oriental  the  case  is  different. 
Besides  his  own,  he  has  to  study  at  least  two  languages  before  he 
can  make  his  wishes  known  when  he  travels  abroad.  The  task  of  an 
Oriental  when  learning  a  European  language  is  also  much  harder 
than  that  of  an  Occidental.  People  of  different  nations  frequently 
quarrel  because  they  do  not  understand  each  other's  feelings  and 
motives ;  if  they  could  converse  in  one  language,  many  disputes 
might  be  easily  settled.  This  will  be  appreciated  by  any  one  who 
has  had  dealings  with  foreigners.  I  would,  therefore,  strongly  urge 
the  adoption  of  an  international  language,  which  would  greatly  help 
to  promote  a  good  understanding  between  all  nations. 

In  China  and  other  Eastern  countries  English  is  more  generally 
spoken  than  any  other  foreign  language.  There  is,  however,  much 
room  for  improvement  in  the  English  language.  There  are  no  fixed 
rules,  or  there  are  many  exceptions  to  the  rules,  for  its  pronunciation, 
and  the  irregular  and  eccentric  way  of  spelling  and  accentuation  is 
an  almost  insuperable  difficulty  for  a  foreigner.  In  order  to  adapt 
it  for  more  general  use,  the  useless  and  mute  letters  in  words  should 
be  eliminated  and  the  rules  of  pronunciation  and  accentuation  should 
be  uniform.  I  commend  this  subject  to  the  favourable  consideration 
of  the  British  and  American  educators,  and  others  interested  in 
education,  who  would  confer  a  great  boon  if  they  would  reform  the 
English  language.  The  Spanish,  being  simpler  in  construction  and 
pronunciation,  is  easier  to  study,  and  doubtless  it  would  be  welcomed 
by  many  if  it  were  selected  as  a  medium  for  international  communi- 
cation. To  meet  the  international  difficulty,  I  would  propose  that 
an  international  congress,  composed  of  two  or  three  delegates  from 
each  nation  in  Europe,  America,  Asia,  and  Africa,  be  held,  and  that 
it  be  authorised  to  decide  by  a  majority  of  votes  upon  one  language, 
whether  living  or  dead,  for  universal  use. 

Inter-racial  Marriage. — With  regard  to  the  question  of  inter- 
racial marriage,  in  my  opinion  the  principle  is  excellent,  though  I 
fear  it  is  not  easy  to  carry  out.  Broadly  speaking,  it  is  proper  that 
Occidentals  and  Orientals  should  inter-marry,  as  this  would  be  the 
best  means  of  diffusing  knowledge  and  creating  ties  of  relationship 


THIRD  SESSION  129 

and  friendship.  But  some  of  our  customs,  habits,  and  modes  of 
living,  though  excellent  in  themselves,  are  different  from  those  of 
Western  countries,  and  may  not  be  agreeable  to  Occidental  people. 
Within  the  last  few  years  the  people  of  China,  especially  those  on 
the  coast,  have  been  adopting  some  of  the  Western  habits  and  ways 
of  living.  It  is  not  impossible  that  these  persons  will  make  good 
partners  for  life  with  Westerners  ;  in  fact,  there  are  cases  of  mixed 
marriages  which  have  turned  out  to  be  happy.  I  am  inclined  to  the 
opinion  that  when  a  nation  has  a  large  number  of  its  people  who 
marry  with  foreigners,  it  is  a  sign  of  progress.  It  has  been  proved 
that  children  inherit  the  traits  of  their  parents,  and,  as  the  Chinese 
are  noted  for  their  patience,  perseverance,  honesty,  and  industry, 
these  characters  will  naturally  be  imparted  to  the  eurasian  children, 
who  will  have  the  good  points  from  both  sides. 

That  fair  play  and  mutual  consideration  should  be  the  guiding 
principle  of  nations  as  well  as  individuals  is  not  only  recognised  in 
Europe  and  America,  but  is  admitted  and  practised  in  China  also. 
Circumstances,  it  is  true,  are  not  the  same  there  as  in  Europe  and 
America  ;  but,  making  every  allowance  for  the  difference,  the  principle 
of  justice  should  not  be  violated.  China  had  isolated  herself  for 
many  centuries,  and  had  little,  if  any,  intercourse  with  foreign 
nations.  Her  attitude  was  that  her  country  was  large,  her  people 
were  industrious,  and  her  soil  so  rich,  that  its  productions  were 
sufficient  for  the  support  of  her  people.  Thus  the  Imperial 
Government  did  not  encourage  the  people  to  go  abroad,  and  the 
people,  on  their  part,  were  content  to  remain  at  home.  But 
China  was  not  allowed  to  continue  in  her  secluded  position.  As 
the  population  of  Europe  rapidly  increased,  the  enterprising  spirit 
of  Europeans  naturally  led  them  to  seek  new  fields,  and  they  asked 
that  the  door  of  China  should  be  opened  for  them  for  purposes  of 
trade.  China  at  that  time  did  not  see  the  justice  of  their  demand, 
as  she  at  that  time  considered  that  she  could  do  what  she  pleased 
with  her  own  country.  But  her  policy  was  disregarded.  It  was 
argued  that  no  nation  should  be  allowed  to  isolate  herself.  I  need 
not  detail  the  various  collisions  and  disputes  which  happened ;  it  is 
sufficient  to  say  that,  as  a  result,  force  was  used  to  compel  China 
to  admit  foreign  trade  and  commerce.  China  was  substantially  told 
that  her  national  door  must  be  opened  to  all  foreigners  to  enter  for 
purposes  of  trade,  religion,  and  other  legitimate  business  ;  her  people 
must  be  left  free  to  trade  with  foreigners,  and  to  embrace  any 
religion  they  might  choose  without  let  or  hindrance.  She  was  also 
told  that  her  people  could  freely  trade,  reside,  and  become  citizens 
abroad.  She  was  therefore  compelled  to  make  treaties  with  foreign 
nations,  admitting  their  respective  subjects  and  citizens  to  come  to 

K 


130  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

China  to  reside,  trade,  and  preach  the  Christian  religion ;  and, 
being  ignorant  of  the  tariff  laws  of  foreign  countries,  she  was  led 
to  consent  to  the  levying  of  a  duty  on  the  import  and  export  of 
goods  to  and  from  China  on  a  uniform  scale  of  5  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 
For  many  years  after  the  treaties  had  been  concluded,  the 
Chinese  people  did  not  take  advantage  of  the  privilege  of  going 
abroad,  nor  did  the  Imperial  Government  encourage  them  to  do  so, 
as  it  was  considered  dangerous  to  cross  the  ocean.  The  Chinese, 
however,  were  known  to  be  honest,  steady,  patient,  and  hard-working 
people,  and  immigration  officers  and  agents  were  sent  to  the  southern 
part  of  China  to  obtain  labourers  for  those  countries  which  were  in 
need  of  workmen.  As  a  result  a  large  number  of  labourers  emigrated 
under  contract  to  those  countries,  and  were  employed  in  various 
kinds  of  work,  such  as  cultivating  plantations,  &c.  They  were  found 
to  be  extremely  useful,  and  so  great  was  the  demand  that  immigra- 
tion agents  in  China  were  instructed  to  obtain  as  many  as  possible. 
High  premiums  were  offered  for  procuring  emigrants ;  unfair  and 
fraudulent  means  were  used  by  unscrupulous  sub-agents ;  and  many 
peasants  and  others  were  enticed  and  kidnapped.  These  were  the 
first  steps  taken  to  induce  Chinese  labourers  to  go  to  Western 
countries.  If  no  such  steps  had  been  taken,  I  feel  sure  that  no 
Chinese  labourers  would  have  gone  so  many  thousands  of  miles 
in  search  of  work.  But  the  first  Chinese  workmen  in  foreign 
countries,  discovering  that  there  was  a  great  field  for  their  com- 
patriots, naturally  persuaded  their  friends  and  relatives  to  join 
them.  This  accounts  for  the  number  of  Chinese  labourers  going 
abroad  to  seek  their  fortunes.  It  should,  however,  be  remembered 
that  the  first  Chinese  emigrants  came  from  a  few  districts  in  the 
Canton  province  only,  and  that  therefore  all  the  Chinese  labourers 
in  Canada,  the  United  States,  Mexico,  and  South  America  are 
natives  of  the  Canton  province  only.  If  Chinese  labourers  were 
allowed  to  go,  say,  to  America,  without  restriction,  which  is 
unlikely,  it  may  be  regarded  as  certain  that  no  Chinese  from  other 
provinces  than  that  of  Canton  would  emigrate.  At  the  present 
moment  there  is  no  restrictive  law  against  Chinese  labourers  coming 
to  any  of  the  European  countries,  yet  none  are  found  competing 
with  European  workmen,  nor  is  there  any  danger  whatever  of 
Chinese  labourers  emigrating  to  that  Continent.  This  should  give 
food  for  reflection  to  those  statesmen  and  others  who  are  interested 
in  the  question.  If  my  advice  were  asked,  I  would  suggest  that  a 
commission  composed  of  delegates  from  the  countries  interested  in 
the  subject  should  meet.  I  feel  confident  that  by  impartial  investi- 
gation and  fair  discussion,  a  satisfactory  solution  of  the  whole 
question  would  be  found.  At  present  the  argument  of  the  nations 


THIRD   SESSION  131 

who  have  changed  their  policy  is  practically  reduced  to  this  :  "  It 
is  true  that  when  we  found  we  needed  the  services  of  Chinese 
labourers,  we  did  invite  them  to  come ;  but  now,  on  account  of 
the  opposition  of  the  labour  unions,  whose  votes  we  cannot  afford 
to  lose,  who  are  jealous  of  the  patience,  perseverance,  and  indus- 
trious and  economical  habits  of  the  Chinese  emigrants,  and  fear 
their  competition,  we  have  deemed  it  advisable  to  exclude  them." 
This  sort  of  reasoning  is  certainly  not  logical.  China,  in  her 
present  peculiar  position,  is  physically  unable  to  resist ;  but  such 
a  state  of  things  is  inconsistent  with  the  laudable  object  of  the 
Congress — to  encourage  good  understanding  and  friendly  feelings 
between  Occidental  and  Oriental  peoples,  and  as  long  as  it  lasts 
that  object  will  not  be  attained. 

The  acquisition  of  unexplored  territory  for  cultivation  and 
development  is  a  praiseworthy  object ;  but  the  newly  acquired 
country  should  be  opened  to  all.  If  it  is  exclusively  reserved  to 
the  first  settlers,  it  will  not  confer  a  benefit  on  mankind  as  a 
whole.  For  some  centuries  people  who  called  themselves  civilised 
acquired  territory  by  driving  away  the  natives  of  the  soil  and,  in 
some  instances,  killing  them.  In  cases  where  the  natives  were  savages 
and  cannibals,  the  use  of  force  might  be  deemed  expedient ;  but 
where  the  invaded  peoples  are  described  as  semi-civilised,  or  have 
a  civilisation  of  a  high  order — although  in  the  opinion  of  Occidentals 
it  may  not  reach  their  own  standard — the  treatment  should  be 
different.  To  take  undue  advantage  of  their  ignorance  of  Western 
methods  and,  under  the  pretext  of  some  grievance,  to  annex  their 
territory,  is  questionable  procedure.  It  may  be  true  that  some  wrong 
had  been  done  ;  but  if  a  little  forbearance  had  been  shown  and  a 
proper  explanation  had  been  given  instead  of  making  dictatorial  de- 
mands, in  many  cases  the  difficulty  might  have  been  amicably  settled. 

In  connection  with  this  subject  I  would  refer  to  the  "  White 
Policy,"  which,  I  regret  to  find,  is  advocated  in  some  influential 
quarters,  It  is  said  that  some  countries  should  be  reserved 
exclusively  for  white  people,  and  that  no  race  of  another  colour 
should  be  permitted  there.  When  such  a  doctrine  is  openly 
approved  by  statesmen  in  the  West,  the  yellow  or  coloured  race 
should  in  fairness  be  allowed  to  act  upon  it  themselves.  Patriotism 
is  an  excellent  quality  ;  but  to  preach  the  dogma  of  colour,  race, 
or  nationalism  is  a  matter  of  grave  international  importance,  and 
should  not  be  handled  without  serious  consideration.  If  such  a 
doctrine  should  spread  and  be  generally  followed,  men  would  become 
more  narrow-minded  than  ever,  and  would  not  hesitate  to  take  undue 
advantage  of  peoples  of  other  colour  or  race  whenever  an  opportunity 
occurred.  Altruism  would  certainly  disappear.  Instead  of  friendly 


132  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

feelings  and  hearty  co-operation  existing  between  Occidental  and 
Oriental  peoples,  there  would  be  feelings  of  distrust,  ill-will,  and 
animosity  towards  each  other  ;  constant  friction  and  disputes  would 
take  place,  and  might  ultimately  lead  to  war.  I  have  noticed  that 
this  cry  of  a  "  White  Policy  "  has  been  raised,  not  by  the  aborigines, 
who  might  have  some  excuse,  but  by  the  descendants  or  settlers  who 
had  conquered  and,  in  many  cases,  killed  the  aborigines  of  the 
country,  which  they  now  want  to  keep  for  themselves,  and  by 
politicians  who  recently  migrated  to  that  country.  Is  this  fair  or 
just?  To  those  who  advocate  such  a  policy,  and  who  no  doubt 
call  themselves  highly  civilised  people,  I  would  remark  that  I  prefer 
Chinese  civilisation.  According  to  the  Chinese  civilisation,  as  inter- 
preted in  the  Confucian  classics,  we  are  taught  that  "  we  should  treat 
all  who  are  within  the  four  seas  as  our  brothers  and  sisters  ;  and  that 
what  you  do  not  want  done  to  yourself  you  should  not  do  to  others." 
Until  racial  and  national  feeling  is  eliminated  from  the  minds  of 
Occidental  peoples,  it  is  to  be  feared  genuine  friendship  and  co- 
operation between  them  and  Oriental  peoples  cannot  really  exist. 

I  am  writing  this  paper  in  my  unofficial  capacity.  I  wish  to  state, 
however,  that  China  and  other  Eastern  nations  do  not  ask  for  special 
favours  at  the  hands  of  Occidental  peoples ;  but  they  do  expect,  and  have 
a  right  to  expect,  that  their  nations  and  their  peoples  should  be  equally 
and  equitably  treated,  in  the  manner  accorded  to  Occidental  peoples. 

I  have  no  doubt  that  those  attending  the  Congress  will  discuss 
the  various  subjects  laid  before  them  impartially  and  with  an  open 
mind.  It  is  by  such  friendly  discussions  and  personal  contact  that 
people  gain  a  knowledge  of  real  facts  and  arrive  at  a  right  con- 
clusion. That  this  Congress  will  be  productive  of  good  to  the 
world,  and  that  it  will  not  be  the  last  one  but  only  the  precursor 
of  many  others,  is  my  earnest  hope  and  prayer. 
[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


JAPAN 

By  TONGO  TAKEBE,  Bungaku  Hakushi, 

Professor  of  Sociology  in  the  Imperial  University  of  Tokyo,  Associt 
of  the  Institut  International  de  Sociologie  ; 

and  TERUAKI  KOBAYASHI,  Bungaku  Shi, 

Professor  of  Pedagogics  in  the  Girls'  Higher  Normal  School  of  Tokyo, 
Lecturer  on  Sociology  in  the  Imperial  University  of  Tokyo. 

I.  Introduction. — The    Japanese    Empire,    a    small    island    country, 
long   maintained    a    policy   of   national   isolation,   and    offered    no 


THIRD   SESSION  133 

opportunity  to  other  nations  to  make  her  acquaintance.  However, 
when  in  the  year  1853  the  American  warships  suddenly  appeared 
at  Uraga,  she  decisively  changed  her  three  hundred  years'  policy, 
opened  her  doors  to  all  the  world,  and  began  to  aim  at  progress. 
She  endeavoured  to  study  and  to  introduce  European  and  American 
civilisation,  but  at  the  same  time  to  retain  her  own  characteristics, 
and  by  this  policy  the  small  island  country  of  the  Far  East  has  joined 
the  company  of  the  Great  Powers.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  Chino- 
Japanese  War,  the  world  finally  began  to  abandon  its  contemptuous 
attitude  towards  our  country.  Later,  at  the  time  of  the  Boxer 
insurrection,  the  world  saw  that  Japan  was  not  inferior  to  European 
countries  ;  and,  in  the  late  war  with  one  of  the  strongest  nations  in 
Europe,  the  news  of  the  successive  victories  of  our  army  and  navy 
surprised  every  one,  and  there  was  abundant  praise  of  our  valour 
and  judgment.  By  degrees  the  nations  of  the  West  began  to 
seek  some  cause  of  these  successes,  and  thus  all  eyes  turned  to  the 
characteristic  civilisation  of  Japan  and  the  nature  of  the  Japanese 
people.  Christ  said,  "  The  tree  is  known  by  its  fruit."  On  that 
principle  the  world  at  large  seeks  to  understand  the  secret  of  the 
development  of  the  Japanese  Empire  of  to-day.  For  the  purpose 
of  elucidating  this,  we  have  published  The  Japanese  Nation,  a 
work  in  which  a  scientific  account  is  given  of  the  development  of 
Japanese  society  from  the  sociological  point  of  view.  In  the  present 
paper  we  shall  deal  with  the  same  theme,  though  the  limits  of  our 
space  prevent  us  from  discussing  it  as  fully  as  in  the  former  work. 

The  reasons  why  our  country — ruled  by  the  descendants  of  a 
single  line  of  monarchs  and  forming  an  island  country  in  an 
advanced  state  of  development  in  the  East — has  never  invaded 
other  countries,  and  has  never  been  invaded  by  them,  but  had  an 
independent  history  for  three  thousand  years,  are  manifold  ;  but 
we  may  reduce  them  to  three  :  firstly,  the  national  constitution  at 
the  establishment  of  the  Empire ;  secondly,  the  influence  of  geo- 
graphical and  other  natural  features  ;  and  thirdly,  the  character  of 
the  Japanese  people.  Let  us  deal  with  these  divisions. 

II.  The  National  Constitution  at  the  Establishment  of  the  Empire. 
— It  is  a  general  rule  that  the  first  sovereign  of  a  country  has  sacred 
power,  and  that  this  power  is  destroyed  by  war  as  time  goes  on. 
There  are  few  Governments  which  have  been  built  up  without 
revolution.  Japan,  however,  is  an  exception  in  this  point.  The 
hereditary  line  of  the  first  sovereign  has  never  lost  power,  so  that 
our  Emperor  has  no  family  name,  like  the  rulers  of  other  countries- 
This  is  really  very  distinctive  of  our  Empire.  When  we  seek  the 
cause  of  this,  we  may  admit  that  the  remarkable  bravery  and 
nobility  of  character  of  the  first  sovereign  had  a  considerable 


134  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

influence  ;  but  the  main  cause  is  found  in  the  ancestor  worship  and 
the  family  system,  which  have  been  developed  in  a  high  degree  in 
the  small  world  of  Japan.     Why  they  have  been  so  developed  will 
be  explained  in  the  following  divisions  dealing  with  the  influence  of 
geographical  features,  and  the  assimilation  of  the  constituent  races. 
,8^,  Besides  these  outward  characteristics,  there  is  an  unseen  power 
which  accentuated  the  difference.     This  is  no  other  than  the  strong 
belief  of  the  nation  in  its  sovereign  and  in  the  future  of  the  country. 
In  the  beginning,  when  our  country  was  first  established,  Amaterasu- 
o-Mikami,  giving  the  Three  Sacred  Treasures  to  her  grandson,  said 
to  him :  "  The  glory  of  the  sovereign  power  shall  be  as  boundless 
as  heaven   and   earth."     This   is   really   a   prediction   of  the  three 
thousand  years  of  our  history,  and   not  even  a  child   ever  doubts 
the  truth  of  the   prophecy.     Every  nation  has  its  own   prophecies. 
Even  though   the  greatest   of  all,  perhaps,  are   those  of  the  Jews, 
these  are  unequal  to  our  prophecy,  which  refers  to  all  time. 
3£i;A  prophetic  utterance  is  an  ideal,  a  hope  ;  it  is,  in  reality,  the 
expression  of  a  firm  faith.     The  ideal  of  the  Japanese  nation  has 
been    created   by  the   great   prophecy  of  the   goddess,  and   it   has 
become  the  belief  of  the  nation,  rooted  deeply  in  the  mind  of  the 
people.     In   other   words,   the   ancestor  worship    of    the    Japanese 
nation  was  strengthened  by  this  firm  belief,  and  the  belief  in  turn 
was  greatly  assisted   by  ancestor  worship.     It   has  found   a   moral 
embodiment  in  "  Shinto "  (God's  Way),  in  the  national  system,  the 
family  system,  and  the  unity  of  the  Church   and  State.     Thus  in 
ancient  Japan  morality  was  religion,  and  religion  was  at  the  same 
time   politics,  so   that  Japanese  society  was   perfectly  harmonised, 
and  the  salutary  unity  in  the  minds  of  the  people  was  emphasised 
and  strengthened.     One  may  almost  regard  the  result  as  miraculous. 
Pascal,  the  great  French  thinker  of  the  seventeenth  century,  said 
of  human  development :  "  The  formal  succession  of  human  beings 
throughout  the  course  of  the  ages  must   be  regarded  as  a  single 
individual  man,  continually  living  and  continually  learning."     This 
has  been  realised  in  the  Japanese  Empire,  for  the  Japanese  people 
have  worshipped   their  sovereign  as  a  divine  being,  and  regarded 
their  country  as  the  empire  of  a  god.     This  faith  has  had  the  effect 
of -deepening  the  loyal  and  patriotic  feelings  in  the  minds  of  the 
people ;  believing  in  the  eternity  of  Empire  and  throne,  Japanese 
society  was  solidly  built  up,  with  the  Imperial  family  as  its  centre. 
The   "Imperial    Rescript    on    Education"   and    "The    Imperial 
Edict  of  ipoSj"  which  were  issued  by  the  present  Emperor,  most 
clearly  expound  the  national  constitution,  and  are  the  creed  of  the 
Japanese   people.     We   have  no  reason   to  doubt   that   these  edicts 
will,  though  the  period  is  so  short  since  they  were  issued,  become 


THIRD   SESSION  135 

increasingly  the  basis  of  the  people's  faith,  and  be  accepted  as  a 
powerful  prophecy,  just  as  is  that  of  Amaterasu-6-Mikami. 

III.  Geographical  Conditions. — Our  country  is  an  island  surrounded 
by  a  vast  ocean.  Open  a  map  and  look  at  the  position  of  our 
country  and  you  will  find  in  its  situation,  which  lies  in  the  farthest 
limit  of  the  East,  a  likeness  to  that  of  England,  which  lies  in  the 
extreme  boundary  of  the  West  If  our  country  had  not  been 
isolated  as  it  is,  the  bravery  and  wisdom  of  the  Emperor  Jimmu,  the 
Empress  Jingo,  Kublai  Khan,  Genghis  Khan  or  Toyotomi  Hideyoshi 
might  have  given  an  even  more  remarkable  character  to  our  history, 
and  put  Japan  in  closer  relation  with  the  continent.  There  may 
be  some  disadvantage  in  this  circumstance,  yet  this  isolation  is  the 
evident  reason  why  Japan  is  free  from  those  struggles  about 
boundaries  and  from  the  wars  which  harass  an  avaricious  people. 

Intercourse  with  outsiders  on  the  material  side  has  thus  been 
prevented,  though  intellectual  intercourse  has  long  been  carried  on 
across  the  sea ;  and  the  foreign  ideas  which  came  into  the  country 
have  strengthened  the  foundation  of  our  civilisation.  This,  indeed, 
may  be  said  to  constitute  the  greatness  of  the  Japanese  people,  that 
they,  absorbing  the  neighbouring  civilisations  of  the  East  along  with 
their  own,  have  fused  them  together  and  created  the  civilisation  of 
the  East.  Why  is  Japan,  and  not  India  or  China,  the  creator  of 
this  civilisation?  There  is  no  other  reason  except  the  special 
national  conditions  and  the  strong  beliefs  of  the  people.  The 
blending  of  Eastern  civilisation  was  the  first  step,  and  our  country 
is  beginning  to  take  the  second  step,  which  is  the  blending  of  the 
civilisation  of  the  East  and  the  West. 

The  area  of  our  country  is  not  large  ;  but  the  length  of  the 
coast-line  in  proportion  to  the  area  is  unique.  The  mountains  are 
all  steep  and  lofty,  and  there  is  a  great  diversity  from  the  foot  to 
the  summit,  so  that  there  are  many  different  kinds  of  animals  and 
plants.  As  there  are  many  volcanoes,  earthquakes  are  frequent ; 
yet  not  only  do  they  do  little  damage,  but,  on  the  contrary,  they 
contribute  to  the  beauty  of  the  scenery  of  the  mountains  and 
lakes,  the  best  known  of  which  are  Mount  Fuji  and  Lake  Biwa.  The 
rivers,  being  swift,  offer  little  advantage  for  traffic  ;  but  the  scenery 
about  them  is  charming,  aquatic  products  are  abundant,  the  water- 
power  greatly  benefits  industry,  and  the  abundance  of  water  offers 
facilities  for  irrigation.  Moreover,  the  plains  along  the  rivers  are 
generally  fertile,  and  the  deltas  at  the  river-mouths  are  densely 
populated.  The  surrounding  seas  seldom  freeze ;  they  are  rich  in 
various  kinds  of  marine  products,  and  the  currents  make  the 
climate  mild.  There  is,  in  consequence,  abundant  rain  in  Japan, 
and  this  greatly  promotes  the  growth  of  vegetation.  It  goes  without 


136 


UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 


saying  that  this  vegetation  counts  for  much  in  the  social  economy. 
In  short,  these  geographical  circumstances  have  influenced  the 
development  of  Japanese  civilisation,  and  also  made  the  people 
active,  and  inspired  them  with  a  worship  of  nature.  It  may  be 
specially  noted  that  the  diversity  of  the  climate,  the  currents  which 
cause  great  humidity,  and  the  many  volcanoes  and  swift  rivers, 
have  made  Japanese  scenery  remarkable  for  its  beauty  and  grace. 
The  people  of  Japan  could  not  help  being  influenced  by  such 
an  environment.  It  was  almost  inevitable  that  they  should  love 
cleanliness,  be  quick  in  action,  cultivate  a  peaceful  optimism  along 
with  the  spirit  of  expansion,  and  thus  stimulate  progress  and 
courage,  and  become  a  practical  people. 

IV.  The  Nation. — The  question  of  the  origin  of  the  ancestors 
of  the  Yamato  race  has  long  been  studied,  and  is  not  yet  settled. 
As  the  difference  of  race  is,  however,  not  a  radical  difference,  the 
question  is  not  important.  The  only  point  to  which  special  attention 
must  be  paid  is  the  character  of  the  races  which  actually  make  up 
the  Japanese  nation,  since  the  chief  influence  in  forming  the  nation 
must  be  ascribed  to  the  peaceful  history  and  the  special  geographical 
circumstances  of  our  country. 

According  to  the  inquiry  made  by  the  Japanese  Government  in 
the  year  815  A.D.,  the  Japanese  people  living  in  Ky5to  in  those 
days  were  divided  into  three  sections  :  i.  Kobetsu  (Royal  family), 
2.  Shinbetsu  (prehistoric  family),  3.  Banbetsu  (naturalised  subjects). 
Kobetsu  is  the  Royal  line  which  descends  from  the  Emperor  Jimmu  ; 
Shinbetsu  is  the  line  which  descends  from  the  gods  before  the 
Emperor  Jimmu's  time  ;  and  Banbetsu  is  the  line  of  those  who 
immigrated  from  other  countries  and  were  naturalised.  This  last 
class  numbered  one-third  of  the  whole  population  of  Kyoto.  As 
this  was  more  than  a  thousand  years  ago,  Banbetsu  must  have  pros- 
pered and  increased  in  the  meantime,  and  people  of  other  nation- 
alities may  have  been  naturalised,  so  that  the  Japanese  people  of  the 
present  day  are  greatly  mixed  in  blood.  The  Japanese  nation  may 
be  analysed  briefly  as  follows  : — 


1.  Yamato  race 

2.  People  of  the  Stone1 

Age 

Japanese/^.  Kumaso  Hayato 
Tsuchigumo 

5.  Yezo  (Ainu) 

6.  Naturalised    people 

from  Corea,  China, 
and  other  countries 


f  Kobetsu 


'Shinbetsu 


(Grandson      of    Ama- 
1     terasu-6-Mikami. 
I  Gods  of  Heaven. 
'Gods  of  Earth. 


nation  \ 


\  Banbetsu. 


THIRD   SESSION  137 

The  question  may  be  raised,  why  so  many  races  are  combined  in 
the  Japanese  nation.  A  close  scrutiny  will  discover  that  the  cause 
lies  in  the  firmness  of  the  social  structure,  which  did  not  permit 
immigration  to  cause  any  trouble  to  our  early  ancestors,  and  did  not 
suffer  immigrants  to  feel  any  inconvenience  on  the  part  of  the  Yamato 
race,  but  assimilated  them  all.  One  must  also  recollect  the  advan- 
tages offered  by  the  geographical  and  economic  conditions  of  our 
country.  Moreover,  the  beneficence  and  generosity  of  the  successive 
Emperors  facilitated  the  assimilation  of  these  naturalised  people  and 
made  them  genuine  subjects  of  Japan.  There  is  a  ballad,  sung  in 
the  reign  of  Emperor  Tenchi,  which  may  be  roughly  translated, 
"  The  fruit  of  the  Tachibana  orange  grows  on  different  branches,  yet 
we  can  thread  it  on  a  single  strand."  This  was  sung  in  praise  of 
the  peaceful  reign  in  which  the  naturalised  people  from  Corea, 
though  they  differed  in  origin,  were  treated  by  the  common  sovereign 
in  the  same  way  as  the  original  Japanese  people.  In  later  years,  the 
poet  Rai  Sanyo  sang  as  follows  :  "  When  one  sees  the  charming 
spectacle  of  Miyoshino  on  a  spring  morning,  where  the  dawning  light 
falls  on  the  cherry  blossom,  no  matter  whether  he  be  a  Chinese  or 
of  the  Corean  race,  the  Yamato  spirit  will  be  awakened  in  his  heart." 
This  song  clearly  expresses  the  spirit  of  the  Japanese  nation.  The 
number  of  races  in  a  country  has  much  to  do  with  its  unity.  If  a 
country  has  only  one  race  in  it,  the  unity  of  the  State  and  society  is 
complete,  as  the  ideas  and  customs  of  the  people  are  all  alike.  On 
the  other  hand,  if  there  are  several  races  in  a  country,  the  foundation 
of  the  State  cannot  be  solid,  and  the  people  will  find  it  difficult  to 
avoid  struggles  and  confusion.  In  Japan,  however,  though  there  have 
been  several  races  from  the  foundation  of  the  country,  the  dignity  and 
generosity  of  the  Yamato  race  and  the  excellence  of  the  natural 
conditions  have  led  to  a  complete  assimilation,  and  thus  produced  a 
perfect  and  genuine  new  race.  Thus  has  arisen  in  the  world  a  virile 
nation  destined  to  play  an  important  part  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

In  addition  to  the  accession  of  many  immigrants,  the  population 
of  Japan  has  itself  greatly  increased,  and  this  has  done  much  for  the 
development  of  the  country.  There  is  an  old  saying  to  the  effect 
that  "  Heaven  favours  mankind."  This  means  that  the  reproductive 
power  of  the  race  is  strong.  Though  the  ancient  statistics  cannot  be 
safely  relied  upon  as  a  general  rule,  we  may  yet  glance  at  a  few 
figures  from  certain  old  books,  and  see  the  general  trend  of  the 
increase  of  population  in  ancient,  modern,  and  recent  times. 

A.D. 

610 4,988,842 

982  -.   8,476,400 

1744  .„   , , ,  25,680,000 

1872  33,110,000 

1908  .„.   ., ~ 


138  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

ni  ,One  can  easily  compare  the  rate  of  increase  of  the  population  of 
Japan  with  that  of  other  countries  by  looking  into  any  statistical 
year-book,  and  we  shall  not,  therefore,  go  further  into  this  subject. 
V.  Conclusion. — As  we  have  stated,  the  national  constitution,  the 
geographical  conditions,  and  the  nature  of  the  people — which  are 
the  chief  points  of  difference  between  Japan  and  other  countries — 
are  the  original  causes  of  the  peculiar  development  of  Japan.  The 
political,  economic,  and  educational  influences  are  no  more  than  the 
external  features  of  those  essential  agencies.  And  the  only  thing 
which  explains  all  this  is  Japanese  history,  which  is  replete  with 
loyalty  and  patriotism.  The  succeeding  tides  of  civilisation  came 
into  our  country  from  China  and  India,  and  had  a  great  influence  on 
the  ideas  of  the  Japanese,  yet  the  original  spirit  of  the  people  has 
never  been  changed,  but  has  only  been  improved  by  them,  and  the 
three  kinds  of  civilisation  have  made  up  the  typical  Eastern  civili- 
sation. Recently,  when  the  tide  of  European  and  American  civili- 
sation poured  in  and  mingled  with  the  old  ideal,  Japan  set  herself 
the  task  of  framing  a  new  world-civilisation,  and  the  old  moral  ideas 
and  the  new  scientific  ideas  have  already  been  blended  and  brought 
into  harmony.  This  new  civilisation  is  really  the  new  Japanese 
civilisation.  The  so-called  Yamato  spirit,  or  the  Bushido,  is  only 
the  outcome  of  the  power  which  has  long  been  growing  in  the  mind 
of  the  people.  In  analysing  the  nature  of  the  Japanese  people 
which  has  been  formed  in  this  way,  one  may  assign  the  following 
elements : — 

1.  Nationalism. — This  may  also  be  called  patriotism.       Patriotism 
and  loyalty  are  the  two  radiant  points  in  the  nature  of  the  Japanese 
people,  and  have  really  the  predominant  influence  in  the  country. 
In  some  countries,  it  would  seem,  the  relation  of  the  sovereign  to  the 
people  is  a  relation  of  strength  to  weakness,  not  a  union  of  affection. 
In  Japan,  on  the  contrary,  the  national  constitution  is  no  more  than 
a  great  family  system,  so  that  the  relation  between  the  sovereign 
and  the  subjects  is  just  the  same  as  that  between  father  and  sons. 
What  is  called  individualism  has  no  place  in  Japan. 

2.  Ancestor  Worship. — Ancestor  worship  within  the  family  tends 
to  accentuate  the  love  of  the  family  name,  pride  of  lineage,  and  hero 
worship.     This  spirit  is  one  of  the  most  essential  influences  in  the 
formation   of    the   Empire.      Though    in   other  countries   ancestor 
worship  gradually  decays  as  civilisation  advances,  in  Japan  we  find 
just  the  reverse  tendency^ 

3.  Love  of  Cleanliness. — The  Japanese  people  love  not  only  the 
purity  of  the  body,  but  also  that  of  the  heart.     This  idea  is  the 
pervading  principle  of  Shinto.     The  love   of  beauty  and  glory  is 
inspired    also   by   this  sentiment      It    is   widely   known   that   the 


THIRD   SESSION  139 

Japanese  bathe  more  frequently  than   the  people  of  other  nations, 
and  that  they  are  remarkable  for  cleanliness  in  daily  life. 

4.  Secularism. — The  Japanese  believe  that  social  happiness  and 
all    good   fortune   come  from  the   gods.      It  is  therefore  the   chief 
concern    of   their  lives  to   pray   to   the   gods   for   their   protection. 
The  practice  of  ancestor  worship  comes  from  this  idea,  and  it  also 
leads  to  the  worship  of  the  benefactors  of  the  race. 

5.  Optimism. — While  the  Japanese  adhere  to  secularism,  they  are 
at  the  same  time  optimistic.     Their  country  is  fertile,  the  climate 
mild,  the  scenery  everywhere  charming,  so  that  there  is  nothing  to 
engender  the  pessimistic   feelings  which  one   finds   in  some  other 
countries.     As  a  result,  the  Japanese  have  a  strong  sense  of  humour. 

6.  Practicalness. — That  the   Japanese  are  practical,  and  dislike 
fruitless  speculation,  may  be  gathered  from  the  preceding  paragraphs. 
In  a  country  where  there  is  much  natural  misfortune  or  oppression 
the  people,  in   order   to  avoid   bodily   pain,  seek   comfort    in   the 
subjective  life  and  indulge  in  dreamy  thoughts.     But  in  a  country 
like  Japan,  where  Nature  is  generous  with  her  favours,  time  is  not 
wasted  in  vain  fancies  ;  the  people  think  only  of  carrying  out  their 
duties  of  supporting  themselves  and  maintaining  order  in  the  country. 

7.  Love  of  Nature  and  Plants. — The  love  of  nature  has  certainly 
been   inspired  by  the  beauty  of  the  country.     In  Japan   one   sees 
many   vegetable   products  used  in  the  making  of  food,  dress,  and 
dwellings.    Most  of  the  designs  that  are  used  in  dress  and  other  articles 
are  taken  from  plants  or  flowers.     The  Japanese  also  love  travel. 

8.  Love  of  Simplicity. — As  the  climate  of  Japan  is  bright  and  clear, 
one  of  the  characteristics  of  the  Japanese  is  simplicity.     They  are 
greatly  lacking  in  subtleness  and  complexity.     Their  food,  dress,  and 
dwellings  are  all  simple.     Most  of  the  people  never  eat  meat,  and  are 
thus  better  able  to  cultivate  simplicity.     The  interest  of  the  Japanese 
in  the  tea-room  is  an  excellent  illustration  of  their  love  of  simplicity. 

9.  Love  of  Daintiness. — The  fact  that  Japan  is  a  small  island  may 
have  something  to  do  with  the  people's  love  of  small  things.     In 
literature  and  the  fine  arts  they  are  very  delicate.     Their  tea-rooms, 
gardens,  and  carvings  are  all  small  in  design.     It  is  much  the  same 
in  all  handiwork  that  is  especially  suited  to  the  Japanese  people. 

10.  Love  of  Children. — The  climate  being  gentle,  living  easy,  and 
the  natural  products  abundant,  the  Japanese    have  many  children. 
This  has  been  the  case  from  ancient  times.     A  child  is  said  to  be  a 
"  treasure "  in  Japan.     And  all  people,  however   poor  they  may  be, 
bring  up  their  many  children  with  tenderness. 

11.  The  Spirit  of  Chivalry. — The  spirit  of  chivalry  has  exercised 
a  very  great  influence  on  the  mind  of  the  Japanese  ever  since  the 
foundation  of  the  country.     In  feudal  days  this  spirit  was  inculcated 


140  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

together  with  the  spirit  of  loyalty.     What  is  called  Bushido  is  no 
other  than  this  spirit  of  chivalry. 

12.  Love  of  Courage. — The  Japanese  are  naturally  courageous  and 
active.     This  makes  the  Japanese  face  death  fearlessly  in  war,  and 
stand  in    its  presence  with  calmness  and  composure.      Dr.  Baeltz 
has  said  that  there  is  a  feeling  in  every  Japanese  that  makes  little  of 
life.     This  courage  comes  down  from  ancient  days,  and  was  fostered 
by  Buddhism. 

13.  Evolution. — The  Japanese  are  enamoured  of  progress,  though 
they  do  not  entertain  the  idea  of  sudden  change  or  revolutions.     In 
former  days,  when  our  ancestors  built  up  the  country,  they  controlled 
its  development  with  great  prudence. 

14.  Value  of  Etiquette. — The  Japanese  are  very  polite.     There  is 
a  "strict  etiquette  and  special  code   of  behaviour   for  masters   and 
servants,  parents  and  children,  brothers  and  sisters,  and  husbands 
and  wives.     Again,  in  daily  speech  and  in  letters  there  are  many 
different  titles  of  honour  used.     The   ceremony  of  taking  tea,  or 
arranging  flowers  and  other  little  accomplishments  all  aim  at  the 
cultivation  of  politeness. 

15.  Love  of  Peace. — The  Japanese  love  gentleness  and  generosity. 
Bushido  strongly  discountenances  forwardness,  and   forbids  one  to 
show  one's  courage  unless  there  is  some  need  for  self-defence.     They 
have   a   saying   which   means    "The    undrawn    sword    is   a    great 
honour."     In  feudal  days  the  knights  wore  swords,  but  they  regarded 
as  cowards  those  who  drew  their  swords  without  some  grave  cause. 
The    Japanese    always    loved   animals,   and   in    later  years,   when 
Buddhism  was   introduced,  the  killing   of  animals  was   forbidden. 
Deeds  akin  to  those  of  the  Red  Cross  Society  may  be  found  in  our 
military  history  of  hundreds  of  years  ago.     In  the  battlefield  it  was 
never  the  main  object  of  the  Japanese  to  kill  their  enemies.     Japanese 
history  is  full  of  beautiful  stories  in  this  connection.     The  cry  of  a 
Yellow  Peril  is  surely  due  to  ignorance  of  the  national  characteristics 
of  our  country. 

The  above  is  only  a  brief  account.  Western  civilisation  with  all 
its  dignity  and  brilliance  has  still  much  to  do  before  it  can  realise 
the  dream  of  a  perfect  humanity ;  and  we  venture  to  say  that  what 
is  lacking  in  it  may  to  some  extent  be  supplied  by  the  brighter 
features  of  the  civilisation  which  three  thousand  years  of  experience 
have  created  in  the  life  of  this  island  nation  of  the  Far  East 

JAPANESE   IMPERIAL  RESCRIPT   ON   EDUCATION. 

Issued  1890. 
M  Know  ye,  Our  subjects  : 

"  Our  Imperial  Ancestors  have  founded  Our  Empire  on  a  basis  broad  and 
everlasting,  and  have  deeply  and  firmly  implanted  virtue  ;  Our  subjects  ever  united  in 
loyalty  and  filial  piety  have  from  generation  to  generation  illustrated  the  beauty  there- 


THIRD   SESSION  141 

of.  This  is  the  glory  of  the  fundamental  character  of  Our  Empire,  and  herein  also  lies 
the  source  of  Our  education.  Ye,  Our  subjects,  be  filial  to  your  parents,  affectionate  to 
your  brothers  and  sisters  ;  as  husbands  and  wives  be  harmonious  ;  as  friends  true ; 
bear  yourselves  in  modesty  and  moderation  ;  extend  your  benevolence  to  all  ;  pursue 
learning  and  cultivate  arts,  and  thereby  develop  intellectual  faculties  and  perfect  moral 
powers ;  furthermore,  advance  public  good  and  promote  common  interests  ;  always 
respect  the  Constitution  and  observe  the  laws  ;  should  emergency  arise,  offer  yourselves 
courageously  to  the  State  ;  and  thus  guard  and  maintain  the  prosperity  of  Our  Imperial 
Throne,  coeval  with  heaven  and  earth.  So  shall  ye  not  only  be  Our  good  and  faithful 
subjects,  but  render  illustrious  the  best  traditions  of  your  forefathers. 

"  The  Way  here  set  forth  is  indeed  the  teaching  bequeathed  by  Our  Imperial 
Ancestors,  to  be  observed  alike  by  Their  Descendants  and  the  subjects,  infallible  for 
all  ages  and  true  in  all  places.     It  is  Our  wish  to  lay  it  to  heart  in  all  reverence,  in 
common  with  you,  Our  subjects,  that  we  may  all  thus  attain  to  the  same  virtue." 
[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


SHINTOISM 

By  Dr.  GENCHI  KATO, 

Lecturer  on   the  Science  of  Religion  in  the  Imperial    University   of 

Tokyo. 

As  is  well  known,  the  Indo-European  mode  of  thinking  is  pantheistic, 
both  in  religion  and  philosophy,  and  the  idea  of  naturalistic  pantheism 
culminates  in  "  Natura  sive  Deus"  to  put  it  in  Spinoza's  words,  and 
again,  in  the  noted  Buddhistic  terminology,  "  Herbs,  trees,  and  even 
minerals,  are  all  to  be  the  very  Buddha." 

In  ancient  India,  the  pantheistic  expression  of  thought  was  really 
traceable  in  the  Vedic  hymns  dedicated  to  the  gods  Puru'sa  and 
Aditi,  and,  therefore,  also  the  Mundaka  Upanishad  says  :  "  Fire  is  His 
head,  His  eyes  sun  and  moon,  His  ears  the  regions  of  the  sky,  the 
revealed  Veda  is  His  voice,  the  wind  His  breath,  the  Universe  His 
heart,  from  His  feet  is  the  earth." 

In  Shintoism,  the  first  germ  of  the  pantheistic  idea  was  already 
discernible  even  in  its  crude  form  of  an  animistic  philosophy,  when 
the  Nihongi  speaks  of  trees  and  herbs  that  have  the  faculty  of  speak- 
ing like  men,  and  the  Kojiki  speaks  of  animals  and  vegetables  all 
coming  into  being  from  the  very  body  of  the  Goddess  of  Great  Food  ; 
for,  from  what  is  stated  here  we  can  easily  get  the  following  equation  : 
The  body  of  the  Food-Goddess  =  natural  beings. 

Let  us  illustrate  this  point  by  the  following  quotation  from  the 
text :  "  The  Princess-of-Great-Food  took  out  all  sorts  of  dainty  things 
from  her  nose,  her  mouth,  and  her  fundament,  and  made  them  up 
into  all  sorts  of  (dishes),  which  she  offered  to  him.  But  His-Swift- 
Impetuous-Male-Augustness  (Susa-no-o-no-mikotoJ  watched  her  pro- 
ceedings, considered  that  she  was  offering  up  to  him  filth,  and  at  once 
killed  the  Deity  Princess-of-Great-Food  (O-getsu-hime-no-kami).  So 


142  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

the  things  that  were  born  in  the  body  of  the  Deity  who  has  been 
killed  were  as  follows  :  in  her  head  were  born  silkworms,  in  her  two 
eyes  was  born  millet,  in  her  nose  were  born  small  beans,  in  her  lower 
parts  was  born  barley,  in  her  fundament  were  born  large  beans " 
(Chamberlain,  Kojiki,  p.  70). 

We  also  read  from  the  Nihongi  as  follows  :  "  So  he  (Susa-no-o-no- 
mikoto)  plucked  out  his  beard  and  scattered  it.  Thereupon  crypto- 
merias  were  produced.  Moreover,  he  plucked  out  the  hairs  of  his 
breast,  which  became  Thuyas.  The  hairs  of  his  buttocks  became 
Podocarpi.  The  hairs  of  his  eyebrows  became  camphor-trees " 
(Aston,  Nihongi,  vol.  i.  p.  58). 

In  the  cosmogonic  myth  of  Japan,  we  find,  strictly  speaking,  no 
creation,  i.e.,  no  creatio  ex  nihilo,  but  simply  production  or  genera- 
tion, i.e.,  procreation  or  begetting.  In  the  idea  of  creation,  like  in  the 
Genesis  of  the  Old  Testament,  the  creator-deity  is  more  or  less  higher 
than  its  creatures,  and  stands  aloof  from  man  and  the  world,  just  as 
the  position  of  the  master  is  somehow  or  other  loftier  than  that  of  the 
servant  or  slave.  On  the  contrary,  if  everything  is  produced  from  the 
body  of  God,  and  the  procreator  and  the  procreated  are  not  different 
in  the  last  analysis  ;  in  other  words,  they  are  not  different  in  kind,  but 
differ  only  in  degree,  to  put  this  in  the  Spinozistic  terminology,  God 
=  natura  naturans,  the  world  =  natura  naturata,  and  Giordano  Bruno 
called  them  implicatio  and  explicatio  respectively.  From  such  a  point 
of  view  the  procreation  or  generation  of  the  world  and  men  from  the 
body  of  God  is  nothing  but  emanation — true,  a  lower  form  of  emana- 
tion in  Japanese  mythology  though  it  is  of  a  higher  philosophical 
nature  in  the  emanation-theory  of  the  Neo- Platonic  School.  So,  in 
like  manner,  in  the  story  of  Izanagi  (male-god)  and  Izanami's  (female 
god)  begetting  of  the  land,  i.e.,  the  world,  we  can  trace  an  early  form 
of  pantheism  in  Japanese  mythology.  The  description  of  the  Nihongi 
on  this  point  is  as  follows  :  "  They  (the  above-mentioned  male  and 
female  deities)  next  produced  the  sea,  then  the  rivers,  and  then  the 
mountains.  They  then  produced  kuku-no-chi,  the  ancestor  of  the 
trees,  and  kaya-no-hime.  After  this  Izanagi-no-mikoto  and  Izanami- 
no-mikoto  consulted  together,  saying :  "  We  have  now  produced  the 
Great-eight-island  country,  with  the  mountains,  rivers,  herbs,  and 
trees"  (Nihongi,  vol.  i.  p.  18).  Here  we  can  distinctly  see  that  there 
lies  no  great  difference  between  cosmogony  and  theogony  in  such  a 
naturalism  as  is  embodied  in  original  Shintoism.  Moreover,  to  the 
ancient  Japanese,  serpents,  wolves,  tigers,  crocodiles,  and  birds,  e.g., 
the  cormorant,  the  crow,  &c.,  are  all  gods  ;  and  men  are  also  among 
the  number.  The  Nihongi  says :  "  In  that  land  there  were  numerous 
Deities  which  shone  with  a  lustre  like  that  of  flies,  and  evil  Deities 
which  buzzed  like  flies.  There  were  also  trees  and  herbs,  all  of  which 


THIRD  SESSION  143 

could  speak  "  (vol.  i.  p.  64).  Such  an  animistic  view  of  Nature  as  that 
cultivated  among  the  ancient  Japanese  easily  leads  to  a  crude 
naturalistic  pantheism  ;  hence  we  are  little  surprised  to  hear  that  the 
pantheistic  Mahayana  Buddhism  easily  conquered  Shintoism,  and 
both  religions  were  at  last  completely  amalgamated  with  each  other 
in  this  land  of  the  Rising  Sun  ;  for,  in  so  far  as  both  religions  are  of  a 
pantheistic  nature,  original  Shintoism  may  be  considered  as  the 
aboriginal  forerunner  of  Buddhism  at  its  early  stage  of  nature-religion 
in  this  country,  and  vice  versa  the  pantheistic  Mahayana  Buddhism 
partly  introduced  into  and  partly  developed  here  in  Japan  the  natural 
consummation  of  Shintoism  or  the  way  of  the  Gods,  when  the  general 
culture  of  the  people  reached  the  high  stage  of  ethico-spiritualistic 
religion.  And  the  completion  of  such  a  religious  amalgamation  is, 
in  my  opinion,  due  partly  to  the  comprehensive  nature  of  the 
Greater  Vehicle  of  Buddhism  and  partly  to  the  original  tolerant 
spirit  already  existing  in  the  naturalistic  pantheism  of  original 
Shintoism. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 

r(1  in 


Dr.  Eiza  Tevfik's  Paper  on  "Turkey"  will  be  found  in  the 

Appendix. 


fe*'.*fi>h},b  r»fii  rmm  lib  ,nv//>i>  vlifiufri^      w 

rb    MM!  '*  oa  —  atfiofatrj  Nr 

.   c;.,  '.\horf  -xll  no  fjvjovf;  lUrk  -o/;-^  lK?.it>vinu  lo 


OJ      -..p. 

PERSIA 
By  HADJI  MIRZA  YAHYA,  Teheran. 


The  sons  of  Adam  are  members  of  one  body  ; 
For  they  are  made  of  one  and  the  same  nature  ; 
When  Fortune  brings  distress  upon  one  member, 
The  peace  of  all  the  others  is  destroyed. 
O  thou,  who  art  careless  of  thy  fellow's  grief, 
It  fits  not  thou  should'st  bear  the  name  of  man. 

*        *  «-* 

SADI. 

THE  ancient  nation  which  has  played  so  glorious  a  part  on  the 
stage  of  the  world's  history,  which  for  centuries  has  charmed 
humanity  by  the  penetration  of  its  philosophic  teaching  and  the 
delicacy  of  its  poetic  feeling,  which  has  yielded  up  the  buried  records 
of  its  long  past  to  give  lustre  to  the  greatest  museums  in  the  world 
— that  nation,  I  say,  now  adding  new  aspirations  to  its  old  glories, 
comes  to-day,  strong  in  its  honour  and  the  indisputable  right  of 
antiquity,  before  a  Congress  which  is  one  of  the  most  honourable 
that  the  world  has  ever  seen. 


144  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

The  gaze  of  the  world's  thinkers  is  focussed  to-day  upon  this 
radiating  centre,  where  all  the  great  nations  will  gather  for  mutual 
understanding.  Never  before  has  such  a  gathering  been  possible. 
Indeed,  what  greater  success  could  be  imagined  than  that  of  an 
interracial  Congress  destined  to  link  all  thinkers  in  the  strong 
bonds  of  friendship,  inviting  each  nation  to  transcend  its  limitations 
of  national  feeling  and  reach  out  towards  an  infinite  space  whose 
limits  shall  be  only  those  of  humanity  itself;  so  that  under  the 
influence  of  this  high  teaching  the  spirit  of  man  may  no  longer 
erect  a  barrier  between  Eastern  and  Western,  Asiatic  and  European, 
the  nations  of  the  New  World  and  the  nations  of  Africa,  but  may 
realise  that  the  child  is  equally  unable  to  endure  hunger  whether 
he  hail  from  East  or  West,  that  wounds  are  painful  alike  to 
European  and  African,  that  the  Asiatic  no  less  than  the  American 
mother  is  heart-broken  by  the  death  of  a  child.  Thus  as  the 
clinging  to  old  customs  grows  less  obstinate  and  the  nations  are 
cleansed  of  that  fanaticism  which  is  so  unnecessary  to  the  human 
spirit  and  so  prolific  a  source  of  discord,  it  will  be  possible  to  bring 
in  the  radiant  era  of  a  new  morality  which  looks  on  all  men  as 
members  of  one  common  body,  as  an  integral  part  of  one  single 
Whole,  as  different  renderings  of  one  and  the  same  Original :  from 
affinity  of  thought  and  solidarity  of  international  relations  a  feeling 
of  oneness  will  gradually  dawn,  till  from  the  darkness  of  our  blood- 
thirsty customs — so  much  nearer  the  brute  than  the  human — the 
sun  of  universal  peace  shall  appear  on  the  horizon  of  the  nations 
and  the  differences  which  will  continue  to  arise  in  this  world  shall 
be  easily  settled  before  the  tribunal  of  peace-loving  consciences. 

It  is,  of  course,  true  that  just  as  the  evolution  of  matter  requires 
long  ages  to  reach  perfection,  so  the  progress  of  moral  principles 
will  require  endless  time  before  the  final  goal  of  a  universal  morality 
can  be  attained.  Still  the  day  will  certainly  arrive  when  interna- 
tional friendship  will  pave  the  way  for  an  association  of  mankind 
under  simple  conditions  in  which  superfluities  have  no  place.  And 
once  this  is  so,  then  human  nature,  beautiful  in  simplicity  and 
endowed  with  a  new  power  of  magnetic  attraction,  will  draw  the 
scattered  atoms  of  humanity  together  into  one  single  body.  And 
the  final  achievement  of  human  thought  will  be  the  clear  setting 
forth  of  that  unity  which  is  at  the  heart  of  the  universe.  How  can 
this  truth  admit  of  doubt  ?  We  know,  on  the  one  hand,  that  the 
Whole  possesses  in  itself  the  properties  of  its  parts  ;  we  see,  on  the 
other,  that  little  children,  before  they  are  taught  to  appreciate  the 
usefulness  of  association,  act  in  opposition  to  each  other  so  that 
their  intercourse  does  harm  rather  than  good  ;  while,  later  on,  under 
the  beneficial  influence  of  education,  their  activities  furnish  them 


THIRD   SESSION  145 

with  opportunities  of  friendly  competition.  Why,  then,  should  we 
not  believe  that  similarly  a  day  will  dawn  when  humanity,  governed 
by  a  higher  morality  than  it  has  yet  known,  will  turn  towards  this 
ideal  of  a  well-regulated  and  friendly  life  ? 

Why  should  we  not  believe  that  some  day  those  discords,  which 
are  the  result  of  an  imperfect  moral  education,  will  die  out,  that 
the  clouds  of  ignorance  will  roll  away,  and  the  union  of  mankind 
be  consummated  in  all  its  brightness  and  splendour? 

And  on  that  day  the  nations  will  be  members  of  one  and  the 
same  great  family  and  the  earth  will  be  their  one  big  home. 

Origin  of  the  Persians. — It  cannot  be  made  matter  of  reproach 
to  the  Persian  people  that  they  have  no  exact  knowledge  of  their 
national  history,  for  a  nation  whose  historical  documents  have  been 
more  than  once  committed  to  the  flames  could  not  know  its  past 
any  better  than  they  know  theirs.  Happily,  however,  though  the 
history  written  on  papyrus  or  parchment  has  been  entirely  destroyed, 
yet  the  history  engraved  upon  stones  (Takhte"  Djemchide,  Taghe* 
Boustan,  &c.)  and  the  evidence  obtained  through  excavations  at 
Susa,  Nineveh,  and  Babylon  are  still  left  to  us.  The  records  pre- 
served in  the  Memoirs  of  the  Ancestors  were  collected  in  the 
eleventh  century  by  Firdousi  in  his  "  Book  of  Kings."  And  apart 
from  such  references  as  are  found  in  the  Sacred  Writings,  there 
are  famous  Greek  historians,  such  as  Herodotus,  Xenophon,  and 
Ctesias  who  have  left  behind  them  all  the  valuable  documentary 
evidence  that  they  could  find  relating  to  this  epoch. 

Still,  as  historians  hold  very  different  opinions  concerning  the 
origin,  the  branches  and  the  cradle  of  the  Iranian  race,  we  leave  the 
study  of  these  problems  to  the  investigation  of  specialists.  We  can, 
however,  affirm  that  it  is  a  race  which  has  played  a  very  important 
part  in  the  formation  of  other  races,  and  if  it  cannot  be  regarded  as 
the  mother  of  them  all,  it  can  at  least,  and  with  a  high  degree  of 
certainty,  be  looked  upon  as  their  sister.  We  can  consider  them  as 
branches  of  one  and  the  same  stock.  The  Persians  of  to-day  will 
therefore  be  very  happy  if,  after  long  centuries  of  separation  from 
their  ancient  kinsfolk,  they  can  again  cement  the  broken  ties  and 
strengthen  them  from  day  to  day. 

Customs  and  Habits  of  the  Persians. — History  shows  us  that  the 
natural  customs  of  the  Persian  race  were  good.  "  The  Persians," 
thus  some  famous  Orientalists  have  remarked,  "  imparted  their  good 
customs  not  only  to  nations  with  whom  they  were  at  peace,  but  even 
to  those  who  effected  the  conquest  of  their  country."  Still  it  must 
be  allowed  that  various  corrupting  influences  have  been  at  work  : 
the  fusion  with  other  races  ;  the  formation  of  different  kingdoms ; 
above  all,  the  invasions  to  which  this  country  has  been  subject, 

L 


i46  UNIVERSAL   RACES  CONGRESS 

whether  of  foreign  foes  or  of  barbarous  hordes  who  ravaged  the  land 
on  their  way  to  invade  Europe ;  and  lastly,  the  semi-feudal  system  of 
government  which  has  been  in  force  for  centuries — all  these  factors 
have  acted  disastrously  on  the  customs  of  the  Persians  and  prevented 
them  from  concerning  themselves,  as  they  might  have  done,  with  the 
development  of  their  civic  responsibilities.  Bad  government  has  also 
had  a  nefarious  influence.  Members  of  the  Court,  knowing  that  they 
could  only  attain  their  personal  ends  by  sowing  discord  among  the 
different  sections  of  the  nation,  showed  unwearying  persistence  in 
the  pursuit  of  this  policy,  the  result  of  which  could  not  be  other  than 
intestine  strife. 

1'U:'And  yet  an  attentive  survey  of  Persian  customs  will  soon  show 
that  these  evil  influences  have  not  really  permeated  all  classes  in  the 
nation,  but  have  acted  solely  upon  those  classes  which  have  been 
more  particularly  exposed  to  them.  If,  then,  during  these  last  cen- 
turies in  which  the  light  of  a  new  civilisation  has  been  shed  abroad 
upon  the  world,  the  Persians  have  failed  to  keep  abreast  with  the 
progressive  movement  and  turn  it  to  real  advantage,  it  is  because 
they  had  had  insufficient  opportunities  of  intercourse  with  European 
nations,  and  were,  consequently,  not  in  a  position  to  familiarise 
themselves  with  European  customs.  This  lack  of  intercourse  was 
due  to  the  following  causes : — 

bn;;I;  The  despotic  Persian  Government  considered  that  international 
relationships  and,  consequently,  the  awakening  of  the  nation  to  a 
knowledge  of  its  lawful  rights  were  prejudicial  to  Government 
interests.  Now  the  Persian  religion  itself  teaches  that  Government 
can  only  be  lawful  when  it  rests  its  claim  on  the  justice  of  the 
sovereign  and  the  free  consent  of  the  nation.  Since  the  despotic 
Government  did  not,  as  a  rule,  comply  with  these  two  conditions  and 
was  therefore  fearful  of  popular  risings  and  threatened  by  the  opposi- 
tion of  the  true  representatives  of  religion,  it  found  itself  in  a 
somewhat  precarious  position.  This  is  why  it  had  fostered  the 
growth  of  a  clerical  party  with  a  view  to  weakening  religion  and 
preventing  a  general  uprising.  This  party,  acting  in  concert  with  the 
Government,  kept  the  people  in  a  slavish  condition  of  perpetual 
degradation  and  profound  ignorance.  It  further  opposed  the 
establishment  of  good  relations  with  other  nations  and  the  study  of 
their  language  and  history  on  the  false  assumption  that  these  things 
were  contrary  to  the  teaching  of  Islam.  Islam,  in  reality,  had  never 
countenanced  such  views  ;  but  the  general  public,  misled  by  false 
interpretations,  were  ignorant  of  the  real  truths  of  religion. 

2.  If  the  Europeans  who  visited  Persia  were  official  personages, 
they  contented  themselves  with  the  accomplishment  of  their  mission, 
and  never  became  intimate  with  us  in  a  manner  calculated  to  enlist 


THIRD   SESSION  147 

our  sympathies.  On  the  contrary,  some  of  them  were  made  so  con- 
scious of  their  own  power  by  the  weakness  of  our  Government  that 
their  behaviour  was  such  as  to  excite  a  general,  though  smothered, 
indignation.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  they  were  tourists,  the  religious 
considerations  referred  to  above  prevented  them  from  entering  our 
homes  and  becoming  acquainted  with  our  real  customs.  Thus  the 
descriptions  they  afterwards  gave  of  their  journey  were  sometimes 
superficial  and  in  many  respects  very  far  from  true.  For  the  most 
part  their  writings  were  an  indictment  brought  against  the  Persian 
nation  rather  than  the  description  of  its  customs  or  the  story  of 
its  national  life ;  and  so  far  as  any  echo  of  them  reached  Persia, 
it  could  tend  only  to  increase  the  hatred  already  felt  and  incline 
the  Persians  to  believe  that  all  Europeans  alike  judged  them  after 
the  same  manner. 

3.  If  the  Shah  or  people  of  the  upper  classes  travelled  in  Europe, 
they  brought  considerable  pecuniary  loss  upon  their  nation,  while  yet 
contributing   nothing   to   the   principle   of  international    friendship. 
Finally,  if  the  Persians  who  travelled  in   Europe  belonged  to  the 
student  class,  then,  through  lack  either  of  proper  guidance  or  of  a 
clear  vision  of  their  future,  they  were  drawn  into  the  giddy  pursuit  of 
pleasure   instead  of  concentrating  themselves  on  study,  and   when 
they  returned  to  their  own  country  they  unhappily  behaved  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  alienate  the  sympathy  of  their  countrymen  who  credited 
them  with  possessing  Western  habits.     There  have  been,  however,  a 
few  ambassadors  and  important  personages  of  some  enlightenment, 
and  likewise  a  few  students,  who   have  brought   back   from   their 
European  travels  contributions  worthy  of  appreciation  :  such  persons 
have  understood  how  to  bring  the  laws  of  European  nations  into 
touch  with  the  principles  of  Moslem  civilisation,  how  to  spread  and 
foster  among  the  Persians  anything  that  had  seemed  to  them  praise- 
worthy in  European  customs,  and  finally  how  to  awaken  in  them  the 
sense  of  international  relationship. 

4.  The  cause  which  more  than  any  other  has  hindered  us  from 
seeking  friendly  relations  with  Western  peoples  is  that,  wedged  in 
as  we  are   between   two   powerful   neighbours,   our   impressions  of 
European   civilisation   have   often   been  associated  with  unpleasant 
political  experiences,  a  circumstance  which  has  naturally  given  rise  to 
mistrust. 

France,  however,  and  the  United  States  have  helped,  if  only 
slightly,  to  diminish,  this  mistrust,  the  former  by  means  of  books  and 
papers  which  have  furthered  the  development  of  scientific  ideas,  the 
latter  by  charitable  enterprises,  such  as  the  foundation  of  hospitals 
and  schools  and  the  distribution  of  help  to  the  needy  during  times  of 
famine. 


148  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

The  Persians  have  no  natural  prejudice  against  the  establishment 
of  friendship  and  a  good  understanding  with  civilised  nations.  Nor 
is  there  anything  in  their  customs  and  habits  which  would  prevent 
their  taking  a  part  in  international  affairs ;  for  their  religious  prin- 
ciples, which  have  more  influence  than  any  other  factor  in  determining 
the  standpoint  of  the  general  public,  are  all  in  favour  of  democracy, 
and  nullify  the  advantages  of  hereditary  nobility.  "  Great  and  small, 
noble  and  plebeian,"  said  the  Prophet,  "shall  be  equals  among  you." 
Religion,  moreover,  lays  stress  on  the  need  for  developing  civic 
responsibility  :  "  Let  each  one  of  you  share  in  the  direction  of  public 
affairs,"  said  Mahomet,  "  and  every  one  who  thus  directs  is  responsible." 
It  lays  down  the  principle  that  the  Government  should  be  assisted  by 
a  deliberative  assembly  :  "  They  consulted  together  regarding  their 
social  affairs  "  (Koran,  Surat  243,  verse  36). 

The  religion  of  the  Persians  makes  monotheism  essentially  cos- 
mopolitan, and  calls  for  universal  peace  among  its  disciples  to  whatever 
nationality  they  may  belong  :  "  O  followers  of  the  Scriptures,  come 
hearken  to  this  one  saying :  that  all  may  be  equal  between  us  and 
you,  let  us  agree  together  to  worship  only  the  one  God  and  put  naught 
else  on  a  level  with  Him  "  (Koran,  Surat  3,  verse  57). 

It  declares  the  equality  of  all  men,  calling  to  mind  that  they 
are  all  children  of  the  same  father  and  the  same  mother  and  that  only 
virtue  can  give  to  one  man  preference  over  his  fellow  :  "  O  men,  we 
have  created  you  of  one  man  and  one  woman ;  we  have  distributed 
you  in  tribes  and  families  to  the  end  that  you  may  know  one 
another.  The  worthiest  before  God  is  that  man  from  among  you  who 
is  most  virtuous"  (Koran,  Surat  ,  verse  13). 

And  lastly,  it  stands  for  religious  freedom  :  "  Let  there  be  no 
constraint  in  religion"  (Koran,  Surat  2,  verse  257).  In  such  prin- 
ciples as  these  there  is,  then,  nothing  which  could  deter  men  from 
entering  into  international  relationships. 

And  here  it  may  not  be  irrelevant  to  mention  that  the  number 
of  religious  sects  in  Persia  was  often  due  to  political  causes.  For 
natural  conditions,  combined  with  difficulty  of  communication, 
tended  to  isolate  our  great  thinkers,  making  intercourse  and  inter- 
change of  ideas  impossible  to  them.  Thus  each  propagated  his  own 
ideas  separately,  without  knowing  what  other  people  were  thinking, 
and  clothed  them  moreover  in  a  religious  garb,  because  that  is  the 
form  in  which  ideas  always  make  the  widest  and  most  influential 
appeal  to  the  Persian  people. 

Again,  with  regard  to  the  position  of  women  in  Persia :  the 
fact  that  they  must  go  about  veiled,  is  no  obstacle  in  the  path 
of  progress.  For  in  this  matter  one  thing  is  certain :  the  rule 
about  veiling  applies  to  parts  of  the  body  other  than  the  face  and 


THIRD   SESSION  149 

hands.  Moreover,  in  the  villages  and  among  the  tribes,  the  women, 
far  from  veiling  themselves,  go  about  with  face  uncovered,  live  a 
simple,  natural  life,  help  to  bear  the  burdens  of  the  men,  taking  their 
part  even  in  the  hardest  toil  and  engaging  in  industrial  occupations 
which  often  yield  very  valuable  wares,  such  as  carpets,  &c.  In 
the  towns,  the  women,  though  veiled,  are  by  no  means  unacquainted 
with  household  routine  and  the  education  of  children.  They  also 
understand  manual  occupations  which  are  productive  of  fine  and 
costly  merchandise.  And,  above  all,  a  new  horizon,  has  latterly  been 
opened  to  them  through  the  establishment  of  private  schools  for  girls 
and  special  educational  classes  for  women. 

To  turn  to  another  point  of  view,  the  softness  and  subtlety  of  the 
Persian  language  may  help  to  develop  and  strengthen  still  further 
our  relations  with  Western  nations.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Europeans 
even  have  learnt  to  appreciate  Persian  literature,  alike  the  works  of 
our  most  famous  poets  and  the  translations  of  certain  among  them, 
such  as  Firdousi,  Molevi  (Mollahi  Roumi),  Omar  Kayyam,  Sadi, 
Hafiz,  and  others,  into  Western  languages.  Moreover,  as  it  is  impos- 
sible to  bring  out  in  a  translation  the  literary  subtleties  of  the  original, 
those  Europeans  who  have  had  a  special  bent  for  Orientalism  have 
felt  the  need  of  a  thorough  study  of  Persian  literature,  and  they  have 
been  led  to  introduce  the  teaching  of  Persian  into  certain  European 
schools — a  fact  which  has  tended  to  strengthen  our  relations  with 
Europe. 

At  this  point  I  feel  compelled  to  allude  to  the  history  of  the  Per- 
sian language  and  its  transformation   through  the  incorporation  of 
Arabic.     After  the  conquest  of  Persia  by  the  Arabs,  our  language  was 
for  more  than  two  centuries  almost  suppressed  by  the  tongue  of  the 
conquerors,  and  when  at  last  there  was  an  attempt  to  free  it  from  this 
domination,    it  was  found  to  be  already  interspersed  with  Arabic 
words.      The  Persian  scholars  rather  tended  to  encourage  the  ad- 
mixture ;    for  Arabic,  as  being   the    language  of  their  religion,  was 
held  in  honour  and  cultivated  by  them  even  in  preference  to  their 
mother-tongue.     This  is  why  they  chose  the  language  of  the  Koran 
for  many  treatises  on  science  and  morals  which  to-day  are  regarded  as 
Arabic  works.     To  convince  oneself  of  this,  it  is  only  necessary  to 
read  the  works  of  the  following  authors :  Sibeveyh,  the  author  of 
Alketab,  the  best  Arabic  grammar ;  the  philosopher  Pharabi ;  the 
medico-philosopher  Ibne  Sina  (Avicenna);  the  philosopher  Abou  Ali 
Maskoveyh  ;  the  medical  doctor   Mohamed   Zakarya ;  the  mathema- 
tician who  was  also  a  philosopher  and  jurist,  Khadj6  Nassir-ed-Din  ; 
Omar  Kayyam  ;  and  others. 

Here  we  may  fitly  quote  some  verses  by  the  great  poets  which 
breathe  humanitarian  and  inter-racial  sentiments : — 


ISO  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

Firdousi.  "  Cause  not  suffering  to  the  ant  as  she  drags  the  grain  along  ;  for 
she  lives  and  life  is  a  thing  both  sweet  and  fair." 

Sadi.  "  The  sons  of  Adam  are  members  of  one  body ;  for  they  are  made 
of  one  and  the  same  nature;  when  Fortune  brings  distress  upon  one  member, 
the  peace  of  all  the  others  is  destroyed.  O  thou,  who  art  careless  of  thy 
fellow's  grief,  it  fits  not  thou  shouldst  bear  the  name  of  man." 

Mollahi  Roumi.  "Solomon,  king  of  the  animals,  use  thy  wisdom  and  thy 
divine  patience  to  charm  alike  all  birds,  the  weak  no  less  than  the  strong." 

Idem.  "Thou  art  sent  to  preach  union — and  not  to  sow  discord." 

Sanat.  "  What  matter  whether  the  language  be  Arabic  or  Syriac,  if  so  be 
it  express  the  truth  ?  What  matter  whether  the  place  be  east  or  west,  if  only 
God  be  worshipped  there?"1 

Hafiz.  "  Thy  beauty  united  with  thy  gentleness  hath  conquered  the  world. 
Of  a  truth,  it  is  by  union  that  the  world  can  be  conquered." 

Omar  Kayyam.  "  If  there  be  no  rosary,  no  pray  ing- carpet,  no  Sheikh — 
yet  the  church-bell  and  the  priest's  cross  would  suffice  to  guide  thy  con- 
science," 

Orft.  "  So  behave  towards  thy  fellow-men,  O  Orfi,  that  after  thy  death  the 
Mussulman  may  bathe  thee  with  the  holy  water  of  Kaaba  and  the  Hindu 
burn  thee  in  his  sacred  fire." 

Achegh.  "  Thou  has  read  the  Koran,  Achegh,  and  thou  knowest  the  verse, 
'  Eynema  tawallou.' a  When  then  the  gates  of  Kaaba  are  closed,  go  worship 
the  Eternal  in  the  Church." 

Hatef.  "In  the  Church  I  said  to  the  fair  Christian:  'Thou  who  delightest 
my  heart,  explain  to  me  the  meaning  of  the  Trinity.  How  can  three  per- 
sonalities (Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost)  be  ascribed  to  the  one  God?'  She 
replied,  with  a  sweet  smile  :  '  Not  thus  wouldst  thou  have  spoken  hadst  thou 
understood  the  mystery  of  Unity.  The  Eternal  has  shown  His  face  in  three 
mirrors.  He  does  not  become  three  if  thou  callest  Him  by  three  names.' 
Meantime  the  bell  chimed  out.  It  seemed  to  say  :  '  He  is  unique ;  He  is 
alone  ;  there  is  one  only  God.' " 

Again,  the  attitude  of  mind  observable  among  the  Persians  of 
to-day  would  seem  to  augur  well  for  the  future.  Conscious  of 
their  own  weakness  and  backwardness  as  regards  modern  science 
and  progress,  they  feel  they  must  follow  in  the  wake  of  other 
nations  and  make  up,  if  possible,  for  time  lost.  This  is  undoubtedly 
the  first  step  towards  progress.  With  the  help,  then,  of  clever 
engineers  and  foreign  capital,  they  will  try  to  remove  the  natural 
obstacles  which  at  present  tend  to  split  up  their  national  life ;  to 
lessen  the  great  distances  between  their  towns  by  means  of  rail- 
roads ;  to  utilise  wasted  sources  of  water  supply  (such  as  the  waters 
of  Avaz)  ;  to  fertilise  rich  tracts  of  soil  at  present  uncultivated  ; 
and  to  make  hives  of  the  villages  by  means  of  the  nomad  tribes 
who  are  a  considerable  force  in  the  country.  Further,  they  will 
develop  their  intellectual  relations  with  the  West  by  inviting  pro- 
fessors from  Europe  and  sending  students  thither,  by  encouraging 

1  Here  there  is  the  expression  u  Djabolsa,  Djabolga,"  two  famous  mythological 
towns  in  the  East. 

•  "  The  East  and  the  West  belong  to  God  :  whithersoever  your  glance  be  turned, 
you  will  meet  His  face"  (Koran,  Surat  2,  verse  109). 


THIRD  SESSION  151 

the  translation  of  books,  and  by  giving  lectures  on  moral  and 
scientific  subjects. 

We  are  in  a  position  to  state  that  of  late  years — notably  since 
the  change  of  regime — public  education  and  journalism  have  made 
considerable  strides.  Let  us  add  that  to-day  the  people  are  insistently 
demanding  the  aid  of  advisers  from  neutral  European  countries,  for 
they  understand  that  the  realisation  of  their  hopes  is  dependent,  in 
large  measure,  on  orderly  administration.  The  careful  organisation 
of  the  Customs  during  the  last  nine  years  has  been  a  great  help  in 
developing  international  commerce.  Statistics  show  that  imports 
have  increased  by  50  per  cent.,  and  exports  by  140  per  cent. 

Finally,  let  us  say  that,  sensible  of  the  advantages  that  will  accrue 
to  us,  morally  and  materially,  from  commercial  relations  with  Europe 
we  are  pursuing  the  policy  of  the  "  open  door,"  though  unhappily  the 
Russian  Government  strongly  opposes  this  policy  by  imposing  heavy 
duties.  There  is,  however,  one  little  breach  in  this  barrier :  I  refer  to 
the  system  of  parcel-post  which  has  sensibly  increased  the  traffic 
between  Persia  and  Europe.  And  if  this  barrier  could  be  altogether 
removed,  or  even  if  the  duties  on  traffic  could  be  made  less  heavy,  a 
day  of  happiness  would  dawn  for  all  Persia,  for  on  the  one  hand  she 
would  be  able  to  procure  better  and  cheaper  wares,  and,  on  the  other, 
develop  her  material  and  moral  relations  with  European  countries. 

The  Change  of  Regime  in  Persia  and  its  Causes. — For  a  long 
time  all  the  enlightened  members  of  the  Persian  nation  and  those 
who  favoured  reform  blamed  the  bad  Government  of  the  country  for 
its  backward  state  and  its  powerlessness  in  the  grip  of  political  forces 
to  the  north  and  south.  During  this  period  all  who  were  longing  to 
see  the  resurrection  of  their  country  devoted  themselves  to  impressing 
on  the  people  a  real  knowledge  of  their  sufferings  and  their  sad 
condition,  and  laboured  to  secure  a  progressive  evolution  of  the 
governmental  system.  But  their  efforts  were  not  crowned  with 
success,  and  this  for  two  reasons  :  in  the  first  place,  the  despotic 
Government  had  found  a  powerful  ally  in  the  clerical  party,  who  helped 
to  stifle  every  attempt  at  liberal  expansion  by  using  religion  as  a  pretext 
and  treating  with  suspicion  and  denunciation  all  those  who  showed 
themselves  accessible  to  ideas  of  reform.  This  policy  was  still 
further  encouraged  by  what  proved  to  be  a  disastrous  event  for  the 
reformers,  namely,  the  appearance  of  Babism  whose  adherents  were 
considered  to  be  worthy  of  death.  For  under  the  arbitrary  regime, 
few  people  dared  to  criticise  the  proceedings  of  the  Government,  and 
those  who  made  the  venture  were  accused  of  Babism.  Secondly,  the 
people,  though  suffering  from  the  abuses  of  the  Court,  had  not  yet 
become  so  exasperated  as  to  encourage  and  support  the  movements 
of  the  reformers.  Thus,  the  Government  dragged  on  a  miserable 


152  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

existence  under  the  shelter  of  its  crooked  policy  :  the  people,  growing 
accustomed  to  their  scanty  and  ever-diminishing  resources,  continued 
in  their  age-long  torpor,  and  slumbered  without  thought  of  the 
future. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  when  the  Imperial  Bank  (the  concession 
for  which  had  been  granted  on  January  30, 1889),  together  with  the  newly  founded 
foreign  commercial  houses,  took  the  commercial  and  financial  market  right  out 
of  the  hands  of  the  native  merchants  and  bankers,  and  monopolised  it  for  their 
own  advantage.  The  circulation  of  gold  coin  diminished ;  statistics  showed  a 
great  disproportion  between  exports  and  imports.  Foreign  wares  lowered  the 
value  of  home  products,  and  consequently  a  number  of  workmen  were  thrown 
out  of  employment.  While  resources  were  diminishing  living  became  steadily 
dearer.  Trade  was  languishing,  and,  as  a  crowning  misfortune,  the  peasants 
grew  poorer  daily  and  the  Treasury  was  empty. 

In  spite  of  everything,  Nassred-din  Chah,  who  had  had  a  long  reign  and 
enjoyed  great  personal  prestige  as  well  as  a  wide  experience,  succeeded  in 
covering  up  the  true  state  of  affairs  with  an  outer  varnish  of  order  and  security. 
He  even  succeeded  in  deceiving  his  immediate  following,  pretending  that  he 
had  set  up  a  special  treasury  in  his  private  palace  and  every  now  and  then 
caused  small  quantities  of  gold  to  be  added  to  it.  He  contrived  to  spread 
abroad  the  supposition  that  the  State  Funds  had  been  removed  to  the  palace. 
With  the  exception  of  a  few  favourites,  no  one  knew  the  real  condition  of  the 
private  treasury. 

Nasser-ed-Din  maintained  stability  in  home  affairs  by  sowing  discord  and 
rivalry  among  the  powerful  men  of  the  kingdom.  He  compensated  himself  for 
his  lack  of  money  by  exacting  large  sums  as  presents  froji  the  governors  and 
seizing  a  part  of  the  property  of  rich  men  who  died.  He  secured  his  position 
with  regard  to  foreign  powers  by  secretly  fomenting  rivalry  between  his 
northern  and  southern  neighbours  and  using  every  possible  means  to  win  their 
good  graces.  In  a  word,  the  existence  of  Nasser-ed-Din  presented  a  formidable 
obstacle  to  the  realisation  of  the  dearest  hopes  of  the  progressive  party.  Thus, 
after  his  assassination  (May  i,  1896)  there  was  a  general  reawakening  from 
lethargy  and  a  manifestation  of  tendencies  which  had  till  then  lain  dormant. 

His  successor,  Mozaffer-ed-Din  Chah,  a  man  of  good-natured  disposition  and 
uncertain  health,  neither  would  nor  could  follow  the  political  example  of  his 
father.  Other  factors  also  contributed  to  bring  about  a  change  of  policy  ;  the 
instinctive  aversion  of  the  new  ruler  to  the  encouragement  of  the  so-called 
clergy,  the  pressing  needs  of  the  age,  the  awakening  of  the  national  spirit,  and 
the  temporary  accession  to  power  of  certain  progressive  dignitaries.  Thus, 
thanks  to  the  energy  of  those  who  were  working  for  reform,  the  people  began  to 
enjoy  educational  advantages  of  which  they  had  been  hitherto  deprived,  and 
there  was  a  noteworthy  advance  in  intellectual  development.  New  ideas  were 
encouraged  ;  freedom  of  the  press  and  the  right  of  free  speech  were  in  part 
secured.  On  the  other  hand,  as  the  financial  crisis  became  more  acute,  two 
loans  were  negotiated  in  Russia  (1900  and  1902)  on  onerous  political  conditions. 
But  by  reason  of  the  bad  system  of  government  and  the  carelessness  of  those 
responsible,  the  money  raised  by  these  loans  was  squandered  and  spent  without 
result.  Moreover,  the  Russian  Bank  for  Loans  (the  concession  for  which  was 
granted  on  May  3,  1890)  swallowed  up  the  greater  part  of  the  goods  of  the 
population  and  the  credit  of  the  merchants. 

This  being  the  state  of  affairs,  the  progressive  party,  convinced  though  they 
had  been  of  the  necessity  for  first  training  up  enlightened  men  who  should  be 
capable  of  tackling  the  work  of  purifying  and  reforming  the  system  of  govern- 


THIRD   SESSION  153 

ment,  now  found  themselves  confronted  with  exceptional  circumstances  which 
forced  their  hand  and  compelled  them  to  act  at  once,  quite  contrary  to  their 
original  intentions. 

The  approaching  death  of  Mozaffer-ed-Din  Chah,  and  the  prospect  of  his 
being  succeeded  by  Mohamed  Ali  Chah,  whose  character  and  bad  administration 
were  of  no  good  augury — the  financial  crisis  and  the  general  poverty,  the  depres- 
sion of  trade,  the  anxiety  of  the  people  about  the  condition  of  the  State  Treasury, 
the  tyranny  of  the  Court — all  these  considerations,  combined  with  regard  for 
tranquillity  at  home  and  abroad,  were  the  decisive  factors  which  precipitated 
events  and  caused  the  new  regime  to  be  set  up  before  the  ground  was  ready  to 
receive  it.  As  the  lower  classes  were  not  yet  sufficiently  enlightened  to  under- 
stand the  remedy  for  their  own  ills,  it  was  consequently  the  educated  people  of 
the  upper  class  who  put  themselves  at  the  head  of  the  new  movement  and 
piloted  the  ship  to  harbour — the  people  to  the  realisation  of  their  desires. 

Thus  was  the  system  of  government  changed  and  the  new  regime  inaugurated 
(August  5,  1906),  and  shortly  afterwards  Mozaffer-ed-Din  Chah  died  (January  8, 
1907). 

These  events  coincided  with  the  reversal  of  foreign  policy  in  Persia,  and  she 
found  herself  rid  of  the  inconveniences  of  her  neighbours'  rivalry  only  to  be 
more  harassed  by  their  concerted  action. 

In  a  word,  as  a  consequence  of  the  defective  equipment  of  the  public  authori- 
ties and  the  animosity  and  ill-will  of  Mohamed  Ali  Chah  towards  the  young 
Parliament,  there  ensued  a  long  and  painful  series  of  conflicts,  culminating  in 
the  bombardment  and  destruction  of  this  Assembly  (June  23, 1908).  Nevertheless, 
a  group  of  courageous  patriots,  among  whom  Sattar  Khan  was  the  central  heroic 
figure,  helped  by  nationalists  from  every  country,  kept  up  a  bold  resistance  to 
the  despotism.  Moreover,  the  true  spiritual  leaders  of  the  people,  who  under 
these  circumstances  judged  it  necessary  to  interfere  in  the  political  arena,  for- 
bade the  payment  of  taxes  to  the  Government  of  Mohamed  Ali  Chah.  At  the 
cost  of  great  sacrifice,  the  nationalist  forces  reassembled,  attacked  and  took 
Teheran.  Mahomed  Ali  was  dethroned  on  July  16, 1909,  and  Sultan  Ahmed  Chah 
succeeded  him.  Parliament  reopened  on  November  15,  1909. 

At  this  point  it  becomes  necessary  for  me  to  recapitulate  briefly 
the  statements  I  made  at  the  outset,  and  to  emphasise  once  again  the 
main  purport  of  this  paper.  I  refer  to  the  alleged  xenophobia  of 
which  the  Persians  are  accused  in  some  quarters.  The  allegation 
may  be  at  the  same  time  confirmed  and  denied.  It  may  be  a 
confirmation  when  we  observe  that  the  influence  and  spread  of 
European  civilisation  in  our  country  have  been  tainted  with  political 
implications,  and  have  thus  given  rise  to  public  suspicion.  On  the 
other  hand,  a  categorical  denial  may  be  offered  in  the  sense  that 
there  is  not,  and  never  has  been,  among  our  people  any  natural 
hostility  to  Europeans,  who  are,  after  all,  of  one  and  the  same  race 
with  ourselves.  And  since  we  are  aware  that  we  owe  the  advent  of 
the  new  era  to  philosophic  ideas  and  that,  to  possess  reality  and 
fruitfulness,  it  must  have  the  practical  advantages  of  European  life, 
such  as  railways,  factories,  &c.,  we  are  therefore  very  anxious  to  avail 
ourselves  of  European  help  and  skill  by  granting  concessions  that 
may  be  useful  to  those  States  and  nations  who  have  no  political 
designs  upon  us,  allowing  them  to  profit  by  our  resources  and  the 


154  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

natural  riches  of  our  country.  We  desire  to  attract  foreign  capital  so 
far  as  it  does  not  imply  political  interference,  to  the  end  that  we  may 
develop  and  strengthen  our  country  and  look  forward  with  confidence 
to  the  future  as  we  enter  on  that  path  of  happiness  and  prosperity 
which  our  sister-nations  are  enjoying. 

I  may  conclude  with  the  statement  that  the  Persians  are  con- 
vinced that  there  is  nothing  more  profitable  for  their  future  welfare 
than  commerce  and  contact  with  other  countries  and  the  cementing 
of  international  relations — intellectual,  commercial,  and  economic. 
They  are,  moreover,  prepared,  by  every  means  in  their  power,  to 
welcome  the  material  and  moral  help  of  foreign  countries,  provided 
only  that  it  be  free  from  all  political  implications. 

{Paper  submitted  in  Persian  and  in  French.] 


THE    BAHAI    MOVEMENT 

[A  CONGRESS  designed  to  bring  about  a  fuller  understanding  between  the 
peoples  of  East  and  West  would  be  incomplete  without  an  account  of  the 
Bahai  Movement.  In  1844  there  appeared  at  Shiraz,  in  Persia,  a  youth,  Sayyid 
Ali  Muhammad  by  name,  who  proclaimed  himself  the  herald  of  a  great 
spiritual  teacher  to  come.  Sayyid  Ali  Muhammad,  known  to  his  followers  as  the 
Bab  (Gate),  soon  became  renowned  throughout  Persia  for  his  eloquence  and 
zeal.  In  1850  he  was  shot  at  Tabriz  by  order  of  the  Government,  who  regarded 
him  as  a  dangerous  disturber  of  the  peace.  The  movement  for  religious  and 
social  reform  initiated  by  the  Bab  continued,  however,  to  grow  rapidly. 

In  the  early  sixties  a  Persian  nobleman,  known  hereafter  as  Baha'u'llah, 
proclaimed  himself  to  some  of  his  adherents  as  the  Teacher  whose  appear- 
ance had  been  prophesied  by  the  Bab.  His  personality  attracted  multitudes 
throughout  Persia,  including  the  majority  of  those  who  had  followed  his 
forerunner.  He  wrote  that  God  had  made  all  men  as  the  drops  of  one  sea 
and  the  leaves  of  one  tree,  that  all  races  of  mankind  were  pure,  and  should 
work  in  harmony  together.  He  foresaw  a  time  when  unity  would  be  estab- 
lished between  all  races  and  creeds.  "  Have  noble  thoughts,  healthy  morals, 
and  hygienic  habits,"  he  says.  "Be  examples  to  guide  all  mankind  towards 
its  regeneration,  and  toward  the  peace  of  the  whole  world  !  .  .  .  Let  not  a 
man  glory  so  in  this,  that  he  loves  his  country.  Let  him  rather  glory  in  this, 
that  he  loves  his  kind  !  These  ruinous  wars,  these  fruitless  strifes  must  cease  ; 
and  the  Most  Great  Peace  shall  come." 

The  followers  of  this  movement  underwent  a  bloody  persecution  at  the 
hands  of  the  orthodox  Moslems,  the  martyrs  numbering  above  20,000. 

In  1867  Baha'u'llah  sent  a  letter  to  the  Pope,  to  Queen  Victoria,  and  to 
other  crowned  heads  of  Europe,  calling  upon  the  nations  to  put  down  their 
armaments  and  to  cause  a  conference  of  the  Governments  to  be  held.  The 
letters  are  matters  of  history. 

The  Persian  Government,  fearing  the  effect  of  Baha'u'llah's  growing 
influence,  exiled  him  first  to  Adrianople,  and  finally,  in  1868,  by  an  arrangement 
with  the  Turkish  authorities,  incarcerated  him  in  the  fortress  city  of  Acre  on 
the  Syrian  coast  During  his  exile  he  wrote  many  books,  and  his  influence  as 
a  spiritual  teacher  continued  to  grow.  His  principal  works  are  Hidden  Words 


THIRD   SESSION  155 

and  the  Kiiab-i-Akdas.  Baha'u'llah,  before  his  death  in  1892,  instructed  his 
eldest  son,  Abbas  Effendi,  to  continue  his  work  and  expound  his  writings.  He 
is  widely  known  by  the  name  of  Abdu'l  Baha  Abbas  (i.e.,  Abbas  the  Servant  of 
Baha).1  He  remained  in  confinement  at  Acre  until  1908,  when  he  was  released 
under  the  Young  Turkish  Constitution.  Since  then  'Abdu'l  Baha  has  lived  at 
Haifa,  on  Mount  Carmel. 

This  movement  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  a  new  religion.  Rather .  is  it  a 
world-wide  recognition  of  the  underlying  unity  of  religions  and  peoples,  and  of 
the  ideals  of  international  peace  and  good-will.  It  teaches  the  equality  of  the 
sexes,  the  duty  of  every  one  to  serve  the  community,  and  the  duty  of  the  com- 
munity to  give  opportunity  for  such  service — urging  men  of  all  religions  to  live 
out  their  faith  in  unity  with  their  fellow-men  and  show  that  behind  all  ex- 
pressions of  creed  there  isvone  religion  and  one  God. 

Abdu'l  Baha,  now  sixty-seven  years  of  age,  has  written  many  letters  and 
tablets  explaining  the  teaching  referred  to  above.  The  present  writer  recently 
had  the  privilege  of  seeing  him  in  Egypt,  where  he  met  at  his  table  represen- 
tatives of  the  great  world  faiths — Christians,  Jews,  Moslems,  Buddhists, 
Zoroastrians. 

It  is  estimated  that  in  Persia  alone  there  are  at  least  two  million  Bahais. 
The  total  number  throughout  the  world  must  be  very  considerable  (in  the 
United  States  alone  there  are  several  thousand). 

Probably  about  two-thirds  of  the  avowed  Bahais  are  drawn  from  the 
Mahomedan  world,  the  remaining  third  belonging  to  other  great  world  faiths. 

Abdu'l  Baha  sends  the  following  letter,  conveying  his  greetings  to  the 
Congress.  It  will  be  noted  that  the  unification  of  Races  is  not  intended  to 
mean  the  suppression  of  their  different  characteristics  in  order  that  they  may 
be  blended  into  one,  but  would  imply  that  these  very  differences  are  necessary 
to  constitute  a  harmonious  whole,  and  that  the  duty  of  this  Age  is  to  recognise  the 
possibilities  of  development  within  each  race  in  order  that,  in  a  spirit  of  love,  man- 
kind the  world  over  may  co-operate  in  working  for  Universal  Peace. — W.  T.  P.] 
bm:  '3;i/T.i  if<Mlz  fjius  >.i  >fl.N>  Jiiaruid  yjKfn  vt?dj  v/ud  %m>'r:,;rii  :>-:!  v  ..'H 

LETTER    FROM    ABDU'L  BAHA  TO  THE  FIRST    UNIVERSAL 

RACES  CONGRESS 

When  in  travelling  about  the  world  we  observe  an  air  of 
prosperity  in  any  country,  we  find  it  to  be  due  to  the  existence 
of  love  and  friendship  among  the  people.  If,  on  the  contrary,  all 
seems  depressed  and  poverty-stricken,  we  may  feel  assured  that 
this  is  the  effect  of  animosity,  and  of  the  absence  of  union  among 
the  inhabitants. 

Notwithstanding  that  such  a  state  of  things  is  obvious  to  the 
passing  traveller,  how  often  the  people  themselves  continue  in  the 
sleep  of  negligence,  or  occupy  themselves  in  disputes  and  differences, 
and  are  even  ready  to  slaughter  their  fellow-men  ! 

Consider  thoughtfully  the  continual  integration  and  disintegration 
of  the  phenomenal  universe.  .  .  .  Unification  and  constructive  com- 
bination is  the  cause  of  Life.  Disunion  of  particles  brings  about 
loss,  weakness,  dispersion,  and  decay. 

1  Baha  (Arabic),  "The  Ineffable  Splendour." 


156  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

Consider  the  varieties  of  flowers  in  a  garden.  They  seem  but  to 
enhance  the  loveliness  of  each  other.  When  differences  of  colour, 
ideas,  and  character  are  found  in  the  human  Kingdom,  and  come 
under  the  control  of  the  power  of  Unity,  they  too  show  their  essential 
beauty  and  perfection. 

Rivalry  between  the  different  races  of  mankind  was  first  caused 
by  the  struggle  for  existence  among  the  wild  animals.  This  struggle 
is  no  longer  necessary  :  nay,  rather !  interdependence  and  co-oper- 
ation are  seen  to  produce  the  highest  welfare  in  nations.  The 
struggle  that  now  continues  is  caused  by  prejudice  and  bigotry. 

To-day  nothing  but  the  power  of  the  Divine  Word,  which 
embraces  the  Reality  of  all  things,  can  draw  together  the  minds, 
hearts,  and  spirits  of  the  world  under  the  shadow  of  the  heavenly 
Tree  of  Unity. 

The  Light  of  the  Word  is  now  shining  on  all  horizons.  Races 
and  nations,  with  their  different  creeds,  are  coming  under  the 
influence  of  the  Word  of  Unity  in  love  and  in  peace. 

The  Blessed  One,  Baha'u'llah,  likens  the  existing  world  to  a 
tree,  and  the  people  to  its  fruits,  blossoms,  and  leaves.  All 
should  be  fresh  and  vigorous,  the  attainment  of  their  beauty  and 
proportion  depending  on  the  love  and  unity  with  which  they  sustain 
each  other  and  seek  the  Life  eternal.  The  friends  of  God  should 
become  the  manifestors  in  this  world  of  this  mercy  and  love.  They 
should  not  dwell  on  the  shortcomings  of  others.  Ceaselessly  should 
they  be  thinking  how  they  may  benefit  others  and  show  service  and 
co-operation.  Thus  should  they  regard  every  stranger,  putting  aside 
such  prejudices  and  superstitions  as  might  prevent  friendly 
relations. 

To-day  the  noblest  person  is  he  who  bestows  upon  his  enemy 
the  pearl  of  generosity,  and  is  a  beacon -light  to  the  misguided  and 
the  oppressed.  This  is  the  command  of  Baha'u'llah. 

O  dear  friends  !  the  world  is  in  a  warlike  condition,  and  its  races 
are  hostile  one  to  the  other.  The  darkness  of  difference  surrounds 
them,  and  the  light  of  kindness  grows  dim.  The  foundations  of 
society  are  destroyed  and  the  banners  of  life  and  joy  are  overthrown. 
The  leaders  of  the  people  seem  to  glory  in  the  shedding  of  blood — 
Friendship,  straightness,  and  truthfulness  are  despised.  .  . '..' 

The  call  to  arbitration,  to  peace,  to  love,  and  to  loyalty  is  the 
call  of  Baha'u'llah.  His  standard  floats  since  fifty  years,  summoning 
all  of  whatever  race  and  creed. 

O  ye  friends  of  God  !  acknowledge  this  pure  light ;  direct  the 
people  who  are  in  ignorance,  chanting  the  melodies  of  the  Kingdom 
of  God,  until  the  dead  body  of  mankind  quickens  with  a  new 
life. 


THIRD   SESSION  157 

Guide  the  people  of  God.  Inspire  them  to  emulate  the  lives  of 
the  holy  ones  who  have  gone  before.  Be  ye  kind  in  reality,  not 
in  appearance  only.  Be  ye  fathers  to  the  orphans,  a  remedy  to 
the  sick,  a  treasury  of  wealth  to  the  poor,  a  protector  of  the 
unfortunate. 

Where  love  dwells,  there  is  light !  Where  animosity  dwells,  there 
is  darkness  ! 

O  friends  of  God  !  strive  to  dissipate  the  darkness  and  reveal  the 
hidden  meanings  of  things,  until  their  Reality  becomes  clear  and 
established  in  the  sight  of  all. 


This  Congress  is  one  of  the  greatest  of  events.  It  will  be  for 
ever  to  the  glory  of  England  that  it  was  established  at  her  capital. 
It  is  easy  to  accept  a  truth  ;  but  it  is  difficult  to  be  steadfast  in  it ; 
for  the  tests  are  many  and  heavy.  It  is  well  seen  that  the  British 
are  firm,  and  are  not  lightly  turned  aside,  being  neither  ready  to 
begin  a  matter  for  a  little  while,  nor  prone  to  abandon  it  for  a  little 
reason.  Verily,  in  every  undertaking  they  show  firmness. 

O  ye  people !  cause  this  thing  to  be  not  a  thing  of  words,  but  of 
deeds.  Some  Congresses  are  held  only  to  increase  differences.  Let 
it  not  be  so  with  you.  Let  your  effort  be  to  find  harmony.  Let 
Brotherhood  be  felt  and  seen  among  you  ;  and  carry  ye  its  quicken- 
ing power  throughout  the  world.  It  is  my  prayer  that  the  work  of 
the  Congress  will  bear  great  fruit 

ABDUL  BAHA  ABBAS. 

[Pafer  submitted  in  Persian  and  in  English."] 


EAST   AND   WEST    IN    INDIA 

By  the  Hon.  G.  K.  GOKHALE,  C.I.E.,  Poona,  India, 

Representative  of  Non-official  Members  of  Bombay  Legislature  on  the 
Viceroy's  Legislative  Council,  late  President  of  Indian  Congress. 

THE  object  of  the  Universal  Races  Congress  has  been  described 
by  the  organisers  to  be  "  to  discuss,  in  the  light  of  modern  knowledge 
and  the  modern  conscience,  the  general  relations  subsisting  between 
the  peoples  of  the  West  and  those  of  the  East,  between  so-called 
white  and  so-called  coloured  peoples,  with  a  view  to  encouraging 
between  them  a  fuller  understanding,  the  most  friendly  feelings  and 
a  heartier  co-operation."  With  the  commencement  of  the  twentieth 
century  the  relations  between  the  East  and  the  West  may  be 


158  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

regarded  as  having  entered  on  a  new  phase,  and  it  is,  I  think,  in 
accord  with  the  changed  spirit  of  the  times  that  the  West  should 
think  of  summoning  a  Congress  where  the  representatives  of  all  races 
"  with  developed  types  of  civilisation  "  "  might  meet  each  other  face 
to  face  and  might,  in  friendly  rivalry,  further  the  cause  of  mutual 
trust  and  respect  between  Occident  and  Orient."  To  the  people  of 
the  East  such  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  the  West  is 
naturally  a  matter  of  profound  interest  and  of  far-reaching  signifi- 
cance. The  traditional  view,  so  well  expressed  by  the  poet,  of  the 
changeless  and  unresisting  East,  beholding  with  awe  the  legions  of 
the  West  as  they  thundered  past  her,  bowing  low  before  the  storm 
while  the  storm  lasted  and  plunging  back  again  in  thought  when  the 
storm  was  over,  seemed  for  centuries  to  encourage — almost  invite — 
unchecked  aggression  by  Western  nations  in  Eastern  lands,  in  utter 
disregard  of  the  rights  or  feelings  of  Eastern  peoples.  Such  aggres- 
sion, however,  could  not  go  on  for  ever,  and  the  protest  of  the 
Eastern  world  against  it,  as  evidenced  by  the  steady  growth  of  a 
feeling  of  national  self-respect  in  different  Eastern  lands,  has  now 
gathered  sufficient  strength  and  volume  to  render  its  continuance  on 
old  lines  extremely  improbable,  if  not  altogether  impossible.  The 
victories  of  Japan  over  Russia,  the  entry  of  Turkey  among  constitu- 
tionally governed  countries,  the  awakening  of  China,  the  spread  of 
the  national  movement  in  India,  Persia,  and  Egypt — all  point  to  the 
necessity  of  the  West  revising  her  conception  of  the  East,  revising 
also  the  standards  by  which  she  has  sought  in  the  past  to  regulate 
her  relations  with  the  East.  East  and  West  may  now  meet  on  more 
equal  terms  than  was  hitherto  possible,  and  as  a  first  step  towards 
such  meeting  the  value  of  the  Universal  Races  Congress  cannot  be 
over-estimated. 

The  problem — how  to  ensure  "  a  fuller  understanding,  the  most 
friendly  feelings  and  a  heartier  co-operation  "  between  the  East  and 
the  West — so  difficult  everywhere,  is  nowhere  else  so  difficult  and  so 
delicate  as  it  is  in  India.  In  the  case  of  other  countries  the  contact 
of  the  West  with  the  East  is  largely  external  only;  in  India  the 
West  has,  so  to  say,  entered  into  the  very  bone  and  marrow  of  the 
East  For  a  hundred  years  now,  more  or  less,  India  has  been  under 
the  political  sway  of  England,  and  the  industrial  domination  of  the 
country  has  been  no  less  complete  than  the  political.  This  peculiar 
relationship  introduces  into  the  problem  factors  of  great  complexity, 
and  the  conflict  of  interests  which  it  involves  has  to  be  harmonised 
before  attempts,  made  with  the  object  which  the  Congress  has  in 
view,  can  possess  any  enduring  value  or  produce  solid  results. 

It  is  recognised  on  all  sides  that  the  relations  between  Europeans 
and  Indians  in  India  have  grown  greatly  strained  during  the  last 


THIRD  SESSION  159 

quarter  of  a  century.     And  yet  Englishmen  started  with  uncommon 
advantages  in   India.     Owing  to  India's  peculiar  development  the 
establishment  of  British  rule,  so  far  from  being  resented,  was  actually 
regarded   with   feelings   of  satisfaction,   if  not   enthusiasm,   by  the 
people  over  the  greater  part  of  the  country.     It  is  true  that  England 
never  conquered  India  in  the  sense  in  which  the  word  "conquer"  is 
ordinarily  used.     She  did  not  come  to  the  country  as  an  invader,  nor 
did  she  fight  her  battles,  when  she  had  to  fight  them,  with  armies 
composed  of  her  own  people.     The  establishment  and  consolidation 
of  her  rule,  which  undoubtedly  is  one  of  the  most  wonderful  pheno- 
mena of  modern  times,  was  entirely  the  result  of  her  superior  powers 
of  organisation,  her  superior  patriotism,  and  her  superior  capacity  for 
government  applied  to  the  conditions  that  prevailed  in  India  during 
the  second  half  of  the  eighteenth  and  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth 
century.     And,  strange  as  it  may  seem  to  many,  the  new  rule  was 
accepted  by  the  mass  of  the  people  as  bringing  them  welcome  relief 
from  a,  more  or  less,  chronic  state  of  disorder,  and  conferring  on  them 
advantages  outweighing  all  considerations  on  the  other  side.     This 
was  due  to  the  fact  that  with  all  her  contribution  to  human  progress 
in  many  fields — religion,  philosophy,  literature,  science,  art — a  con- 
tribution which  the  world  is  coming  to  recognise  more  and  more  every 
day  and  of  which  Indians  may  well  remain  proud  for  all  time — India 
did  not  develop  the  national  idea  or  the  idea  of  political  freedom  as 
developed  in  the  West.     Who  exercised  the  sovereign  authority  was 
to  her  people  a  minor  matter  as  long  as  it  was  well  exercised  and  did 
not  seriously  interfere  with  their  religious,  social,  or  communal  life. 
And  it  cannot  be  denied  that  in  many  essential  respects  the  standards 
of  government  of  the  new  rulers  compared  favourably  with  those  of 
the  indigenous  powers  that  were  then  struggling  for  supremacy  in 
the  land.    The  advantageous  start  thus  secured  was  further  improved 
by  the  declarations  of  wise  and  far-seeing  statesmen,  made  from  time 
to  time  in  those  early  days,  as  regards  the  policy  in  accordance  with 
which  the  affairs  of  this  country  were  to  be  administered.     India, 
they  declared,  was  to  them  a  trust,  and  was  therefore  to  be  governed 
in  the  spirit  of  a  trust.     Not  England's  profit,  but  India's  moral  and 
material  well-being,  was  to  be  the  object  of  the  rule ;  Englishmen 
were  not  to  form  a  governing  caste  in  the  country ;  the  people  of 
India  were  to  be  helped  to  advance  steadily  to  a  position  of  equality 
with  them,  so  that  they  might  in  due  course  acquire  the  capacity  to 
govern  themselves  in  accordance  with  the  higher  standards  of  the 
West.     To  fit  the  youth  of  the  country  for  their  new  responsibilities 
institutions  were  started  for  imparting  to  them  Western  education, 
and  the  class  thus  trained  in  the  ideas  of  the  West  was  expected  to 
act  as  interpreter  between  the  Government  and  the  people,  bringing 


160  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

its  active  goodwill  to  the  support  of  the  former.  The  establishment 
of  the  universities  and  Queen  Victoria's  noble  Proclamation,  addressed 
to  the  princes  and  people  of  India  on  the  morrow  of  the  Mutiny,  set 
the  final  seal  on  this  large-hearted  policy. 

It  is  necessary  to  bear  these  facts  in  mind  to  understand  clearly 
the  estrangement  that  has  taken  place,  as  observed  above,  during  the 
last  quarter  of  a  century  between  Englishmen  and  Indians,  especially 
that  class  among  the  Indians  which  has  come,  directly  or  indirectly 
under  the  influence  of  the  education  of  the  West.  Numerically  this 
class  still  constitutes  but  a  small  proportion  of  the  whole  population, 
but  it  is  undoubtedly  the  brain  of  the  country,  doing  its  thinking  for 
it  and  determining  its  public  opinion.  For  several  years  this  class 
was  keenly  appreciative  of  England's  work  in  India,  and  its  attitude 
towards  Englishmen  on  the  whole  was  that  of  pupils  to  their  teachers 
— an  attitude  of  respect,  confidence,  even  of  affection.  The  first 
effect  of  Western  teaching  on  those  who  received  it  was  to  incline 
them  strongly  in  favour  of  the  Western  way  of  looking  at  things, 
and,  under  this  influence,  they  bent  their  energies,  in  the  first  instance, 
to  a  re-examination  of  the  whole  of  their  ancient  civilisation — their 
social  usages  and  institutions,  their  religious  beliefs,  their  literature, 
their  science,  their  art ;  in  fact,  their  entire  conception  and  realisa- 
tion of  life.  This  brought  them  into  violent  collision  with  their  own 
society,  but  that  very  collision  drove  them  closer  to  the  Englishmen 
in  the  country,  to  whom  they  felt  deeply  grateful  for  introducing  into 
India  the  liberal  thought  of  the  West,  with  its  protest  against  caste 
or  sex  disabilities  and  its  recognition  of  man's  dignity  as  man — a 
teaching  which  they  regarded  as  of  the  highest  value  in  serving  both 
as  a  corrective  and  a  stimulant  to  their  old  civilisation.  On  one 
point  they  entertained  no  doubt  whatever  in  their  minds.  They 
firmly  believed  that  it  was  England's  settled  policy  to  raise  steadily 
their  political  status  till  at  last  they  fully  participated  in  the  posses- 
sion of  those  free  institutions  which  it  is  the  glory  of  the  English 
race  to  have  evolved.  This  belief,  so  strong  at  one  time,  began, 
however,  gradually  to  weaken  when  it  was  seen  that  English  adminis- 
trators were  not  in  practice  as  ready  to  advance  along  lines  of  con- 
stitutional development  as  had  been  hoped,  and  that  the  bulk  of 
Englishmen  in  the  country  were  far  from  friendly,  even  to  the  most 
reasonable  aspirations  of  Indians  in  political  matters.  With  the  rise 
of  the  new  Imperialism  in  England  during  the  last  quarter  of  a 
century  new  and  clearer  signs  became  visible  of  a  disinclination  on 
the  part  of  the  ruling  nation  to  carry  into  effect  the  policy  to  which 
it  stood  committed.  Then,  indeed,  the  faith  of  Indian  reformers  in 
the  character  and  purpose  of  British  rule,  already  tried  by  a  feeling 
of  suspicion,  began  definitely  to  give  way.  Suspicion  was  followed 


THIRD   SESSION  161 

by  surprise,  by  disappointment,  by  anger,  and  these  inevitably  pro- 
duced a  rapidly  rising  anti-English  feeling,  which  specially  affected 
the  younger  minds  throughout  the  country.  Things  now  came  to  be 
regarded  in  a  new  light  The  old  readiness  to  acknowledge  freely 
and  gratefully  the  benefits  which  India  had  derived  from  the  British 
connection  gave  way  to  a  tendency  to  indulge  in  bitter  and  fault- 
finding criticism,  directed  indiscriminately  against  everything  done 
by  Englishmen.  "  Wrong  in  the  one  thing  rare,"  what  mattered  it 
to  the  Indians  what  Englishmen  did,  or  how  they  conducted  them- 
selves in  other  respects  ?  While  this  development  was  taking  place 
within  the  borders  of  India  the  whole  East  was  already  being  driven 
by  those  mysterious  forces  which  shape  great  events  to  a  new  life,  in 
which  a  longing  to  enjoy  the  solid  advantages  of  a  constitutional 
government  and  realise  the  dignity  of  nationhood  was  combined 
with  a  new  pride  in  the  special  culture  and  civilisation  of  the  East,  a 
new  impatience  of  Western  aggression  and  Western  domination,  and 
a  new  faith  in  the  destiny  of  Eastern  peoples.  India  could  not  but 
be  affected  by  these  thought-currents  with  the  rest  of  Asia,  and  the 
influences  at  work  naturally  received  a  powerful  stimulus  when  Japan 
astonished  the  world  with  her  victories  over  Russia.  The  steady 
growth  of  the  anti-English  feeling  in  the  country  was  recognised  by 
all  thoughtful  persons  to  be  fraught  with  a  serious  menace  to  the 
cause  of  peaceful  progress,  and  the  outlook  was  undoubtedly  very 
dark,  when  English  statesmanship  came  to  the  rescue  and  by  grant- 
ing to  the  country  a  measure  of  constitutional  reform  sufficiently 
substantial  to  meet  the  more  pressing  requirements  of  the  day  helped 
largely  to  ease  the  tension  and  restore  a  more  friendly  feeling 
between  the  two  sides. 

There  is  no  doubt  whatever  that  the  reform  measures  of  two 
years  ago  arrested  the  growing  estrangement  between  Europeans 
and  Indians  in  India,  and  since  then  the  situation  has  undergone 
a  steady  and  continuous  change  for  the  better.  So  marked  is  this 
change  over  the  greater  part  of  the  country  that  there  are  men  who 
hold  that  the  desire  to  understand  each  other  and  respect  each 
other's  feelings  and  susceptibilities  was  never  so  great  as  it  is  at  the 
present  moment.  For  how  long  these  relations  will  thus  continue 
to  improve,  and  whether  they  will  again  tend  to  grow  worse,  and 
if  so,  when,  are  questions  more  difficult  to  answer.  It  is  well  to 
remember  that  certain  causes  are  constantly  at  work  to  produce 
misunderstandings  and  make  harmonious  relations  between  the  two 
sides  a  matter  of  considerable  difficulty.  Thus  the  differences  in 
temperament,  the  natural  predisposition  to  look  at  questions  from 
different  standpoints,  the  tone  habitually  adopted  by  a  section  of 
the  Press,  both  English  and  Indian — these  make  a  demand  on  the 

M 


1 62 

patience  of  either  side  which  it  is  not  always  easy  to  meet.  Then 
there  are  those  cases  of  personal  ill-treatment — happily  rarer  now 
than  before— which  from  time  to  time  attract  public  attention  and 
cause  infinite  mischief,  cases  in  which  Indians  are  found  to  suffer 
insult  and  even  violence  at  the  hands  of  individual  Englishmen  for 
no  other  reason  than  that  they  are  Indians.  These  are,  so  to  say, 
among  the  standing  factors  of  the  situation,  and  they  must,  I  fear,  be 
accepted  as  inevitable — at  any  rate,  in  the  present  circumstances  of 
the  country.  Were  these  the  only  elements  tending  to  give  rise 
to  misunderstanding  and  friction  the  matter  would  be  comparatively 
simple :  for  the  interests  which  depend  on  the  two  communities 
working  together  with  a  sufficient  degree  of  harmony  are  so  vast, 
and  of  such  paramount  importance  to  both,  that  it  would  not  be 
a  very  difficult  task  to  keep  within  reasonable  limits  such  misunder- 
standing and  friction  whenever  it  arose.  But  the  real  sources  of 
trouble  which  invest  the  future  with  uncertainty  lie  much  deeper. 
Is  British  rule  to  remain  a  rigidly  foreign  rule,  as  long  as  it  lasts,  or 
will  it  conform  more  and  more  to  standards  which  alone  may  be 
accepted  in  these  days  as  compatible  with  the  self-respect  of  civilised 
people?  What  is  to  be  the  objective  of  England's  policy  in  India? 
How  is  the  conflict  of  interests  between  the  two  communities  to 
be  reconciled,  and  what  sacrifices  may  be  reasonably  expected  from 
either  side  to  render  such  reconciliation  a  living  and  potent  reality? 
These  and  other  allied  questions,  which  really  go  to  the  root  of 
England's  connection  with  India,  have  to  be  answered  before  any 
prediction  about  the  probable  future  of  the  relations  between 
Englishmen  and  Indians  in  India  can  be  hazarded.  The  opinion 
is  often  expressed  that  if  only  Indians  and  Europeans  mix  more 
largely  socially,  or  Indians  participate  in  the  games  and  sports  of 
Englishmen  in  greater  numbers,  a  better  understanding  between  the 
two  sides  will  be  established,  resulting  in  better  relations  generally. 
There  is,  of  course,  a  certain  amount  of  truth  in  this,  and  it  is  neces- 
sary to  acknowledge  that  earnest  efforts,  very  recently  made  in 
several  places  by  prominent  members  of  the  two  communities  to 
provide  facilities  for  a  better  social  intercourse,  have  contributed 
their  share  to  the  improvement  in  the  situation  that  has  taken  place. 
But  apart  from  the  fact  that  such  freer  intercourse,  unless  it  is 
restricted  to  individuals  on  either  side  who  are  anxious  to  see  each 
other's  good  points  and  are  tolerant  to  each  other's  weaknesses,  may 
produce  difficulties  of  its  own,  I  am  firmly  persuaded  that  as  long 
as  the  consciousness  of  political  inequality  continues  to  be  behind 
such  intercourse,  it  cannot  carry  us  far.  I  have  no  doubt  that  there 
are  Englishmen  in  India  who  put  away  from  them  all  thought  of 
such  inequality  in  their  dealings  with  Indians,  and  there  are  also 


THIRD  SESSION  163 

Indians  who  are  not  influenced  by  this  consideration  in  their  rela- 
tions with  Englishmen.  But  when  this  admission  is  made  the  fact 
remains  that  as  things  are  to-day  the  humblest  Englishman  in  the 
country  goes  about  with  the  prestige  of  the  whole  Empire  behind 
him,  whereas  the  proudest  and  most  distinguished  Indian  cannot 
shake  off  from  himself  a  certain  sense  that  he  belongs  to  a  subject 
race.  The  soul  of  social  friendship  is  mutual  appreciation  and 
respect,  which  ordinarily  is  not  found  to  co-exist  with  a  conscious- 
ness of  inequality.  This  does  not  mean  that  where  equality  does 
not  exist  the  relations  are  necessarily  unfriendly.  It  is  not  an 
uncommon  thing  for  a  party  which  is  in  what  may  be  called  a  state 
of  subordinate  dependence  on  another  to  be  warmly  attached  to  that 
other  party.  But  such  relations  are  possible  only  if  the  subordinate 
party — assuming,  of  course,  that  its  sense  of  self-respect  is  properly 
developed — is  enabled  to  feel  that  its  dependent  state  is  necessary 
in  its  own  interest,  and  that  the  other  party  is  taking  no  undue 
advantage  of  it  for  other  ends.  And  this,  I  think,  is  roughly  the 
position,  as  between  India  and  England.  It  must  be  admitted  that 
the  present  inequality  between  Englishmen  and  Indians,  as  regards 
their  political  status,  can  only  be  reduced  by  degrees,  and  that  a 
considerable  period  must  elapse  before  it  is  removed  altogether. 
Meanwhile  Indians  must  be  content  to  continue  in  a  position  of 
subordinate  dependence,  and  the  extent  to  which  "a  fuller  under- 
standing, the  most  friendly  feelings  and  a  heartier  co-operation  "  can 
be  promoted  between  them  and  Englishmen  must  depend  upon  how 
they  are  enabled  to  realise  that  British  rule  is  necessary  for  their  own 
progress,  and  that  British  policy  in  India  has  no  other  aim  than  their 
advancement.  Any  doubt  on  this  point  in  the  Indian  mind  will 
mean  the  weakening  of  the  tie  which  binds  the  two  countries,  and 
will  not  fail,  in  the  end,  to  nullify  the  results  of  the  most  beneficent 
administrative  measures.  Assured  on  this  point,  on  the  other  hand, 
Indians  will  not  allow  even  serious  administrative  mistakes  to 
alienate  them  in  feeling  or  sympathy  from  the  country  under  whose 
sway  they  find  themselves  placed,  and  with  whose  guidance  they 
hope  to  advance  to  their  appointed  destiny. 

It  may  appear  to  some  that  too  much  stress  is  being  laid  in  this 
paper  on  what  may  be  termed  the  political  development  of  the 
people  of  India,  and  that  no  attempt  is  being  made  to  discuss  how, 
leaving  political  considerations  alone,  Europeans  and  Indians  may 
be  helped  to  acquire  a  deeper  and  more  sympathetic  understanding 
of  each  other's  special  culture  and  civilisation,  and  how  a  heartier 
co-operation  may  be  established  between  them  in  the  pursuit  of 
knowledge  or  the  service  of  humanity — "  for  the  greater  glory  of  God 
and  the  relief  of  man's  estate."  So  far  as  the  understanding  of 


164  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

Europe  by  India  is  concerned,  the  work  is  being  carried  on  with 
great  vigour  under  the  auspices  of  the  Indian  Universities,  which 
have  now  been  in  existence  for  more  than  fifty  years.  The  very 
object  of  these  universities  is  to  promote  Western  learning  in  the 
land,  and  successive  generations  of  Indian  students  have  been  and 
are  being  introduced  by  them  to  a  study  of  Western  literature  and 
history,  Western  philosophy,  and  Western  sciences.  And  various 
missionary  bodies  have  been  presenting,  for  a  century  and  more,  the 
religion  of  the  West  to  the  people  of  India.  Through  these  agencies 
a  knowledge  of  Western  society — of  its  traditions,  its  standards,  its 
achievements,  its  ideals,  its  outlook  on  life  and  its  problems,  its 
methods  of  realising  itself — has  been  rapidly  spreading  in  the 
country,  and  the  insight  thus  acquired  is,  on  the  whole,  sympathetic 
and  marked  by  deep  and  genuine  appreciation.  It  is  to  be  regretted 
that,  on  the  English  side,  there  is  no  corresponding  attempt  to  study 
and  understand  India.  It  is  true  that  individual  Englishmen  have 
done  monumental  work  in  interpreting  India  to  the  West,  but 
neither  in  England  nor  among  Englishmen  in  this  country  is  there 
any  systematic  study  of  Indian  culture  and  civilisation,  with  the 
result  that  very  few  Englishmen,  in  spite  of  a  fairly  prolonged  stay 
in  this  land,  acquire  any  real  insight  into  them.  It  is  a  curious  fact, 
and  one  of  no  small  significance,  that  in  this  matter  Germany  is  far 
ahead  of  England,  and  even  America  bids  fair  to  go  beyond  her. 
It  is  obvious  that  there  is  great  room  for  improvement  here,  and  if 
one  result  of  the  present  Congress  will  be  to  stimulate  among 
Englishmen  a  study  of  Indian  culture  and  civilisation  in  a  sympa- 
thetic spirit,  the  Congress  will  have  rendered  a  great  service  to 
India.  But  while  it  is  undoubted  that  such  study,  especially  if  it 
leads  to  increased  respect  for  India  by  Englishmen,  will  contribute 
materially  to  improve  relations  between  the  two  sides,  there  is  no 
getting  away  from  the  fact  that,  as  the  contact  between  England 
and  India  at  present  is  predominantly  political,  it  is  on  the  attitude 
of  Englishmen  towards  the  political  advancement  of  India  that  the 
future  of  these  relations  will  mainly  turn.  The  question,  therefore, 
how  to  promote  "  the  most  friendly  feelings  "  between  the  East  and 
West  in  India  resolves  itself  largely  into  how  England  may  assist 
India's  political  advancement. 

The  political  evolution  to  which  Indian  reformers  look  forward 
is  representative  government  on  a  democratic  basis.  The  course 
of  this  evolution  must  necessarily  be  slow  in  India,  though  it  need 
not  be  as  slow  as  some  people  imagine.  It  is  true,  as  Lord  Morley 
pointed  out  three  years  ago,  that  a  long  time  must  elapse  before 
India  takes  those  countless,  weary  steps  that  are  necessary  to 
develop  a  strong  political  personality.  But  a  beginning  has  been 


THIRD   SESSION  165 

made,  and  the  movement  can  only  be  forward  and  not  backward. 
The  difficulties  that  tend  to  retard  the  movement  are  undoubtedly 
great,  and  at  times  they  threaten  to  prove  quite  overwhelming. 
But  every  day  the  forces  that  urge  us  on  grow  stronger,  and  in 
the  end  the  difficulties  will  be  overcome.  It  is  unnecessary  to 
say  that  it  is  largely  in  England's  power  to  hasten  or  delay  this 
evolution.  If  England  wants  to  play  her  part  nobly  in  this 
mysterious  and  wonderful  drama,  her  resolve  to  help  forward  this 
advance  must  be  firm  and  irrevocable,  and  not  dependent  on  the 
views,  predilections,  or  sympathies  of  individual  administrators,  whom 
she  may  from  time  to  time  charge  with  the  direction  of  Indian 
affairs.  I  think  the  time  has  come  when  a  definite  pronouncement 
on  this  subject  should  be  made  by  the  highest  authority,  entitled 
to  speak  in  the  name  of  England,  and  the  British  Government 
in  India  should  keep  such  pronouncement  constantly  in  view  in 
all  its  actions.  There  is  a  class  of  thinkers  and  writers  among 
Englishmen,  with  whom  it  is  an  axiom  that  Oriental  people  have 
no  desire,  at  any  rate,  no  capacity  for  representative  institutions. 
This  cool  and  convenient  assumption  is  not  standing  the  test 
of  experience,  and,  in  any  case,  no  self-respecting  Indian  will 
accept  it ;  and  it  is  astonishing  that  these  men,  who  thus  seek 
to  shut  the  door  in  the  face  of  Indian  aspirations,  do  not  realise 
how  thereby  they  turn  the  Indian  mind  against  those  very  interests, 
for  whose  support  they  probably  evolve  their  theories.  The  first 
requisite,  then,  of  improved  relations  on  an  enduring  basis  between 
Englishmen  and  Indians  is  an  unequivocal  declaration  on  England's 
part  of  her  resolve  to  help  forward  the  growth  of  representative 
institutions  in  India  and  a  determination  to  stand  by  this  policy 
in  spite  of  all  temptations  or  difficulties.  The  second  requisite 
is  that  Indians  should  be  enabled  to  feel  that  the  Government 
under  which  they  live,  whatever  its  personnel,  is  largely  and  in  an 
ever-increasing  measure,  national  in  spirit  and  sentiment  and  in 
its  devotion  to  the  moral  and  material  interests  of  the  country. 
Thus,  outside  India,  Indians  should  feel  the  protecting  arm  of  the 
British  Government  behind  them,  ready  to  help  them  in  resisting 
oppression  and  injustice.  The  monstrous  indignities  and  ill-treat- 
ment to  which  the  people  of  this  country  are  being  subjected  in 
South  Africa,  have  aroused  the  bitterest  resentment  throughout  the 
land.  On  the  other  hand,  the  recent  action  of  the  Government 
of  India  in  prohibiting  the  supply  of  indentured  labour  from  this 
country  to  Natal,  has  evoked  a  feeling  of  deep  and  widespread 
satisfaction  which  cannot  fail  to  have  its  effect  on  the  general 
relations  between  Europeans  and  Indians  in  the  country.  Among 
matters  bearing  on  the  moral  and  material  well-being  of  the  people, 


166  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

the  Government  should  lose  no  more  time  now  in  dealing  with 
Education  in  all  its  branches  in  a  national  spirit — especially  with 
mass  education  and  technical  education.  It  is  a  humiliating  reflec- 
tion that  while  in  most  other  civilised  countries  universal  elementary 
education  has  long  been  accepted  as  one  of  the  first  duties  of 
the  State,  and  while  within  the  borders  of  India  itself,  the  Feudatory 
State  of  Baroda  has  found  it  practicable  to  introduce  a  system 
of  free  and  compulsory  primary  education  for  both  boys  and  girls, 
in  India  seven  children  out  of  eight  are  still  allowed  to  grow  up 
in  ignorance  and  darkness  and  four  villages  out  of  five  are  without 
a  school !  And  as  regards  technical  education,  while  our  engineer- 
ing colleges,  which  were  started  as  far  back  as  fifty  years  ago, 
are  still  training  only  subordinates  for  the  Public  Works  Department 
of  the  Government,  Japan  starting  much  later,  has  already  provided 
herself  with  a  complete  system  of  technical  education  in  all  its 
grades.  The  third  requisite  on  which  it  is  necessary  to  insist,  is 
that  England  should  send  out  to  India  less  and  less  of  those  who 
are  not  of  her  best.  From  the  best  Englishmen,  Indians  have 
yet  to  learn  a  great  deal,  and  their  presence  in  the  country  will 
strengthen  and  not  weaken  India's  appreciation  of  what  she  owes 
to  England.  But  it  should  be  realised  that  though  the  Indian 
average  is  still  inferior  to  the  English  average  and  will  continue 
to  be  so  for  some  time,  individual  Indians  are  to  be  found  in 
all  parts  of  the  country  who,  in  character,  capacity,  and  attainments, 
will  be  able  to  hold  their  own  anywhere.  And  when  Englishmen, 
inferior  to  such  men,  are  introduced  into  the  country  and  placed 
in  higher  positions,  a  sense  of  unfairness  and  injustice  comes  to 
pervade  the  whole  Indian  community,  which  is  very  prejudicial 
to  the  cultivation  or  maintenance  of  good  feeling.  Fewer  and 
better  men,  sent  out  from  England,  better  paid  if  necessary,  will 
prevent  England's  prestige  from  being  lowered  in  India,  and  this, 
in  present  circumstances,  is  a  consideration  of  great  importance. 
The  fourth  and  last  requisite  that  I  would  like  to  mention  is  the 
extreme  necessity  of  such  Englishmen  as  come  out  to  this  country 
realising  the  profound  wisdom  of  the  advice,  urged  on  them  some 
time  ago  by  Lord  Morley,  that  while  bad  manners  are  a  fault 
everywhere,  they  are  in  India  a  "  crime."  I  think  Englishmen  in 
India  cannot  be  too  careful  in  this  respect. 

The  only  safe  thing  that  any  one  can  say  about  the  future 
of  India  is  that  it  is  still  enveloped  in  obscurity.  But  I  believe 
whole-heartedly  in  a  great  destiny  for  the  people  of  this  land. 
We  still  retain  many  of  those  characteristics  which  once  placed  us 
in  the  van  of  the  world's  civilisation — the  depth  of  our  spirituality, 
our  serene  outlook  on  life,  our  conceptions  of  domestic  and  social 


THIRD   SESSION  167 

duty.  And  other  races  that  have  from  time  to  time  come  to  make 
their  home  here  have  brought  their  own  treasures  into  the  common 
stock.  The  India  of  the  future  will  be  compounded  of  all  these 
elements,  reinforcing  one  another  ;  but  a  long  process  of  discipline 
and  purification  and  readjustment  is  necessary,  before  she  gathers 
again  the  strength  required  for  her  allotted  task.  In  this  work 
of  preparation  it  has  been  given  to  a  great  Western  nation  to  guide 
and  help  her.  And  if  craven  or  selfish  counsels  are  not  allowed 
to  prevail,  England  will  have  played  the  noblest  international  part 
that  has  yet  fallen  to  the  lot  of  humanity.  When  the  men  and 
women  of  India  begin  again  to  grow  to  the  full  height  of  their 
stature  and  proclaim  to  the  world  the  mission  that  shall  be  theirs, 
a  great  stream  of  moral  and  spiritual  energy,  long  lost  to  view, 
will  have  returned  to  its  channel,  and  East  and  West  —  white  and 
dark  and  yellow  and  brown  —  will  all  have  cause  alike  to  rejoice. 

[Paper  Submitted  in  English.] 
Jm>$Ulaini  •  n;;  o;>d  mitf  it-jfiJ  ni  hrtp  .u^uu^nfif  '.>flj  "'•>  vtel'duK  e»f}  hris 

T?/~\/'DT> 

JtiLr  Y  r  1 


By  MOH.  SOUROUR  BEY,  Barrister,  Cairo. 


I  CANNOT  sufficiently  thank  the  promoters  of  this  Congress  for 
giving  me  the  opportunity  to  address  you  on  the  subject  of  my 
country  —  Egypt. 

These  four  days  —  the  26th,  2/th,  28th,  and  2Qth  of  July  —  will 
never  be  forgotten  by  any  of  us.  They  will  not  only  record  in  our 
memories  this  sympathetic  manifestation  of  good  understanding  and 
of  friendly  feeling,  but  they  will  also  remind  us  of  the  serene  dignity 
of  the  reception  accorded  by  the  noble  representatives  of  the  West  to 
the  representatives  of  the  East.  They  will  inscribe  names  in  our 
hearts  that  will  henceforward  be  dear  to  us.  There  is  another 
reason,  too,  why  these  four  days  deserve  to  be  remembered.  They 
will  give  expression  to  the  intimate  solidarity  that  binds  us  together, 
and  the  real  character  of  our  universal  brotherhood.  We  belong  to 
very  different  countries,  and  in  a  few  days  we  shall  be  scattered 
over  the  world  ;  but  this  matters  little  if  our  thoughts  are  united  in  a 
common  sentiment  that  knows  no  frontiers  —  the  consciousness  of 
the  greatness  of  the  aim  of  this  Congress.  Let  us,  from  the  depths 
of  our  hearts,  make  some  acknowledgment  of  our  gratitude  to  the 
initiators  of  this  noble  cause  of  universal  peace,  and  thank  them 
for  giving  us  this  happy  opportunity  to  draw  closer,  by  our  presence, 
the  links  that  attach  to  each  other  the  different  members  of  all  races. 

Part  I.  The  Sociological  Situation.  —  A.  Language.  —  Being  a 
cosmopolitan  centre,  Egypt  is  a  veritable  focus  of  languages. 


i68  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

AH  kinds  of  dialects  meet  in  it.  The  preponderant  and  maternal 
tongue  of  the  country  is  Arabic.  It  is  the  principal  subject  of 
instruction  in  the  public  schools  of  the  State  and  in  the  private 
national  schools.  In  foreign  scholastic  institutions,  which  are  not 
less  numerous,  the  teaching  of  Arabic  forms  part  of  the  pro- 
gramme arranged,  but  is  an  auxiliary  and  optional  language.  It 
has  made  an  important  advance  among  the  foreign  colonies,  and 
we  are  pleased  to  be  able  to  record  the  material  progress  made 
among  the  majority  of  them.  The  Egyptian  State  is  careful  to 
maintain  the  language  and  to  see  that  it  is  constantly  improving. 
It  makes  every  effort  to  render  it  popular  and  useful. 

El-Azhar  at  Cairo,  an  ancient  foundation,  is  the  chief  university 
of  the  world  in  the  teaching  of  Arabic  literature.  It  attracts  a  vast 
number  of  students  from  all  parts  of  the  Eastern  world.  The  in- 
struction that  is  given  in  it  is  rich,  sound,  learned,  and  profound. 
The  graduates  who  issue  from  it  are  fully  penetrated  with  the  spirit 
and  the  subtlety  of  the  language,  and  in  their  turn  become  intelligent 
and  able  teachers. 

The  auxiliary  languages  that  are  chiefly  used  in  Egypt  are 
French,  English,  Italian,  Greek,  and  Turkish.  The  English  language 
owes  its  influence  to  its  introduction  into  the  State  schools  and  its 
adoption  as  the  official  language  of  the  administration.  This  indi- 
cates the  limit  of  its  influence.  French  remains  the  more  popular 
tongue,  in  spite  of  its  exclusion  from  governmental  institutions. 
It  is  the  diplomatic,  administrative,  and  commercial  language — the 
language  of  business  and  all  secular  matters. 

B.  Rsligion. — The  religion  of  the  Egyptian  people  is  Islam ;  but 
all  other  religions — such  as  Jacobite  Christianity,  which  is  peculiar 
to  the  native  Christians,  Latin  Christianity,  Greek  Orthodoxy,  and 
Judaism — are  admitted  and  practised. 

According  to  the  last  census  (1907)  we  find  : — 

Total.  Men.  Women. 

Mussulmans 10,269,445  5,145,114  5>I24'33r 

[Orthodox        667,036  336,630  330,006 

Copts  |  Catholic          14>5?6  7>5&)  6,987 

'Protestant      24,710  131078  11,632 

Protestants     12,736  8,706  4»°3O 

Roman  Catholics      ...  57,744  28,235  29,509 

Greek  Orthodoxy     ...  76,953  43,384  33>5^9 

Orientals        27,937  I4.52°  I3»4I7 

Jews    ...        w>  38,635  19,730  18,905 

Other  religions          ...  206  154  52 

Total      11,287,359 

The  Koran  is  the  code  of  precepts  and  laws  which  our  prophet 
Mohammed  communicated  to  us.  It  is  also  a  work  of  pure  morality 


THIRD   SESSION  169 

and  of  positive  and  rational  philosophy.  In  it  we  find,  side  by  side 
with  the  wisest  rules  of  conduct,  remarkable  sociological  and  legislative 
dispositions.  One  may  even  say  that  the  latter  comprise  almost  the 
whole  work,  and  that  the  purely  theological  part  is  small.  It  was 
by  means  of  his  eloquent  language  and  lofty  intelligence  that  the 
Prophet  made  a  strong  and  disciplined  nation  out  of  a  savage  people. 
A  good  Mussulman  must  have  Faith  and  Islam — the  one  is  internal 
belief,  the  other  the  external  proof  of  this  belief  by  religious  acts. 
Unfortunately,  the  Egyptians  are  charged  with  fanaticism ;  but  the 
censure  has  little  foundation,  is  hasty,  and  is  not  impartial.  One 
must  understand  the  situation.  Every  religion  has  a  certain  fanati- 
cism, because  it  is  always  essentially  exclusive,  and  the  very  principle 
of  the  creed  confers  on  the  faithful  the  privilege  of  the  one  true  way 
of  salvation.  The  Egyptians  are  naturally  liberal  and  tolerant ;  but 
they  allow  none  to  trample  on  their  dignity  and  to  treat  them  as 
inferiors.  Is  there  a  single  Mussulman  who  has  ever  broken  off  his 
relations  with  a  foreigner,  or  discharged  a  Christian  servant,  because 
he  held  a  different  religion  ?  There  is  not. 

The  real  feeling  that  one  finds  among  all  Mussulman  peoples 
is  one  of  affection  and  mutual  sympathy. 

C.  Present  Position  of  Women. — The  Egyptian  woman  is  the 
most  resigned  of  her  sex  in  the  whole  world  to-day.  Though  she 
is  not  usually  well-educated,  she  nevertheless  directs  her  household 
with  good-will,  and  sacrifices  herself  with  absolute  self-denial  to 
the  welfare  and  happiness  of  the  family.  Her  education  still  leaves 
much  to  be  desired.  To  understand  properly  her  social  condition, 
one  must  distinguish  between  wealthy  women,  comfortably  situated 
women,  and  the  poor  or  fellahas. 

The  wealthy  woman  is  usually  well  educated  and  fairly  cultured, 
has  broad  interests,  and  follows  the  intellectual  movement.  She  is 
intelligent  and  charitable.  She  is  modest,  affectionate  in  speech, 
and  absolutely  devoted  to  her  husband.  She  can  read  and  write 
several  languages :  Arabic,  Turkish,  French,  and  English.  Some 
have  even  taken  degrees  or  medical  diplomas.  They  like  music 
and  singing,  and,  like  other  women,  they  have  a  passion  for  jewels. 
They  take  their  part  in  progress  and  civilisation,  and  take  advantage 
of  all  scientific  and  literary  functions. 

The  middle-class  have  more  modest  attainments,  but  are  occu- 
pied with  cooking,  sewing,  and  domestic  duties.  They  do  their 
own  shopping,  and  are  deeply  interested  in  their  homes.  The  chief 
reproach  that  is  justly  brought  against  them  is  their  unpardonable 
neglect  of  the  elementary  training  of  their  children.  This  negli- 
gence is  innate,  and  has  a  bad  effect  on  the  character  of  the  children. 
Badly  cared  for  and  watched  over,  these  poor  little  creatures  suffer 


i;o  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

from  an  apathetic  neglect  which  deprives  them  of  the  most  necessary 
hygienic  services  and  of  a  good  intellectual  direction. 

The  fellaha,  or  poor  woman,  is  merely  ignorant.  She  helps 
her  husband  in  the  fields. 

It  is  quite  inaccurate  to  say  generally  that  the  Egyptian  woman 
is  confined  to  the  house.  All  women  go  out,  at  any  hour  of  the 
day  or  night,  as  men  do.  They  walk  alone  or  with  friends,  con- 
stantly pay  or  receive  visits,  go  to  the  shops  to  make  purchases, 
wander  about  in  the  markets,  frequent  the  chief  walking-places, 
and  sometimes  travel  alone. 

The  woman  of  the  East  takes  no  part  either  in  politics  or 
society  generally,  and  has  no  influence  whatever  abroad.  Her 
domain  is  the  house.  In  it  she  is  absolute  mistress. 

D.  Marriage  between  Different  Races. — Many  Egyptians — though 
the  number  is  not  great — marry  wives  of  foreign  races,  but  unfor- 
tunately it  must  be  said,  in  a  general  way,  that  the  majority  of 
these   unions  are   not  happy.     The  reason   is  simple  :  it  is  owing 
to  the  difference   in   ways,  customs,  characters,  cast  of  mind,  &c. 
There  are,  nevertheless,  some  of  these  families  who  live  in  perfect 
harmony,  thanks  to  the  mutual  concessions  of  the  tolerant  partners. 
History    records    that    men    who    became    famous — such    as    Mr. 
Rikards   (who   became   Abdalla   Pacha  Il-Inglisi),  General   Menou, 
and  Colonel  le  Seves  (Soliman  Pacha),  converts  to  Islam — married 
Egyptian  Mussulman  women,  and   that,  on  the  other  hand,  many 
Egyptians   married   wives   of  other  races.      The   children  born   of 
these  marriages  have  predominantly  an  Egyptian  character. 

From  the  legal  point  of  view  the  marriage  of  a  Mussulman 
with  a  Christian  or  Jewish  woman  is  permitted,  which  shows  the 
great  toleration  of  the  Mussulman  religion.  The  Mussulman 
woman  marries  only  a  Mussulman  ;  if  she  unites  herself  to  a  non- 
Mussulman,  the  marriage  is  declared  radically  null  and  void.  The 
children  of  both  sexes  that  are  born  of  these  marriages  follow 
the  religion  of  their  father.  Difference  of  religion  takes  away 
the  right  of  succession,  either  of  the  husband  to  the  wife  or  the 
wife  to  the  husband. 

E.  Differences  of  Habits  and    Ways. — In    Egypt   tradition   has 
its  followers,  and  even  its  devotees.     The  Egyptian  people,  strictly 
so  called,  have  a  strong  attachment  to  the  old  ways,  but  are  not 
refractory  to  such  progress  as  evolution  demands.     This  observation 
must  be  interpreted  in  the  sense  that  will  be  explained  later.     The 
introduction  of  Europeans  into    Egypt   goes   back   to   the  time  of 
Mohammed  Aly.     The  most  ancient  colony  is  that  of  the  Greeks, 
which  to-day  numbers  about  62,974  members.     They  live  in  perfect 
harmony  with  the  natives,  and  speak  the  indigenous  tongue  ;  many 


THIRD   SESSION  i;t 

of  them  have  in  course  of  time  become  subjects  of  the  country. 
The  other  foreign  colonies  number — Italians,  34,926  ;  British,  20,653  ; 
French,  14,891  ;  Austrians,  7,705  ;  Germans,  1,847;  Russians,  2,410; 
Swiss,  636;  Belgians,  340  ;  Dutch,  185  ;  Spanish,  797;  other  European 
nationalities,  157;  Persians,  1,385  ;  other  Asiatic  nations,  191  ;  other 
African  nationalities,  1,425  ;  Americans,  521  ;  other  nationalities,  671. 
The  outcome  of  their  contact  with  the  natives  is  not  altogether 
good,  as  it  is  not  the  cream  of  European  society  that  is  willing 
to  expatriate  itself  and  settle  in  a  foreign  land. 

The  relations  of  these  foreigners  to  each  other,  as  regards 
personal  affairs,  are  not  subject  to  the  local  authorities,  but,  in  virtue 
of  the  capitulations,  to  the  consular  jurisdictions.  Litigation  between 
foreigners  of  different  nationalities,  or  between  natives  and  foreigners, 
belongs  to  mixed  tribunals  set  up  by  the  reform  of  1875,  and 
depending  on  the  Mixed  Court  of  Appeal  at  Alexandria. 

Egyptian  society  differs  materially  from  that  of  Europe. 
All  relations  or  contact  between  the  masculine  and  the  feminine 
elements  are  forbidden.  The  Egyptian,  properly  so-called,  dreads 
Western  familiarity,  which  gives  rise  to  temptation  and  may  wreck 
the  most  harmonious  home.  For  him  marriage  is  generally  a  be- 
ginning, whereas  for  the  European  it  is  almost  always  the  end. 
In  regard  to  moral  ideas  he  holds  somewhat  different  opinions  from 
others,  and  he  regards  life  under  another  aspect.  He  never  places 
his  happiness  in  this  life.  Whoever  he  may  be,  he  always  has  some 
chimera  of  which  he  constantly  dreams,  which  he  caresses  and 
prefers  to  the  most  seductive  reality.  As  a  rule,  he  is  indifferent  to 
all  that  tempts  and  captivates  the  European.  He  is  distinguished 
by  a  quality  of  the  heart,  which  is  in  his  very  blood — devotion.  His 
love  of  his  neighbours  is  a  thing  to  admire.  Equally  with  the 
genuine  Arab,  he  has  a  high  regard  for  honesty  and  generosity. 
The  exquisite  kindliness  which  people  show  to  each  other  in  Egypt 
must  be  seen  to  be  appreciated.  A  man  is  linked  to  another,  not 
because  of  some  possible  utility,  but  from  pure  affection  and  reci- 
procal friendship.  Pride  has  no  place  amongst  us.  Those  who  are 
highest  in  the  social  scale  would  not  shrink  from  receiving  in  their 
homes  the  poorest  of  workers.  Each  man  is  understood  to  be  the 
child  of  his  works,  the  artisan  of  his  own  fortune.  The  man  who 
starts  in  the  humblest  position  may  reach  the  highest,  without  any 
formal  etiquette  creating  a  barrier  between  the  two  phases  of  his 
life. 

.\B-  Sincerity  and  impartiality  compel  us  to  admit  that  the  Egyptian 
has  his  defects,  as  well  as  his  fine  and  rare  qualities.  Though  honest 
by  temperament,  he  is  inexact  in  fulfilling  his  engagements.  He 
keeps  his  promise,  but  he  is  slow  in  doing  so.  It  is  due  rather  to 


i;2  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

carelessness   than  to   ill-will.     May   we   put   it   that    he   wishes   to 
disclaim  any  pretence  that  he  is  perfect  ? 

F.  Intellectual  Standing  and  Progress.  —  The  science  which 
flourished  in  the  early  days  of  Islam,  at  Bagdad,  Corfu,  Kairwan, 
Basra,  and  Cufa,  during  their  brilliant  prosperity,  are  now  cultivated 
only  in  the  city  of  Cairo.  Egypt  is  unquestionably  the  part  of  the 
world  in  which  Mussulman  university  centres  are  most  numerous 
and  richest  in  students.  It  is  the  scientific  and  intellectual  centre 
of  the  East  Round  each  of  the  pillars  of  El-Azhar,  and  under  the 
roof  of  most  of  the  mosques  in  the  various  quarters  of  Cairo,  of 
which  it  is  the  centre,  you  will  find  students  from  Morocco,  Tunis, 
Tripoli,  the  Sudan,  Syria,  Turkey,  Arabia,  Afghanistan,  India,  and 
Java,  from  early  dawn  until  late  at  night,  receiving  the  instruction 
that  is  given  them  by  several  hundred  professors  of  the  various 
sciences. 

In  December,  1908,  the  nation,  conscious  of  the  future  of  its 
children  and  anxious  to  raise  the  intellectual  level,  founded  the 
Egyptian  University.  Its  establishment  is  due  to  private  initiative, 
to  the  generosity  of  large-hearted  men,  and  the  sympathy  of  those 
who  love  progress  and  science.  At  once  the  Council  of  the 
University,  encouraged  by  the  spontaneous  liberality  it  experienced 
on  every  side,  set  to  work  to  realise  the  most  pressing  part  of  the 
programme,  and  sent  to  all  the  different  intellectual  centres  of 
Europe  a  number  of  young  students  for  the  pursuit  of  science. 

While  applauding  this  resurrection  of  science,  we  earnestly 
desire  that  the  intellectuals  who  will  control  the  destiny  of  our 
studious  young  generation  will  spare  no  effort  to  form  their  char- 
acters, inflame  them  with  a  zeal  for  scientific  discovery,  and  train 
them  in  the  struggle  of  intellectual  life. 

Let  us  not  forget  that  it  is  more  important  to  train  character 
than  to  train  intelligence,  and  that  a  really  great  university  should 
devote  itself  more  ardently  to  the  development  of  qualities  of 
character  than  to  the  training  of  the  mind. 

We  have  at  the  present  time  more  than  six  hundred  students  in 
Europe  and  America,  and  the  number  is  increasing.  More  than 
three  hundred  of  them  are  in  France. 

Part  II.  The  Politico-Economic  Situation.  —  Egypt  owes  its 
economic  importance  to  two  circumstances,  which  have  had  influence 
in  the  past,  as  they  have  to-day.  The  first  is  the  situation  of  Egypt : 
it  is  at  the  crossing  of  the  great  commercial  routes  between  Southern 
Europe,  North  Africa,  the  Sudan,  Arabia,  and  the  East  in  general. 
The  second  is  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  which  is  due  no  less  to  its 
excellent  character,  to  the  stability  of  its  sub-tropical  climate,  and  to 
the  regular  and  abundant  supply  of  water. 


THIRD   SESSION  173 

It  is  an  essentially  agricultural  country,  and  its  richness  has 
always  been  proverbial,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  there  are  hardly  any 
industries,  apart  from  those  that  have  been  introduced,  and  are  now 
prosperous — the  sugar  and  rice  industries.  The  manufacture  of 
sugar  employs  a  number  of  factories  in  Upper  Egypt ;  the  decortica- 
tion  of  rice  is  chiefly  confined  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Damietta. 
The  making  of  cigarettes  with  tobacco,  which  is  imported  and  then 
exported,  has  grown  to  such  an  extent  that  for  the  year  1909  we  have 
to  record  an  importation  of  £839,185  (English),  and  an  exportation 
of  £365,801  (English).  The  real  wealth  of  the  country  consists  in 
the  cultivation  of  cotton.  Numbers  of  factories  for  picking  it  are 
scattered  over  Upper  as  well  as  Lower  Egypt.  The  enormous  growth 
of  foreign  commerce  is  due  entirely  to  the  increased  cultivation  of 
cotton  and  to  the  rise  in  price  of  that  commodity.  I  need  only  say 
that  during  the  last  twenty-five  years  the  receipts,  in  spite  of  constant 
strikes,  have  risen  from  about  £9,000,000  (English)  to  more  than 
£15,402,872  (English)  ; I  that  the  total  of  imports  and  exports,  which 
in  1880  was  £19,500,000  (English)  has  increased  to  about  £42,000,000 
(English) ;  that  the  cultivated  area  has  increased  by  more  than  a 
million  feddens ;  and  that  the  cotton  crop,  which  in  1880  was  about 
2,250,000  kantars,  now  usually  varies  between  6,000,000  and  6,500,000 
kantars.  There  could,  moreover,  be  no  better  proof  of  the  develop- 
ment of  our  commercial  activity  than  that  afforded  by  the  remarkable 
growth  of  credit-establishments.  There  are  various  kinds  of  joint- 
stock  banks  established  ;  some  are  deposit  and  clearance  banks,  others 
lend  money  on  mortgages  and  securities.  Foreign  capital  flows  in 
constantly  with  perfect  confidence,  and  has  had  the  happy  effect 
of  substituting,  in  a  large  measure,  banks  for  the  local  usurers  for  pro- 
viding funds  for  the  proprietary  class  and  the  fellahs.  The  above 
figures  indicate  a  prosperity  that  is  on  the  increase,  and  show  that 
Egypt  is  much  richer  to-day  than  it  was  twenty-five  years  ago,  and 
that  its  productive  power  has  been  developed. 

G.  Political  Conditions. — Egypt  is  a  vassal  country  of  Turkey. 
The  form  of  government  is  theoretically  absolute,  but  with  certain 
modifications  which  will  be  explained  later.  It  was  recognised  by 
the  Convention  signed  at  London  on  July  15,  1840,  and  agreed  upon 
between  the  Courts  of  Austria,  Great  Britain,  Prussia,  and  Russia  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  Ottoman  Sublime  Porte  on  the  other.  The 
chief  firman  or  hatti-Cherif  Q{  June  I,  1841,  appointed  Mehemet  Aly 
Pacha  the  Governor  of  Egypt,  and  awarded  the  hereditary  govern- 
ment to  his  descendants. 

Ismail  Pacha  was  the  first  to  receive  the  title  of  Khedive,  and  in 
1866  succeeded  in  obtaining  material  concessions  from  the  Sublime 
1  Supplement  to  the  Official  Journal,  No.  31,  March  16,  1910. 


174  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

Porte,  especially  the  firman,  which  establishes  :  (i)  the  transmission 
of  the  Khedivate  in  order  of  primogeniture  from  one  eldest  son  to 
another,  and  (2)  that  all  revenue  should  be  received  in  the  name  of  the 
Sultan. 

After  1882,  when  the  events  connected  with  Arabi  Pacha 
occurred — events  that  are  still  painful  in  our  memories — Great 
Britain  intervened  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  order  and  establish- 
ing H.H.  the  Khedive  on  his  throne  ;  it  has  remained  since  then 
in  the  country,  taking  part  in  all  Egyptian  affairs  and  occupying 
the  country  with  military  force.  This  occupation  is  not  judicially 
recognised,  except  by  the  Convention  of  April  18,  1904,  in  regard 
to  the  finances  of  the  country,  in  which  Turkey  (the  Suzerain 
Power)  took  no  part.  The  actual  Government  has  at  its  head 
H.H.  the  Khedive  Abbas  II.,  who  received  his  investiture  by 
firman  dated  March  27,  I892.1 

He  governs  with  the  aid  of  a  Ministry  that  is  in  some  sense 
responsible  to  him.  This  Ministry  is  composed  of  seven  Ministers 
and  six  Under-Secretaries  of  State.  Besides  this  purely  native 
Government  there  exists  another  power  since  the  occupation,  that 
of  the  Plenipotentiary  Britannic  Minister,  in  whose  hands  is  the 
preponderant  influence  both  in  politics  and  administration. 

According  to  Lord  Granville's  circular  of  1883,  and  Lord 
Rosebery's  dispatch  of  1892,  the  native  authorities  are  obliged,  in 
all  matters  of  importance,  to  follow  the  advice  given  them  by  the 
Government  of  Great  Britain,  under  penalty  of  losing  their  positions. 

The  British  Agent  exercises  his  control  by  means  of  Advisers 
attached  to  each  Ministry,  except  those  of  Foreign  Affairs  and 

1  "The  Khedive,  to  whom  the  civil,  financial,  and  judicial  administration  is 
confided,  will  have  the  power  to  make  all  regulations  and  internal  laws  necessary 
to  that  end.  The  Khedive  will  be  authorised  to  conclude  and  to  renew,  without 
prejudice  to  the  political  treaties  of  my  Imperial  Government  or  to  its  sovereign 
rights  over  the  country,  conventions  with  the  agents  of  Foreign  Powers  in  regard 
to  customs  and  commerce,  and  all  transactions  with  foreigners  concerning  internal 
affairs.  The  conventions  will  be  communicated  to  my  Sublime  Porte  before  they  are 
promulgated  by  the  Khedive.  The  Khedive  will  have  full  and  entire  control  of  the 
financial  affairs  of  the  country,  but  he  will  not  have  the  right  to  contract  loans, 
except  as  concerns  exclusively  the  regulation  of  the  present  financial  situation,  and 
in  complete  accord  with  its  present  creditors  or  delegates  officially  charged  with  their 
interests.  The  Khedive  cannot  devolve  upon  others,  in  whole  or  in  part,  the  privileges 
accorded  to  Egypt,  which  are  entrusted  to  him,  and  which  form  part  of  the  rights 
inherent  to  a  sovereign  power,  nor  sacrifice  any  part  of  the  territory.  .  .  .  Regular 
payment  of  the  annual  tribute  of  750,000  L.T.  The  coinage  will  be  minted 
in  the  name  of  the  Sultan.  The  Egyptian  Army  is  fixed  at  18,000  men  in  time 
of  peace.  Nevertheless,  as  the  Egyptian  land  and  sea  forces  are 'also  intended  for 
the  service  of  the  Sultan,  in  the  event  of  the  Sublime  Porte  finding  itself  at  war, 
the  number  may  be  increased  in  such  proportion  as  is  thought  fit.  The  flags  and 
the  grade-marks  of  officers  will  be  the  same  as  in  the  Ottoman  Army.  The  Khedive 
will  have  the  right  to  confer  on  officers  of  the  land  and  sea  forces  up  to  the  rank 
of  colonel  exclusively,  and  on  civil  officers  up  to  the  rank  of  sanieh  exclusively." 


THIRD   SESSION  175 

War,  which  he  controls  directly,  and  by  means  of  inspectors  in 
each  moudirieh  or  province.  The  English  Advisers  are  appointed 
by  H.H.  the  Khedive,  but  proposed  by  the  English  Diplomatic 
Agent,  to  whom  they  are  really  responsible. 

The  nation  does  not,  in  the  parliamentary  or  representative  sense, 
really  take  part  in  the  making  of  laws,  and  does  not  see  that  they  are 
executed.  It  is  represented  by  : — 

( I )  A  Legislative  Council,  one  half  of  whose  members  are  appointed 
for  life  by  the  Government,  and  the  other  half  elected  on  a  system  of 
two-graded  suffrage — a  very  defective  system,  which  does  not  meet 
the  wish  of  the  nation,  and  gives  only  a  semblance  of  representation. 
This  Council  has  only  a  consultative  voice,  and,  when  it  rejects 
or  modifies  a  law,  the  Government  may  disregard  it,  sending  it  a 
note  explaining  the  reasons  why  its  advice  has  not  been  followed, 
and  the  Council  has  no  right  to  reply  to,  or  even  to  discuss,  this  note. 
(2)  A  General  Assembly,  of  which  the  members  of  the  Legislative 
Council  and  the  Ministers  form  part.  This  Assembly  must  be 
convoked  at  least  once  in  two  years.  It  also  has  only  a  consultative 
voice,  except  when  there  is  a  question  of  raising  new  taxes.  In 
this  case  alone  its  voice  is  deliberative  and  decisive. 

The  sittings  of  these  two  elected,  bodies  were  formerly  private ; 
only  last  year  did  they  become  public.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Legislative  Council  is  granted  the  right  to  put  questions  to  the 
ministers  according  to  certain  rules,  without  being  able  to  discuss 
their  replies.  This  reform  has  not  been  introduced  by  decree ; 
it  was  recognised  in  the  Council  by  a  letter  from  the  President 
of  the  Council  of  Ministers.  These  few  insignificant  reforms  have, 
nevertheless,  added  some  strength  and  authority  to  the  Councils, 
which  were  too  much  neglected,  and  consulted  only  as  a  matter 
of  form. 

In  the  third  place,  and  beside  each  moudir  or  prefect,  there 
are  provincial  councils,  the  competency  of  which  has  been  recently 
enlarged.  They  have  now  a  deliberative  voice  in  part  of  the  local 
affairs,  and  much  is  hoped  of  their  new  organisation.  They  have 
devoted  nearly  the  whole  of  their  budget  to  public  instruction, 
and  make  every  effort  to  spread  education  in  the  country.  Here 
also  we  must  recognise  the  local  commissions  that  exist  in  all 
the  provinces,  and  the  mixed  municipalities  at  Alexandria, 
Mansourah,  Port-Said,  and  Heluan.  The  establishment  of  these 
was  excellent,  as  it  indicates  the  first  step  toward  self-government. 

Egypt,  like  all  civilised  countries,  demands  reforms  for  the 
purpose  of  remedying  its  actual  defects.  This  very  legitimate 
claim  justifies  the  French  proverb  that  observes,  with  much  subtlety : 
"  To  govern  is  to  dissatisfy."  It  is  in  this  spirit,  and  not  in  a 


176  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

critical  mood,  that  I  venture  to  make  myself  the  spokesman  of 
my  country  in  formulating  the  following  claims : — 

Elections. — The  system  actually  in  use  is  wholly  defective,  as 
it  in  no  wise  expresses  the  will  of  the  nation.  It  is  also  advisable 
to  extend  the  powers  of  the  Legislative  Council  and  the  General 
Assembly  in  order  that  the  natives  may  have  a  real  share  in  the 
government. 

Justice. — The  same  observation  may  be  made  in  regard  to  justice, 
either  mixed  or  native.  An  early  use  should  be  made  of  some 
means  to  make  it  more  expeditious  and  economical,  as  one  of  its 
great  defects  is  the  complicated  character  of  the  procedure,  which 
causes  long  and  useless  delays,  always  injurious  to  the  parties 
interested,  and  the  enormous  expense  of  having  recourse  to  it.  It 
is  also  to  be  hoped  that  certain  necessary,  if  not  important,  amend- 
ments will  be  made  in  the  law. 

Education. — The  Government  ought  to  apply  itself  seriously  to 
enforcing  obligatory  instruction  and  return  to  the  system  in  vogue 
before  the  English  occupation — to  make  education  gratuitous  in  all 
elementary  schools.  It  is  necessary  to  draw  up  new  programmes  for 
the  training  of  our  youth,  and  make  it  capable  of  furnishing  a  supply 
of  skilful  engineers,  doctors,  jurisconsults,  &c.,  so  that  they  may 
take  their  part  in  the  progressive  development  of  the  country. 
Above  all  things,  the  authorities  must  take  up  the  subject  of  moral 
instruction,  which  is  so  important  an  element  among  Europeans, 
making  them  good  parents  and  good  citizens. 

Agriculture. — More  delicate,  and  more  vital  to  the  economic 
interest  of  the  country,  is  the  question  of  agriculture.  It  is  necessary 
to  face  at  once  the  eventuality  of  the  results  of  the  cotton-crop 
not  coming  up  to  expectation.  In  order  to  remedy  this  evil,  and 
avoid  an  inevitable  crisis  and  imminent  misfortune,  it  is  necessary  to 
ensure  and  increase  the  productivity  of  the  valley  of  the  Nile  by 
a  more  varied  and  intensive  culture  and  by  bringing  out  its  latent 
resources ;  for  instance,  to  increase  the  cultivation  of  the  sugar- 
cane and  permit  the  cultivation  of  tobacco,  and  the  results  will 
be  excellent  both  for  the  Government  and  the  cultivators  ;  also 
to  encourage  the  creation  of  model  farms,  the  rearing  of  poultry, 
&c.  These  are  so  many  material  means  of  which  the  Egyptian 
producer  is  at  present  deprived. 

Another  reform  that  is  equally  pressing  is  the  improvement  of 
the  lot  of  the  fellah  by  providing  him  with  the  means  of  enlarg- 
ing his  activity  and  resources.  At  the  present  time  the  majority 
of  the  fellahs  hire  a  plot  of  land,  which  they  work  themselves,  and 
with  the  produce  they  are  barely  able  to  pay  the  rent  (often 
exorbitant)  and  the  taxes,  and  provide  for  themselves  for  a  year 


THIRD   SESSION  177 

out  of  the  little  that  remains.  On  this  account  it  is  impossible 
for  them  to  save  anything,  still  less  to  have  the  satisfaction  of 
acquiring  a  kirat  of  land.  The  Government  ought,  like  a  benevo- 
lent parent,  to  offer  them  every  facility.  It  could,  for  instance, 
with  every  regard  for  their  age-old  inexperience  and  improvidence, 
either  let  land  to  them  on  a  long  lease,  with  the  prospect  of  some 
day  becoming  the  owners  of  it  (by  paying  with  the  rent  an 
additional  sum  towards  the  price  of  the  land),  or  grant  them  per- 
petual leases  in  consideration  of  the  regular  payment  of  the  rent. 

We  must  not  forget,  too,  that  the  fellah  still  uses  the  ploughing 
instruments  of  ages  ago,  which  entail  a  good  deal  of  labour  and  time 
and  do  not  yield  a  proportionate  result.  The  Department  of  Agricul- 
ture will  do  a  good  and  useful  work  if  it  suggests  to  the  large  land- 
owners to  form  unions  to  buy  and  hire  out  improved  tools.  It  is 
wrong  to  suppose  that  the  fellah  is  devoted  to  the  ancient  methods ; 
on  the  contrary,  he  will  accept  gladly  and  gratefully  any  improve- 
ment that  means  a  practical  saving  to  him. 

The  action  of  the  State  would  be  still  more  fruitful  if  it 
encouraged  and  increased  the  formation  of  agricultural  unions, 
co-operative  societies,  provident  and  productive  associations. 

Industry. — A  word  now  on  the  working  population.  This  poor 
class  of  society,  which  has  not  yet  learned  modern  methods  and 
industrial  organisation,  is  at  the  mercy  of  its  employers.  The  price 
of  food  has  doubled  in  recent  years,  but  wages  have  not  increased  in 
proportion,  so  that  the  labourer  and  the  worker  are  relatively  poorer 
than  ever.  Ought  not  the  competent  authority  to  encourage  trade 
unions  in  order  to  remove  their  grievances  ?  The  best  way  would  be 
to  endeavour  to  make  agriculture  so  prosperous  as  to  check  the  fatal 
tendency  to  rural  emigration. 

Public  Assistance^  &c. — Turning  to  a  different  order  of  ideas,  we 
may  say  that  our  country  is  also  wanting  in  establishments  of  Public 
Assistance,  instituted  by  the  Municipalities  and  the  Provincial 
Councils  ;  also  in  retreats  for  the  aged  and  infirm,  such  as  we  see  in 
Europe,  especially  in  England.  These  establishments  would  be 
compelled  (instead  of  doing  it  out  of  charity)  to  house  and  feed  every 
indigent  and  his  family  of  any  nationality  or  creed  whatever.  Such 
an  organisation  would  do  important  humane  and  moral  service,  par- 
ticularly in  protecting  children,  as  child-mortality  is  increasing  fright- 
fully. The  statistics  of  1909  show  417  deaths  per  thousand  at  Cairo, 
and  33*1  per  thousand  at  Alexandria.  If  we  compare  this  with 
European  capitals,  we  find  that  London,  with  its  5,000,000  inhabi- 
tants, has  only  14  deaths  per  thousand  ;  Berlin,  with  a  population  of 
2,106,513  has  only  15-1  per  thousand;  Paris,  with  2,760,033  inhabi- 
tants has  17*4  deaths  per  thousand.  It  is  a  sad  disproportion, 

N 


UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

especially  when  we  reflect  that  the  climate  of  these  cities  is  much 
more  unhealthy  than  ours.  From  all  this  we  may  conclude  that 
sanitary  reform  leaves  a  good  deal  to  be  desired.  We  must  fight 
against  this  alarming  loss  of  infant  life  in  our  large  towns. 

Another  pressing  duty  is  to  make  the  houses  of  the  working 
classes  healthier;  at  present  they  are  entirely  wanting  in  the 
elementary  principles  of  hygiene.;}  "to 

-it^To  resume  :  Egypt  claims  certain  reforms  in  order  to  maintain 
its  prestige  and  its  moral  dignity.  It  may  be  objected  that  we  lack 
the  means  to  realise  them.  To  that  we  may  confidently  reply  that 
the  progressive  wealth  of  the  country  can  sustain  the  burden  of  these 
expenses.  Who,  moreover,  presses  the  Government  to  undertake 
them  all  at  once?  A  beginning  could  be  made  with  the  urgent 
reforms,  and  the  work  might  continue  gradually  until  the  expressed 
wishes  of  the  nation  have  been  satisfied. 

-avJn  conclusion,  we  may  say  that  it  would  be  wrong  to  regard  the 
mental  status  of  the  Egyptian  as  permanent  or  not  susceptible  of 
modification  under  the  pressure  of  influences  in  his  environment. 
On  the  contrary,  the  present  situation  leads  us  to  predict  with 
confidence  that  changes  in  the  system  of  education  and  in  public 
opinion,  due  in  a  great  measure  to  constant  and  increasing  contact 
with  the  West,  will  transform  and  improve  this  mental  aptitude  at  no 
distant  date.  Egypt,  the  cradle  of  the  most  ancient  civilisation  in 
the  world,  will,  thanks  to  the  generous  support  of  our  Beloved  and 
August  Sovereign,  H.H.  the  Khedive  Abbas  II.,  continue  to  make 
giant  strides  toward  the  conquest  of  civilisation  and  progress.  The 
future  smiles  on  us,  and  I  may  conclude  in  the  words  of  the  sublime 
poet  Milton  :  — 

"  Methinks  I  see  in  my  mind  a  noble  and  puissant  nation  rousing  herself  like 
a  strong  man  after  sleep,  and  shaking  her  invincible  locks  :  Methinks  I  see  her 
as  an  eagle  mewing  her  mighty  youth,  and  kindling  her  undazzled  eyes  at  the 
full  midday  beam  ;  purging  and  unsealing  her  long-abused  sight  at  the  fountain 
itself  of  heavenly  radiance." 

[Paper  submitted  in  French.] 


oJ    "{Infifo  Ju<>  *    ^;no.»    o 

SOME  GENERAL    CONSIDERATIONS   ON    THE 
PEOPLE  AND  THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  HAITI 

rL-.^iTt    i  vJiiirfl  ,fran  ojo?q  r.i          .rji) 

By  GENERAL  LEOTIME, 

Former  President  of  the  Republic  of  Haiti. 
-it»,;iiiti  OOOXJGO,;    fill  rUiv/  .nubfuxl  jjjrif  L-ru?  r;  v      h./iq&i   tifioqoiwH 

THE  Haitian  nation  dates  back  to  yesterday,  as  it  were,  and  its 
clumsy  gropings  towards  the  light  should  cause,  therefore,  no  aston- 
ishment From  1804,  the  year  of  its  independence,  to  1843,  the  year 


THIRD   SESSION  179 

of  the  revolution,  its  political  education  and  its  social  organisation 
were  bound  to  be  very  imperfect.  Yet  many  illusions  have  been 
cherished  in  regard  to  this  people  through  mistaking  surface  appear- 
ances for  the  reality.  The  memory  of  its  former  colonial  prosperity 
and  the  favourable  position  of  the  island  led  many  to  conceive  the 
Republic  of  Haiti  as  a  Garden  of  Eden.  Is  not  the  azure  sea  which 
lies  around  it  the  reservoir  from  which  the  Gulf  Stream  derives  the 
tropical  heat  which  is  borne  onward  until  its  influence  is  felt  even  on 
the  shores  of  England  ? 

But,  however  stimulating  the  climate  of  the  Antilles  may  be,  it 
could  not  succeed  alone,  and  with  such  rapidity,  in  forming  a  society. 
It  needs  the  support  of  other  agencies,  and  we  are  therefore  com- 
pelled, in  studying  the  progress  of  the  people  of  Haiti,  to  examine 
the  influence  of  the  external  forces  which  have  co-operated,  or  acted 
infelicitously,  in  modifying  the  situation. 

In  1843  nearly  twenty  years  had  passed  since  the  Black  Republic 
had  been  convulsed  by  a  revolution  ;  but  the  government  of  the 
Republic,  which  might  be  regarded  as  the  most  regular  power  that , 
had  held  sway  over  it  since  its  independence,  rested,  nevertheless,  on 
an  insecure  foundation.  At  that  time  power  was  concentrated  in  the 
hands  of  the  single  personality  at  the  head  of  the  State.  It  was  a 
government  of  the  older  European  type.  The  ideal  of  the  revolution 
was  bound  to  be  very  different  from  this,  a  government  divided 
into  three  great  branches  (legislature,  executive,  and  judiciary), 
thoroughly  civil  and  representative.  It  was  an  attractive  ideal ;  but 
was  such  a  government  possible  in  the  then  condition  of  Haiti,  which 
was  feudal  rather  than  mediaeval  ? 

History  has  given  a  negative  answer  to  the  question.  In  1843, 
however,  the  Haitians  were  no  less  eager  for  liberty  than  in  1804, 
and  not  in  the  least  more  opposed  to  progress.  What  above  all 
things  they  desired  and  demanded,  from  a  lively  consciousness  of 
their  moral  and  material  needs,  was  prosperity.  They  were  confident 
that  this  was  the  best  means  for  attaining  complete  emancipation  and 
the  highest  possible  degree  of  civilisation.  As  far  as  the  people  were 
concerned,  President  Boyer  would  not  have  fallen  from  power  if 
agriculture,  commerce,  and  industry  had  not  been  threatened  under 
his  administration.  Prosperity  in  these  three  things  was  precisely 
what  the  deputies  of  the  Commons  had  in  view,  and  the  lack  of 
it  formed  the  burden  of  their  complaints  in  their  representations  to 
the  President  of  the  Republic.  Ought  they  not  to  have  adhered  to 
that  programme  when  they  had  organised  a  ministry,  and  incor- 
porated it  as  a  part  of  the  government  of  the  country? 

A  political  revolution  is  a  blind  force,  and,  unfortunately,  one  that 
cannot  be  controlled.  If,  like  the  English  Revolution,  it  is  conducted 


i8o  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

only  in  relation  to  existing  institutions  and  for  the  purpose  of  realis- 
ing conservative  ideas,  it  will  never  be  able  to  do  much  good.  The 
revolution  of  1843,  however,  was  useful  in  proving  once  more  the 
danger  of  Caesarism  or  personal  government.  Caesarism,  which 
anarchy  always  involves,  cannot,  any  more  than  a  dictatorship,  be 
a  permanent  form  of  government.  In  the  life  of  a  people  there  is 
always  a  moment  when  the  sword  must  give  place  to  the  law.  Not 
that  the  law  is  infallible !  It  often  contains  many  evils  in  the  folds 
of  its  long  robe ;  but,  while  the  sword  only  represents  force,  the  law 
stands  for  peace  and  justice. 

Born  in  troublous  times,  Haiti  is  essentially  a  military  State, 
and,  though  he  cannot  entertain  ideas  of  conquest,  its  head  must, 
nevertheless,  retain  the  character  of  a  noble  gendarme,  the  guardian 
of  its  institutions.  But  this  gendarme,  who  must  be  surrounded  with 
the  light  of  knowledge,  must  have  a  counterpoise,  and  that  can  be 
found  only  in  communal  institutions  and  in  a  Parliament.  There 
are,  however,  many  kinds  of  such  institutions  and  Parliaments ;  every- 
thing depends  on  the  form  they  assume. 

By  a  commune  we  understand  a  city,  rivtfas,  a  civic  community 
with  its  own  organs  and  its  characteristic  life.  By  Parliament 
we  understand  the  representation  of  the  communes  and  of  all  the 
centres  of  social  activity  that  are  created  in  a  country.  Both  institu- 
tions are  of  very  ancient  origin.  They  existed  in  Europe  long  before 
feudalism,  and  even  before  the  Roman  Empire. 

However  much  Parliaments  have  evolved  in  their  form  and  their 
functions  in  the  course  of  history,  we  seem  to  find  them,  in  a  rudi- 
mentary condition,  in  the  palavers  that  are  still  held  in  great  regard 
in  many  a  tribe.  The  Parliament  controls,  discusses,  and,  in  that 
way,  relieves  the  responsibility  of  the  Government.  The  idea  of  this 
institution  is  assuredly  one  of  those  that  have  not  suffered  in  the 
disappointment  of  Haiti's  early  illusions ;  but,  in  order  that  it  may 
be  realised  effectively,  it  needs  to  obtain  a  deeper  consciousness,  to 
sink  deeper  into  and  take  root  in  the  mind  of  the  people. 

*  *  .'*:i,'  *  *  * 

The  Parliament  of  Haiti  before  1843  ^a<^  more  than  once 
mutilated  itself  in  deference  to  the  wish  of  "  the  august  person 
of  the  first  Magistrate  of  the  Republic,"  as  in  the  case  of  the 
expulsion  of  the  Senator  Pierre-Andre1.  Many  times  since  then 
an  effort  has  been  made  to  infuse  new  blood  into  it ;  but  the 
antagonism  of  the  various  parties  is  so  determined  that,  as  public 
opinion  vacillates,  the  scale  sinks  on  either  side  alternately,  some- 
times on  the  side  of  the  Parliament,  sometimes  on  that  of  the 
Government. 

When,  then,  may  we  hope  to  see  established  between  the  various 


THIRD  SESSION  181 

branches  of  power  in  Haiti  that  harmony  and  stability  which  will 
inspire  confidence,  strengthen  its  institutions,  and  permit  a  great 
current  of  sympathy  to  flow  through  its  various  social  strata?  How- 
ever, far  from  normal  as  the  political  regime  of  Haiti  still  is,  it  has 
brought  about  certain  improvements  in  the  public  service,  and,  at 
the  same  time,  some  useful  work  has  been  done  on  private  initiative. 
We  may  enumerate  them  as  follows  : — 

Public  Instruction. — The  development  of  education  was  not  effec- 
tively undertaken  in  Haiti  until  the  time  of  the  Geffrard  Govern- 
ment (1859-67).  Schools  were  multiplied,  and  instruction  of  all 
grades  was  given,  except  in  the  higher  grade,  in  which  educational 
work  was  restricted  to  a  school  of  medicine  and  a  school  of  law. 
Both  before  and  after  the  time  of  Geffrard  many  young  Haitians 
used  to  go  to  Europe  to  complete  their  studies,  and  a  number  of 
them  were  very  successful.  We  may  recall,  for  instance,  that 
M.  L£on  Audain,  formerly  a  physician  in  the  hospitals  of  Paris, 
established  a  laboratory  of  bacteriology  and  parasitology  at  Port- 
au-Prince  ;  M.  Doret,  a  civil  engineer,  and  M.  Eth6art  founded  the 
"  Free  School  of  Applied  Science,"  and,  finally,  Dr.  Jeanty  established 
a  maternity  hospital  and  an  asylum  for  the  insane.  Before  the  Free 
School  of  Applied  Science,  which  is  engaged  in  the  training  of 
engineers,  architects,  and  agriculturists,  was  opened,  the  Government 
had  laid  the  foundation  of  two  schools  of  arts  and  crafts.  The  first, 
which  is  known  as  the  "Central  House,"  goes  back  to  1846,  under 
the  administration  of  Riche".  The  young  people  who  were  detained 
in  it  to  learn  a  trade  were  also  taught  to  read  and  write,  if  their 
education  had  been  neglected.  The  establishment  owed  its  chief 
importance  to  the  fact  that  the  making  of  paper  and  soap  was 
included  in  the  subjects  that  were  taught.  The  soap  works  of  the 
Central  House  received  little  encouragement ;  but  its  paper  works 
provided,  until  the  end  of  1858,  all  the  material  that  the  administra- 
tion needed  for  the  supply  of  its  offices. 

National  Foundry^  &c. — The  second  school  created  by  Geffrard 
was  equally  successful  in  metallurgy.  It  also  included  a  number 
of  schools  for  teaching  wood-carving.  We  must  also  refer  to  the 
sectarian  schools  which,  since  1860,  have  assisted  in  spreading  the 
light  and  in  teaching  girls  the  various  occupations  suitable  for  them. 

Religion. — The  majority  of  the  people  are  Catholics.  On  account 
of  the  War  of  Independence,  however,  the  Catholic  clergy  was  not 
officially  organised  until  1860,  when  a  Concordat  was  signed  with 
the  Holy  See  at  Rome.  Other  religions  are  freely  practised  in  the 
country. 

Communication. — Haiti  entered  the  Postal  Union  in  1881,  under 
the  government  of  General  Salomon,  and  communicates  with  foreign 


i82  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

countries  by  telegraphic  connection  and  shipping.  The  various 
towns  of  the  country  are  connected  by  the  post,  by  coasting  vessels, 
and  by  the  telephone  and  telegraph.  There  are  four  lines  of  railway 
in  Haiti  at  the  present  time  :  (i)  The  Cul-de-Sac  line  ;  (2)  the  line 
from  the  Cap  to  Grande- Riviere  ;  (3)  the  line  from  Gonai'ves  to 
Ennery  ;  (4)  the  line  from  Port-au-Prince  to  L^ogane.  These  lines 
are  still  in  a  poor  state  of  development. 

Agriculture,  Commerce,  and  Industry. — From  the  time  of  Boyer  to 
the  present  day  production  has  increased  five-fold,  or  even  six-fold, 
in  proportion  to  the  growth  of  the  population  of  Haiti.  Yet  the 
economic  situation  is  still  the  great  stumbling-block  which  brings  to 
its  fall  the  majority  of  Ministries.  Agriculture,  commerce,  and 
industry,  which  focus  the  energy  of  a  country  and  form  its  "vital 
tripod,"  so  to  say,  are  exhausted  and  ruined  in  Haiti  under  the 
burden  of  taxes  and  paper-money  to  which  the  various  Governments 
have  usually  had  recourse  to  fill  up  the  deficit  of  the  year. 

****** 

No  other  cause  need  be  sought  for  the  debility  and  the  function- 
aryism  of  Haiti.  It  is  not  a  racial  question,  but  simply  a  problem  of 
political  economy.  This  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  wherever  paper- 
money  and  excessive  taxation  drain  the  national  reserves,  no  capital 
can  be  accumulated.  Private  initiative  cannot  take  action,  and 
national  industry  is  paralysed. 

One  must  not,  however,  on  this  account  despair  of  the  future  of 
the  people  of  Haiti.  Whatever  may  be  said  to  the  contrary,  it  seems 
to  be  an  energetic  and  vigorous  people.  In  order  to  understand  its 
temperament  and  appreciate  its  worth,  one  must  leave  the  towns, 
where  society  is  in  a  state  of  disaggregation,  and  penetrate  far  into 
the  country.  There,  in  the  midst  of  a  luxuriant  vegetation,  will  be 
found  an  almost  primitive  population,  professing  a  jealous  love  of  its 
soil.  They  work,  but  without  method,  without  guidance,  and  without 
capital.  They  have  no  resources.  In  order  to  sell  their  produce  and 
buy  the  smallest  thing  that  they  need,  they  have  to  walk  long 
distances  and  cross  the  mountains  to  reach  the  markets  in  the  urban 
centres. 

In  an  age  when  the  produce  of  the  soil  has  lost  a  good  deal  of  its 
exchange-value,  life  in  the  country  is  full  of  hardship.  What  people 
would  be  able  to  prosper  in  such  circumstances  ?  Our  peasants  feel 
the  truth  of  this,  and  they  endeavour  to  escape  by  emigrating  in 
groups,  during  the  last  ten  years,  to  Cuba,  Panama,  Colon,  and  other 
parts  of  Central  America  in  search  of  work. 

In  the  case  of  the  Haitian,  who  suffers  from  no  lack  of  land,  sun- 
shine and  rain,  this  emigration  would  seem  strange  if  we  did  not  know 
its  causes.  It  may  be  asked  if  the  emigrants  will  not  be  found 


THIRD   SESSION  183 

inferior  to  their  rivals,  the  other  workers  in  the  distant  land.  That 
is  far  from  being  the  case.  M.  Magoon,  at  one  time  Governor  of 
Cuba,  highly  praised  them  in  a  report  which  he  made  to  his  Govern- 
ment Others  have  since  expressed  themselves  in  the  same  sense. 
Knowing  this,  we  may  conclude  that  the  people  of  Haiti  are  perse- 
vering, active,  and  very  adaptable ;  that,  if  they  had  been  always 
encouraged  and  well  directed,  they  would  by  this  time  have  reached 
a  high  pitch  of  prosperity  and  civilisation. 

It  may  be  objected,  however,  that  the  Haitians  are  fetichistic, 
and  the  very  general  prejudice  against  the  "blacks"  disposes  people 
to  believe  this.  Now,  it  is  true  that  we  can  discover  in  Haiti  certain 
traces  of  African  fanaticism;  but  this  is  only  a  lingering  relic  of 
ancestral  traits  which  a  people  does  not  easily  suppress  :  witness  the 
Greeks,  the  Romans,  the  Gauls,  the  Germans,  and  the  Scandinavians. 
M.  Maxime  du  Camp  says,  in  one  of  his  works,  that  there  are  still 
people  in  France  who  believe  in  Lilith  and  Naema,  as  was  the  case 
in  the  time  of  the  Albigenses.1  "  At  the  summer  solstice  certain 
individuals  meet,  before  the  rising  of  the  sun,  on  one  of  the  hills 
round  Paris;  their  foreheads  are  swathed  in  strips  of  cloth,  like 
Egyptian  sphinxes,  and  they  invoke  Apollo  Epicurius,  and  chant  the 
hymn  of  Orpheus." 

It  is  not  surprising  that  something  of  the  kind  should  be  wit- 
nessed on  the  mountains  of  Haiti,  in  a  region  where  the  people 
have  always  been  left  to  themselves.  But  the  Africans  were  not  all 
fetichists.  Some  of  them  were  Mohammedans,  and  some  even 
Christians ;  but  the  latter  are  never  taken  into  account.  Moreau 
de  St.-Meiy,  in  speaking  of  the  African  dances  that  were  introduced 
into  San  Domingo,  refers  to  the  Vaudoux  (Voud'houn)  with  which 
are  connected,  he  says,  certain  institutions  in  which  superstition  and 
eccentric  practices  play  a  great  part.2  The  Vaudoux  was  at  that 
time  danced  in  public,  like  all  the  others ;  but  in  order  to  carry  out 
the  rites  connected  with  it,  the  members  of  the  sect  used  to  meet  at 
night  in  an  enclosed  place,  a  forest,  far  from  the  eyes  of  the 
profane. 

In  regard  to  these  matters  the  authorities  did  not  show  any 
severity  until  the  governments  of  Toussaint-Louverture  and 
Dessalines,  both  of  whom  were  blacks.  The  offenders  were  arrested 
and  prosecuted,  and  their  dance-meetings  were  regarded  as  centres 
of  sedition.3  They  were  not  spared  under  the  succeeding  govern- 

1  Pan's,  sa  Vie,  ses  Organes,  by  Maxime  du  Camp. 

3  Moreau  de  St.-Mery,  vol.  ii.  p.  54. 

3  Jacques  Nicolas  Leger.  "  Fully  convinced  that  the  leaders  of  these  dances  (Vaudoux) 
have  no  other  aim  than  to  disturb  the  public  order  .  .  .  and  impart  to  their  hearers 
principles  that  are  quite  opposed  to  those  that  should  be  held  by  a  man  who  loves  his 
country  and  is  jealous  of  the  honour  of  his  fellow-citizens  ;  desiring  to  destroy  the 


184  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

ments.  In  1846  President  Rich6,  whenever  he  heard  the  suspicious 
beat  of  a  drum  during  the  night,  used  to  go  himself  to  track  and 
surprise  the  dancers  in  their  retreat  The  unfortunate  offenders  lived 
in  perpetual  and  salutary  fear,  and  shuddered  at  the  mere  sight  of  a 
policeman's  uniform  in  the  distance. 

In  fine,  what  is  this  Vaudouism,  as  an  excellent  Protestant 
minister,  Mr.  Bird,  called  it?  What  is  it  in  the  life  of  a  people 
whose  last  African  ancestors  were  still  living  in  1870?  Fanaticism 
is  assuredly  an  evil ;  but  we  must  not  exaggerate  its  importance. 

The  prolonged  weakness  and  evident  incompetence  of  a  State  to 
govern  itself  may  bring  about  the  death  of  that  State,  as  Bluntschli 
observed  ;  but  a  nation  or  a  race  is  not  doomed  to  destruction 
because  superstition  has  not  been  entirely  destroyed  in  its  midst. 
There  is  every  reason  for  hope.  Vaudouism,  with  its  drums,  its 
bells,  its  howling  dervishes,  its  sorcerers  and  wizards,  will  disappear 
from  Haiti  just  as  paganism  and  druidism  disappeared  from  Europe. 
tin  Nil  desperandum !  Haiti  has  immense  natural  wealth.  If  its 
Government  makes  a  methodical  effort  to  develop  it,  with  an  eye  to 
the  welfare  and  the  independence  of  the  nation  and  the  union  of 
families,  it  will  advance  as  the  Argentine  Republic,  Mexico  and 
Chile  have  advanced,  after  a  long  succession  of  political  revolutions. 
Let  us  hope  that  it  will  do  so,  for  the  honour  of  the  black  race,  the 
progress  of  humanity,  and,  as  Dessalines  used  to  say,  for  the  mani- 
festation of  the  glory  and  power  of  God.  Surget  et  ambula. 
[Paper  submitted  in  French.] 


HUNGARY 

THEORY  OF  THE  HOLY  CROWN,  OR  THE  DEVELOP- 
MENT AND  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  THE  CONCEPTION 
OF  PUBLIC  RIGHTS  OF  THE  HOLY  CROWN  IN 
THE  CONSTITUTION' 

By  AKOS  DE  TIMON, 
Professor  of  Law  in  the  University  of  Budapest. 

THE  Hungarian  people  who,  in  the  last  decade  of  the  ninth 
century,  effected  the  conquest  of  the  territory  which,  on  the  banks 

roots  of  the  incalculable  evils  that  the  propagation  of  so  noxious  a  doctrine  would  bring 
in  its  train,  &c.,  I  enact  as  follows  :  All  nocturnal  dances  and  meetings  are  prohibited," 
&c. — Decree  of  Toussaint-Louverture,  January  4,  1800. 

1  Compare  also  in  general  with  the  author's  Ungarischc  Verfassun^s-  und 
Rechisgexhichte,  translated  by  Felix  Schiller.  Second  Edition.  Berlin,  1909, 
Puttkaminer  &  Muhlbrecht. 


THIRD   SESSION  185 

of  the  Danube  and  the  Tisza,  is  bounded  by  the  Carpathians,  are 
the  descendants  of  the  Turanian  and  Uro- Altaic  races.  They  belong, 
however,  neither  to  the  North-Western  group  nor  to  the  Finn-Ugric 
branch,  nor  yet  to  the  South-Eastern  group,  i.e.,  the  Turko- 
Tartars.  Both  by  language  and  ethnology  they  belong  to  a  third 
branch  springing  from  between  the  two  mentioned,  the  same  to  which 
the  Huns,  Avars,  Volga-Bulgarians,  Petchenegs,  and  Rumanians 
also  belong.  The  strong  public  spirit  of  the  Hungarian  nation* — 
which  differentiates  it  in  a  marked  degree  from  the  German  races, 
which  display  an  individualistic  tendency — is  probably  an  inheritance 
from  their  Turanian  ancestors.  In  the  midst  of  the  culture  of 
Western  Europe  this  public  spirit  of  the  Hungarian  people  mani- 
fested itself,  as  a  reaction  against  the  influence  of  West  European 
ideas  and  tendencies  of  law  and  administration,  in  the  magnificent 
system  of  government  known  to  us  as  The  Laws  of  the  Holy  Crown. 

The  Hungarian  nation  regards  the  Crown,  which  is  the  crown 
of  St  Stephen,  as  holy.  In  this  respect  she  stands  alone  among 
the  peoples  who  acknowledge  a  monarchical  form  of  govern- 
ment. 

The  Hungarian  Constitution  is  a  historic  fact,  the  result  of 
more  than  a  thousand  years  of  gradual  development.  For  its  roots 
and  fundamental  principles  we  must  go  back  to  the  original  home 
of  the  Magyars  on  the  western  slopes  of  the  Ural  mountains. 
No  other  Continental  State  can  look  back  on  such  a  long  and 
uniform  development  of  its  constitution,  which  has  permanently 
secured  to  the  free  members  of  the  nation  the  right  of  participation 
in  public  affairs. 

National  alliance  formed  the  basis  of  the  primitive  Hungarian 
State,  which  was  built  up  on  the  union  of  the  tribes.  A  public 
and  not  a  private  alliance,  it  concerned  itself  not  with  individual 
will  or  with  any  private  treaty,  but  existed  as  a  necessity,  by 
virtue  of  a  higher  maxim  of  law  binding  on  the  whole  members 
of  the  nation.  We  must,  therefore,  in  accordance  with  modern 
theories,  pronounce  the  primitive  Hungarian  State  to  have  been 
a  legally  constituted  body.  Otherwise  we  could  only  speak  of  it 
as  a  rabble  drawn  together  for  fighting  purposes  and  held  together 
by  sentiments  of  fidelity  and  loyalty  towards  the  chief.  Thanks 
to  the  national  alliance,  the  primitive  Hungarian  State  possessed 
in  a  decidedly  superior  form  a  legal  public  character,  unlike  the 
feudal  states  of  the  Middle  Ages,  whose  feudal  basis  bound  the 
individual  in  a  relationship,  not  to  the  whole  community,  but  to 
a  person  more  powerful  than  himself. 

According  to  the  trustworthy  reports  of  the  Greek  emperors 
(Emperor  Leo  the  Wise's  7a£//£and  Konstantinos  Porphyrogennetos's 


186  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

work  De  administrando  imperio  I),  the  primitive  state  enjoined  two 
public  duties :  common  defence  and  obedience  to  the  laws,  binding 
on  all  recognised  free  members  of  the  community.  Every  man 
belonging  to  the  nation  capable  of  bearing  arms  was  obliged  to 
appear  at  the  National  Assembly,  which  was  at  once  a  military 
and  a  judicial  body.  On  the  national  alliance  rested  the  national 
authority,  or,  as  we  should  term  it  to-day,  the  highest  executive 
power.  It  was  represented  by  the  people  politically  organised, 
ijt.t  the  nation.  The  sovereignty  was  therefore  the  sovereignty  of 
the  people,  resembling  in  this  respect  the  first  beginnings  of  the 
German  Constitution.  moil 

The  first  political  or  national  organisation  of  the  Hungarians 
took  place  therefore  in  accordance  with  the  forms  of  public  law. 
The  Hungarian  army  is  a  national  army,  not  a  private  fighting 
force.  Arpad  and  his  successors,  in  their  ducal  character,  were 
not  private  war-lords,  but  public  officials  of  the  nation — elected 
generals  who,  by  the  authority  invested  in  them,  commanded  and- 
led  the  army.rr: 

The  primitive  Hungarian  State  did  not  recognise  the  feudal 
institution  known  as  "retainers,"  upon  which  the  maintenance  of 
private  troops  was  founded.  This  is  the  essential  difference  between 
the  original  Hungarian  and  German  polity. 

The  political  life  and  political  organisation  of  the  Hungarian 
people  did  not,  even  in  the  later  course  of  mediaeval  development, 
lose  their  legal  character,  notwithstanding  the  influence  of  feudal 
political  ideas  and  provisions.  The  kingdom  did  not  content 
itself  with  feudal  lordship,  but  developed  more  and  more  in  the 
direction  of  constitutional  power  upon  the  basis  of  public  law.  The 
strong  public  spirit  and  collectivist  ideas,  brought  by  the  Hungarian 
people  from  their  original  home,  prevented  the  feudal  system,  based 
upon  distinctly  individualistic  principles,  from  taking  the  place  of  the 
common  union. 

The  King  was  kept  in  check  in  a  very  important  way  by  material 
limitations  of  his  power,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  for  the  first  two 
centuries  he  had  enjoyed  absolute  power,  as  the  inheritor  of  the 
supreme  rights  formerly  possessed  by  the  National  Assembly,  which 
were  from  the  beginning  of  a  public  character. 

The  royal  power  could  not  pronounce  an  absolute  decision  on 
matters  concerning  the  free  members  of  the  nation.  The  King  had 
no  absolute  jurisdiction  either  over  the  army  or  the  nobles,  nor  could 
he  claim  the  property  of  the  latter  by  way  of  taxation.  At  the  very 
time  when  the  English  wrested  Magna  Charta  from  their  King  the 
Hungarians  received  from  King  Andrew  II.,  in  the  Golden  Bull 
1  See  de  Timon's  Ungarischt  Vcrfauungs-  und  Rechtsgeschichtt,  p.  22  ff. 


THIRD   SESSION  187 

(1222),  the  title-deeds  of  their  rights.  In  the  mind  of  the  Hungarian, 
the  love  of  freedom  for  the  nation  stands  far  superior  to  the  claims  of 
individual  freedom. 

As  a  consequence  of  the  penetration  of  the  feudal  political  ideas 
of  the  West  in  the  course  of  the  thirteenth  century,  beside  the  royal 
power  arose  other  oligarchical  powers  which  invariably  claimed  the 
greater  share  in  the  exercise  of  public  rights.  The  administration  of 
justice,  as  well  as  of  military  and  financial  affairs,  ceased  to  be  exclu- 
sively a  royal  prerogative.  But  as  the  danger  became  imminent  that 
the  public  life  of  the  Hungarian  nation  would  fall  under  Western 
influences,  and  thus  become  established  on  the  basis  of  private  law — 
upon  the  principle  of  absolute  monarchy,  which  is  the  negation  of  the 
true  state  idea — the  strong  public  spirit  of  the  Hungarians  developed 
the  idea  which  had  taken  root  in  the  nation,  the  idea,  namely,  of  a 
common  power  belonging  jointly  to  King  and  Nation. 

The  idea  of  a  common  power,  as  opposed  to  the  personal  power 
of  the  King,  assumes  concrete  form  in  the  conception  of  the  public 
rights  of  the  Holy  Crown,  and  produces  as  a  logical  sequence  the 
theory  of  the  Holy  Crown,  that  is  to  say,  the  system  of  State  law 
depending  upon  the  personification  of  the  Holy  Crown. 

The  conception  of  the  State  as  a  living  organism,  as  a  personality, 
is  the  fundamental  principle  of  modern  statecraft.  The  mediaeval 
conception  overlooked  this,  and  especially  the  idea  of  the  State  in 
the  abstract.  Even  later,  the  nations  of  the  Middle  Ages,  influenced 
by  the  principles  of  law  that  prevailed  in  ancient  Rome,  did  not 
attain  to  a  proper  idea  of  State  administration,  and  thereby  to  a 
correct  notion  of  the  transferred  common  power.  On  the  other  hand, 
through  the  personification  of  the  Holy  Crown,  the  Hungarian  nation 
grasped  these  ideas  before  any  of  the  nations  of  the  West. 

The  Hungarian  nation  saw  the  State  embodied  as  an  organic 
whole  in  the  Holy  Crown,  in  the  interests  of  organised  society. 
They  regarded  the  Holy  Crown  as  a  mark  and  symbol  of  the 
sovereignty  of  Hungary,  expressing  the  international  independence 
of  the  Hungarian  nation,  even  though  to  outside  States  it  seemed  in 
opposition  to  sovereignty.  On  the  other  hand,  it  personified  it  as  the 
custodian  of  the  common  power,  having  its  roots  in  the  people, 
though  in  the  political  sense  indebted  to  both.  This  is  present  as  a 
mystery  in  the  Holy  Crown.1 

The  acceptance  of  this  interpretation  of  public  law  began  to  set 
in  at  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century,  advancing  slowly  and  gradually, 
and  can  only  be  considered  to  have  reached  its  final  stage  in  the 
period  of  King  Sigismund.  The  personality  of  the  Holy  Crown  ere 

1  I  first  met  the  word  mystery  in  this  sense  in  the  Manifesto  of  the  Hungarian  Diet 
of  1440,  Kovachich,  Vestigia  Comitiorum,  p.  235  ff. 


i88  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

long  forms  the  foundation  of  the  Constitution.  Every  factor  of  the 
State  life  comes  directly  into  relationship  therewith,  and  receives 
therefrom  its  function.  The  highest  common  power  is  not  a  power 
bound  up  with  the  personality  of  the  ruler,  but  is  the  authority  of  the 
Holy  Crown  (iurisdictio  Sacra  regni  Corona)  ;  the  high  rights  of  the 
State  are  no  longer  the  rights  of  the  royal  majesty,  but  of  the  Holy 
Crown — rights  due  to  the  Holy  Crown  as  an  ideal  personality,  and 
passed  on  to  the  King  through  it. 

The  dominion  of  the  State  is  the  territory  of  the  Holy  Crown,  the 
royal  revenues  are  the  revenues  of  the  Holy  Crown  (bona  vel  peculia 
Sacra  regni  Corona]  ;  and  so  long  as  the  constitutional  law  of  owner- 
ship, the  so-called  "Avitizitat"  of  King  Louis  the  Great,  existed, 
every  right  of  free  ownership  was  derived  from  the  Holy  Crown  as  its 
root  (radix  omnium  possessionum\  and  reverted  to  the  Holy  Crown 
after  the  extinction  of  the  lineal  descendants.  The  Hungarian 
donational  system  was  therefore  based,  contrary  to  Western  feudal 
constitutional  ownership,  not  upon  private  but  upon  public  law.  The 
donation  was  exclusively  an  act  of  public  law  enacted  by  the  royal 
wearer  of  the  Holy  Crown. 

From  the  mystery  of  the  Holy  Crown  proceeds  the  theory  that 
in  it  the  nation  is  one  with  the  King.  All  who  derive  their  inheri- 
tance from  the  Crown  were  once  members  of  the  Holy  Crown 
{membra  Sacra  regni  Corona),  and  as  such  participated  in  the  exer- 
cise of  the  public  powers  belonging  to  it ;  but  to-day,  since  the  laws 
of  1848  have  decreed  the  equality  of  the  citizenship  of  the  whole 
Hungarian  people,  all  who  inhabit  the  territory  of  the  Holy  Crown 
form,  in  union  with  the  royal  wearer  thereof,  that  united  whole  in 
public  law,  that  living  organism  called  in  mediaeval  documents  "  the 
whole  body  of  the  Holy  Crown"  (totum  corpus  Sacra  regni  Corona), 
but  which  to-day  we  call  the  State. 

This  theory  is  by  no  means  derived  from  clerical  representations ; 
it  does  not  demonstrate  the  mediaeval  Mystery  of  Christ,  nor  does  it 
bear  any  genetic  relation  thereto.  Here  we  have  to  do  with  a  real 
construction  of  State  law.  It  is  the  peculiar  creation  of  the  con- 
stitutional development  of  the  Hungarian  people,  and  even  to-day 
forms  the  central  point  of  Hungarian  State  law. 

The  idea  and  the  nature  of  the  transferred  common  power  have 
already  been  clearly  and  definitely  formulated  by  Verboczy  in  his 
Tripartitum  (tit.  3,  §  6,  p.  i),  accepted  by  the  Diet  in  1514,  as  it  had 
never  before  that  time  been  recognised  in  Western  Europe,  not  even 
in  England.  The  State  Constitution  founded  on  the  theory  of  the 
Holy  Crown  stands,  by  virtue  of  its  legal  basis  and  forms,  much 
nearer  to  the  constitutions  of  modern  States  than  to  the  feudal 
constitution  of  the  Middle  Ages  proper,  and  to  the  absolute 


THIRD   SESSION  189 

patrimonial  constitution  of  later  periods,  both  of  which  are  based  on 
the  rules  and  forms  of  private  law.  It  could  therefore  withstand  the 
invasion  of  the  newer  ideas  of  State  longer  than  the  feudal  and 
absolute  constitutions  of  the  West.  Even  the  transformation  which 
the  Constitution  underwent  in  1848,  when  the  equality  of  all  citizens 
before  the  law  was  recognised,  was  in  reality  but  an  extension  of  its 
fundamental  principles. 

Every  function  of  State  authority  obtains  a  legal  character  and 
constitutional  form.  Thus  the  legislative  power  appears  beside  it  as 
a  constitutional  power  shared  alike  by  King  and  Nation. 

Already  in  the  reign  of  King  Sigismund  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciple of  law  was  laid  down  that  a  law,  to  be  valid,  could  only  be 
created  by  King  and  Parliament  acting  in  concert.  Only  when  the 
whole  body  of  the  Hungarian  Crown  (to turn  corpus  Sacra  regni 
Corona},  that  is  to  say,  the  crowned  King  and  the  members  of  the 
Holy  Crown  were  present  in  legislation,  could  laws  be  made.  This 
important  principle  of  State  law  is  very  precisely  formulated  by 
Verboczy  in  his  Tripartitum.  In  this  way  the  exact  difference 
between  law  and  ordinance  was  established. 

The  individual  will  of  the  King  cannot  create  a  law.  A  law  is 
the  unanimously  expressed  will  of  King  and  Parliament,  i.e.,  the  will 
of  the  Holy  Crown,  which  can  never  be  re-enacted  by  royal  decree, 
neither  can  it  be  nullified.  Decisions  issued  without  the  consent  of 
Parliament — for  instance,  the  ordinances  of  the  Great  Council — are 
ordinances  only,  and  not  laws.  Whence  it  follows  that  the  royal 
ordinances  may  be  revised  or  abolished  at  any  time,  in  short,  by  the 
one  party  only ;  while  the  laws  can  only  be  altered  or  abrogated  by 
the  mutual  consent  of  King  and  Parliament,  since  the  law  (according 
to  Verboczy)  binds  the  King  also. 

Under  the  rule  of  the  Habsburgs  the  right  of  Parliament  to 
share  in  the  making  of  laws  has  never  been  questioned,  notwith- 
standing the  strenuous  absolutist  endeavours  made  from  time  to 
time. 

The  best  proof  of  this  is  furnished  by  the  history  of  Act  XXII.  of 
1604,  which  was  added  arbitrarily  by  King  Rudolph  to  the  decrees 
of  Parliament.  After  the  successful  insurrection  of  Stephen  Bocskay, 
it  was  declared  in  Article  I.  of  the  Peace  of  Vienna  that  the  Act 
referred  to  should  be  abolished,  having  been  entered  without  the 
consent  of  the  Diet. 

The  competence  of  Parliament  extends  without  restriction  and 
exception  to  all  affairs  of  State  ;  no  kind  of  State  affairs  appertaining 
to  Parliament  can  be  withdrawn  from  its  competence.  There  are  no 
absolute  prerogatives  or  reserved  rights  over  which  Parliament  has 
not  a  restrictive  influence.  The  constitutional  character  of  the 


190  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

transferred  sovereign  rights  excludes  entirely  the  idea  of  any  such 
reserved  rights.  The  royal  prerogatives  are  constituted  and  limited 
by  the  Legislature.  This  conception  of  State  law  is  expressed  in 
Act  XI.  of  1741 :  "  The  Queen  at  Court  will  avail  herself  of  the  sup- 
port and  advice  of  her  faithful  Hungarian  subjects  on  all  matters 
proceeding  from  the  supreme  power,  in  accordance  with  her  discretion 
and  royal  position." 

From  the  Golden  Bull  to  the  present  time  our  laws  consist  of 
innumerable  decisions  in  which  the  royal  prerogatives  are  fixed  and 
the  exercise  thereof  limited.  As  with  the  legislative  power,  so  also 
with  the  executive ;  especially  in  matters  pertaining  to  War,  Finance, 
and  Judicature,  which  are  divided  between  the  wearer  of  the  Holy 
Crown  and  the  members  thereof.  This  division  probably  came  about 
through  feudal  influences  and  provisions  which  outweighed  the 
principles  of  individuality,  and  thus  detracted  from  the  principle 
of  sovereignty,  representing  State  interests.  But  it  never  went 
the  length  of  annihilating  the  unity  of  the  State  embodied  in  the 
idea  of  the  Holy  Crown.  That  would  be  to  put  in  its  place  the 
dualism  of  sovereign  rights  and  legislative  rights,  after  the  example 
of  the  patrimonial  monarchies  of  the  West. 

The  development  of  the  State  law  theory  of  the  Holy  Crown 
brought  about  important  changes,  especially  in  so  far  as  the  exercise 
of  financial  power  was  concerned.  The  royal  domains  and  revenues 
are  now  the  property  of  the  Holy  Crown,  of  which  the  King  can  no 
longer  dispose  freely  and  absolutely.  In  this  way  the  theory  of 
inalienable  Crown  lands  was  developed.  Further,  without  the  consent 
of  the  Diet  the  King  can  only  claim  the  ancient  revenues  of  the 
Royal  Treasury,  to  which  from  time  immemorial  belong  the  revenues 
from  the  mint  and  the  technically  designated  "  Portal  Duty  "  (lucrum 
camera;}.  In  the  event  of  an  exceptional  or  war  tax  (contributio, 
dica,  or  subsidium\  this  rule  of  law  has  been  held  valid  from  the 
beginning — that  the  King  can  neither  impose  nor  collect  taxes 
without  the  consent  of  the  Diet.  King  and  Parliament  together — • 
that  is  to  say,  the  totum  corpus  Sacra  regni  Corona — must  determine 
the  object  of  the  tax,  the  amount  thereof  and  exemptions  therefrom, 
and  frequently  the  mode  of  levying  the  tax.  Article  I.  of  the  Decree 
of  1504  surrounds  with  a  special  guarantee  this  highly  important 
right  of  the  Diet,  which  to-day  is  the  foundation  of  the  so-called 
Budget  Law.  Should  a  county  consent  to  the  King  levying  any 
taxes  not  sanctioned  by  the  Diet,  the  nobles  of  that  county  would  be 
excluded  in  perpetuity  from  the  community  of  the  nobles.  The 
right  of  the  Diet  to  vote  taxes  has  since  that  time  never  been 
questioned. 

As  regards  the  administration  of  justice   and   government,  too, 


THIRD   SESSION  191 

the  longer  they  last  the  more  thoroughly  does  the  character  of  an 
exclusively  royal  administration  vanish.  The  members  of  the  Holy 
Crown  participate  therein  in  an  ever-increasing  measure.  The 
members  of  the  Privy  and  restricted  Royal  Council  and  the  Royal 
Courts  of  Justice  owe  their  position,  attained  by  degrees,  not  only 
to  the  King's  confidence,  but  to  their  appointment  by  the  Diet. 
The  first  Government  official,  the  Palatine,  who  receives  his  office 
from  the  united  will  of  the  King  and  the  Diet,  is  especially  the  official 
of  the  Holy  Crown,  whence  he  derives  his  power  and  authority  to 
defend  equally  the  rights  of  the  wearer  and  members  of  the  Holy 
Crown,  and — as  opposed  to  the  King — to  represent  the  nation.  The 
election  of  the  Palatine  is  the  natural  consequence  of  the  theory  of 
the  Holy  Crown.  The  same  observation  applies  equally  to  the 
Crown  Guards,  also  officials  of  the  Holy  Crown,  and  who  are  also 
appointed  by  the  common  will  of  King  and  Diet.  This  peculiar 
institution  has  no  counterpart  in  the  States  of  the  West. nom  arIT 

The  history  of  the  Hungarian  Constitution  in  the  Middle  Ages 
tells  us,  further,  of  an  evolution  which  was  most  appropriate,  in  that  it 
afforded  the  most  comprehensive  influence  over  the  Executive.  Ac- 
cording to  Article  XXIII.  of  the  Decree  of  1298  (King  Andrew  III.'s 
so-called  Council  Law),  the  King  is  obliged  to  maintain  at  court 
two  bishops  alternately  for  three  months  at  a  time,  together  with  an 
equal  number  of  nobles  elected  by  the  Diet  to  the  Council.  Should 
the  King  fail  to  comply  with  this  provision,  all  he  might  decide  upon 
in  the  absence  of  the  aforesaid  Council,  with  regard  to  large  dona- 
tions or  appointments  to  office,  would  be  treated  as  non-obligatory, 
nv/ This  Council  Law  of  Andrew  III.  cannot  in  any  sense  be 
regarded  as  imitating  the  Council  Laws  of  Western  Europe.  It 
approaches  far  more  nearly  to  the  idea  of  ministerial  responsibility 
than  it  resembles  the  institutions  of  West  European  States  for  the 
introduction  of  elected  Council  Boards — such  States,  for  example,  as 
England,  Aragon,  and  Castile.  We  do  not  find  in  any  of  them  the 
principle  laid  down  that  the  validity  of  the  royal  enactments 
depended  upon  the  co-operation  of  the  Council,  tnnic- 

The  Hungarian  nation  was  the  first  to  discover  a  method  of 
controlling  the  royal  power,  which  method  forms  the  basis  of  the 
representative  ministerial  government  of  later  times. 

The  other  principle  of  this  kind  of  government,  viz.,  that  the 
King's  counsellors  can  be  called  to  account,  not  only  for  remissness 
in  the  performance  of  their  official  duties — if  in  violation  of  the  law, 
but  also  politically,  if  the  act  be  against  the  welfare  of  the  country 
—finally  and  completely  succeeded  only  after  the  lapse  of  two 
centuries,  when  it  was  enacted  by  the  Council  Law  of  King  Wladis- 
laus  II.  (Decree  of  1507).  ui  juonnrj-jvo^  linJn 


UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

In  England  the  same  evolution  took  place  under  more  favourable 
circumstances  ;  the  Privy  (or  continual]  Council  being  chosen  from 
the  responsible  ministry,  thereby  forming  the  parliamentary  system 
of  government,  which  is  based  upon  the  principle  of  ministerial 
responsibility.  The  evolution  of  the  English  Constitution  is  doubt- 
less the  more  complete,  as  before  Edward  III.  the  English  kings 
opposed  a  constant  and  successful  resistance  to  the  demands  for  the 
election  of  the  royal  counsellors  and  public  functionaries.  In 
Hungary  the  greater  acquisition  of  the  Diet,  the  right  of  election 
(or  at  least  co-election)  of  the  royal  counsellors,  turned  out  to  be 
mischievous,  since  it  signified  the  weakening  of  the  royal  authority 
and  subordinated  the  King  to  the  supremacy  of  factions  in  the 
Diet. 

But  after  the  disaster  of  Mohdcs  the  Royal  Council  ceased 
altogether  to  be  the  restricting  factor  in  the  King's  executive  power. 
The  more  emphatically  was  expressed  the  requirement  of  the  theory 
of  the  Holy  Crown  in  the  Palatinate — especially  in  the  r61e  of  the 
Palatine  as  the  necessary  representative  of  the  King  during  his 
absence  abroad — that  the  nation,  i.e.,  the  entire  members  of  the 
Holy  Crown,  should  act  as  the  executive  power  and  thus  prevent 
the  arbitrary  use  of  the  Crown. 

The  influence  of  this  ancient  Hungarian  constitutional  establish- 
ment was  evidenced  also  in  the  setting  up  of  a  responsible  ministry, 
as  provided  by  Act  TIL,  1848,  §  2.  "In  the  absence  of  His 
Majesty  from  the  country,  the  Palatine  and  Royal  Lieutenant 
(Statthalter)  exercises  with  plenary  authority  the  executive  power 
in  Hungary  and  its  provinces,  by  warrant  of  the  unity  of  Crown 
and  Realm." 

In  1867  the  appointment  of  the  Palatine  was  suspended  for  an 
indefinite  period. 

Another  highly  important  provision  of  the  Hungarian  Con- 
stitution, intended  to  limit  the  executive  power  of  the  King,  is  the 
self-government  and  autonomy  of  the  counties.  The  idea  also  of 
the  County  Commons  (universitas  nobilium)  was  developed  on  the 
basis  of  the  authority  of  the  Holy  Crown.  The  County  Commons, 
equal  in  rights  to  the  English  counties,  on  the  one  hand,  perform 
their  functions  as  Noble  Commons,  on  the  basis  of  the  State's 
transference  of  the  executive  power,  within  their  own  boundaries, 
independently,  through  their  own  members  ;  on  the  other  hand, 
they  conduct  their  own  affairs,  independently,  within  the  limits  of 
the  law  ;  and  this  constitutes  true  autonomy. 

The  self-government  of  the  counties  reached  the  climax  of  its 
constitutional  importance  when  they  deemed  it  their  right  and  duty 
to  control  the  central  government  in  regard  to  the  legal  use  of  the 


THIRD   SESSION  193 

Constitution,  and  to  decline  the  execution  of  unconstitutional  State 
ordinances.  The  counties  claimed  the  "  Right  of  Remonstrance " 
on  the  basis  of  Act  XXXIII.  of  1545,  found  among  other  principles 
of  State  law,  in  opposition  to  the  illegal  royal  ordinances.  If  this 
had  failed  of  the  desired  result,  they  would  then  have  taken  refuge 
in  another  remedy — vis  inertia,  or  passive  resistance — thereby 
delaying  the  execution  of  the  unsatisfactory  ordinance. 

Every  county,  as  a  Noble  Common,  as  a  Common  of  the 
members  of  the  Holy  Crown,  with  the  Lord-Lieutenant  (the  King's 
representative)  at  its  head,  represents  the  whole  body  of  the  Holy 
Crown — figuratively  speaking,  the  State  in  miniature.  It  shares  in 
the  power,  and  as  a  complete  organism,  it  shares  also  in  an 
independent  manner  in  the  life  of  the  Holy  Crown. 

The  fulfilment  of  the  theory  of  the  public  rights  of  the  Holy 
Crown,  and  the  right  of  possession  connected  therewith,  procured 
for  the  towns  of  Hungary  an  immense  legal  importance,  in  securing 
to  them  the  rights  and  privileges  of  a  state  of  the  Realm. 

On  the  ground  of  their  rights  of  free  possession,  the  towns  be- 
came noble  personalities — members  of  the  Holy  Crown — and  as 
such  shared  in  the  exercise  of  the  public  power  pertaining  to  the 
Holy  Crown.  Since  the  reign  of  King  Sigismund  they  have,  in  fact, 
been  permanently  represented  in  the  Diet.  They  remain,  indeed, 
more  dependent  upon  the  Holy  Crown  than  the  other  nobles.  This 
greater  dependence  has  been  especially  expressed  in  the  payment 
of  certain  property-taxes  in  favour  of  the  royal  power,  which  could 
not  be  levied  on  the  other  nobles.  The  Royal  Free  Towns  are  the 
property  of  the  Holy  Crown :  bona  et  peculia  Sacrce  regni  Corona. 

Upon  membership  of  the  Holy  Crown — i.e.,  upon  the  collective 
nobility  of  the  town — is  also  based  the  legal  position  as  to  citizen- 
ship in  a  town.  The  ordinary  citizen  is  not  an  immediate  member 
of  the  Holy  Crown,  nor  a  noble,  nor  does  he  participate  in  the 
freedom  of  the  nobility,  except  of  a  particular  town  or  free  citizen- 
ship. This  development  also  has  no  analogy  in  the  evolution  of  the 
constitutions  of  Western  States. 

Since  the  Hungarian  nation  regarded  the  Holy  Crown  as  the 
symbol  of  the  State,  and  saw  personified  in  it  the  supreme  power  of 
the  State,  the  legal  axiom  must  have  obtained  that  the  coronation 
necessarily  implied  the  constitutional  ownership  of  the  royal  power. 

A  law  prescribing  the  coronation  was  quite  unnecessary.  Any 
such  law  was  substituted  in  an  efficient  manner  by  the  active  national 
comprehension  of  law  that  considered  the  legality  of  the  royal  power 
to  be  dependent  upon  the  coronation.  By  the  Decree  of  1687  and 
the  Pragmatic  Sanction  of  1723,  the  Hungarian  nation,  indeed, 
waived  its  right  to  the  election  of  the  King  in  favour  of  the 

o 


194  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

primogenitive  succession  of  the  House  of  Habsburg.  Nevertheless 
the  heir-apparent  derives  his  power  in  law  only  through  the  Holy 
Crown.  Act  II.  of  1687,  as  well  as  the  Pragmatic  Sanction,  contain 
the  clearly  expressed  provision  that  the  King  must  be  crowned  before 
he  can  execute  diplomas  of  guarantee  or  take  the  oath  of  fidelity  to 
the  Constitution. 

Without  the  coronation  there  is  no  legitimate  Sovereign,  no 
legal  authority,  for  (according  to  Verboczy)  there  is  no  binding 
allegiance,  as  the  perfectly  free  members  of  the  Nation,  the  nobles, 
are  only  bound  to  the  power  of  a  legally  crowned  King  (rex  legitime 
coronatus), 

This  primitive  political  conception,  which  is  also  expressed 
in  Act  III.  of  1790,  declares  that  the  coronation  must  take  place, 
without  opposition  (tnomtssi),  within  six  months  of  the  King's 
accession  to  the  throne. 

During  this  interval  the  hereditary  King  (hareditarius  rex)  is 
only  permitted  to  exercise  a  circumscribed  governing  power.  The 
conferring  of  privileges,  under  which — according  to  an  ancient 
Hungarian  law — is  comprehended  the  sanctioning  of  laws,  is  the 
prerogative  only  of  a  legally  crowned  monarch.  If  the  interval, 
as  prescribed  by  law,  for  the  coronation,  be  allowed  to  expire,  the 
continuity  of  law  is  broken  ;  the  deeds  and  ordinances  of  the 
hereditary  King  become  null  and  void  from  the  point  of  view  of 
public  law.  He  has  therefore  no  authority  to  sanction  laws,  neither 
can  he  exercise  the  supreme  power  in  any  legal  manner. 

With  the  institution  of  the  coronation  two  important  constitu- 
tional guarantees  are  closely  connected  :  the  Oath  of  Fidelity  to 
the  Constitution  and  the  Diploma  of  Guarantee  ;  the  one  repre- 
senting the  religious  and  the  other  the  documentary  guarantee  of 
the  constitutional  jurisdiction  of  the  Hungarian  State. 

The  coronation  must  take  place  at  the  Diet  convoked  for  that 
purpose.  Moreover,  a  fundamental  principle  of  Hungarian  law 
enjoins  that,  at  the  coronation,  the  Holy  Crown  of  St.  Stephen 
must  be  used.  According  to  the  national  consciousness  the  mystery, 
*>.,  the  constitutional  effect,  of  the  coronation,  is  bound  up  with 
the  Holy  Crown.  This  is  proved  satisfactorily  enough  by  the 
history  of  the  coronation  of  Andrew  III.,  Charles  Robert,  Wladrs- 
laus  I.,  and  Matthias  I. 

In  the  Holy  Crown  is  embodied  the  political  unity  of  the  Realm 
of  St.  Stephen,  embracing  also  the  adjacent  lands,  for  those,  too, 
are  members  of  the  Holy  Crown. 

Just  as  there  is  only  one  crown,  the  symbol  of  the  supreme 
power  and  personifying  its  possessor,  so  there  is  but  one  uniform 
royal  power.  The  coronation,  the  coronation  oath,  the  diploma 


THIRD   SESSION     [VlMU  195 


of  guarantee,  all  are  uniform  for  the  whole  Hungarian  realm,  just 
as  the  citizenship  of  the  Hungarian  State  is  also  uniform*.,  m  orfJ  teo'// 

The  thousand  years'  existence  of  the  Hungarian  nation  as  an 
organised  political  state  is  bound  up  indissolubly  with  the  Holy 
Crown  ;  and  the  constitutional  and  international  independence  of 
the  Hungarian  nation  stands  or  falls  with  the  Holy  Crown.  From 
the  general  public  consciousness  of  this  relationship  may  be  ex- 
plained the  strong  monarchical  sentiments  of  the  Hungarian  people, 
which  is  without  doubt  manifested  so  vividly  in  no  other  European 
nation.  The  Hungarian  nation  beholds  in  the  Holy  Crown  her 
greatest  guarantee  —  the  palladium  of  her  constitutional  life  and 
liberty. 

[Pajxr  submitted  in  English.-}.  ^  rfqoanfirfq 

•m  ibni    arl}    bnjj  ,9'iutR>?    io    jsnwrtofitHlq    wli  (bh'»v/  If. 

!>n;  -,'i>:  rr.ixprf  ?.}}  bus  ,f.vo(  eJi  ,<<wonpfe  «Ji  rijiw  ••^.•xiv.vobe 

THE  R6LE  OF  RUSSIA  IN  THE  MUTUALoob 

APPROACH  OF  THE  WEST  AND  THE  EAST 
:TX>JJ  ad  oiom  ou  HAJD  bhow  sldir.rj  fstn  srlT     .!u<v.  jutivjl  vvr/9 
By  Dr.  ALEXANDER  YASTCHENKO,;  -j^Bi\m  K  n«rii 
Professor  of  Law  at  the   University  of  Dorpat,  Russia. 
rifi-*/   Jtf^nias^.pw}    3r-r3f{j    to   yrlqoc     irlq  yrfT     .vJh«rfD    l/^ittvit'iu 

THE  long  struggle  of  the  Western  and  Eastern  worlds,  which  we 
trace  throughout  history,  is  not  a  mere  expression  of  animosity 
between  two  races  ;  it  represents  the  collision  of  two  different 
standards  of  life,  two  systems  of  thought.  In  spite  of  all  that  we 
do  to  bring  together  the  East  and  the  West,  we  see  that  they  always 
contain  something  foreign  to  each  other,  something  profoundly 
opposed  and  frequently  hostile. 

This  difference  is  due  to  the  mental  complexion  of  the  races, 
the  disposition  of  their  minds.  Nations  organise  their  life  and 
compose  their  social  relations  according  to  the  way  in  which  they 
grasp  the  meaning  of  their  existence.  No  doubt,  the  general  lines 
of  human  psychology  are  the  same  everywhere  and  common  to  all 
races  ;  our  assurance  of  the  ultimate  pacification  and  unification  of 
humanity  is  based  precisely  on  that  fact.  All  nations  are  sociable, 
and  are  in  quest  of  happiness  ;  but  they  understand  it  in  different 
ways.  The  contrast  between  the  East  and  the  West  is  seen  best 
in  the  exalted  province  of  their  ideology,  their  latest  effort  to  under- 
stand their  life  and  the  existence  of  the  world.  But  when  we  pass 
the  limits  of  this  lofty  spiritual  life,  the  province  of  the  most  perfect 
expressions  of  the  mind  of  the  race,  and  descend  to  the  lower  sphere 
of  the  material  life,  we  find  a  very  slight  difference  between  them, 
and  this  difference  is  often  accidental,  a  difference  of  details,  external, 


196  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

not  internal  and  essential.  We  find  in  the  East  as  well  as  in  the 
West  the  mass  of  the  people  living  the  semi-conscious  life  of  a  sensual 
and  almost  animal  nature.  We  see  that  there  is  no  essential  differ- 
ence between  the  sceptical  materialism  of  Europe  and  the  positivism 
of  China;  between  the  atheistic  free-thought  and  irreligion  that 
exist  in  the  West  and  the  indifference  of  the  Chinese  masses  to 
questions  of  faith,  and  their  equal  readiness  to  accept  the  most  diverse 
religions. 

If,  however,  we  turn  to  the  province  of  the  highest  productions  of 
the  mind,  we  at  once  detect  in  the  East  the  ancient  tendency  towards 
a  negative  universalism  of  the  moral  conscience.  At  the  very  dawn 
of  the  Eastern  civilisation  we  meet  two  systems  of  pessimistic 
philosophy,  the  systems  of  Sakya-mouni  and  of  Lao-tse.  The  ex- 
ternal world,  the  phenomena  of  nature,  and  the  individual  con- 
sciousness with  its  sorrows,  its  joys,  and  its  hopes,  are  illusory  and 
deceptive ;  all  divisions  of  men  are  imaginary ;  nothing  is  real  but 
the  love,  the  sympathy,  and  the  universal  compassion,  which  inspires 
every  living  soul.  The  real  visible  world  can  no  more  be  accepted 
than  a  mirage ;  the  very  foundations  of  material  life  are  rejected. 
From  that  principle  we  get  asceticism  and  the  preaching  of 
universal  chanty.  The  philosophy  of  these  two  pessimists  was 
embodied  in  the  religious  systems  of  Buddhism  and  Taoism. 

While  the  negative  universalism  of  the  Buddhist  is  peculiar  to 
the  East  in  the  province  of  the  purely  religious  consciousness,  the 
idea  of  order,  as  the  ideal  of  social  arrangement,  is  familiar 
to  it  in  the  field  of  social  convictions.  Society  is  conceived, 
not  as  something  fluid,  changing,  and  evolving,  but  as  an  unchangeable 
equilibrium,  as  a  certain  order  confined  within  eternal  limits.  This 
exaggeration  of  the  idea  of  order,  as  if  it  were  a  foundation  of 
society,  is  in  China  associated  with  an  exclusive  cult  of  the  past. 
This  cult  of  the  past  becomes  in  Confucianism  the  real  cult  of  the 
gods.  And  when  all  the  social  relations  are  established  once  for 
all,  and  the  dead  ancestors  dominate  the  actual  life,  the  individual 
disappears  in  the  species,  and  the  social  principle  triumphs  definitively 
over  the  individual  principle.  The  too  narrow  adoration  of  the  past 
leads  to  a  contempt  of  the  present  and,  necessarily,  to  the  denial  of 
the  future. 

The  fundamental  and  general  character  of  the  Oriental  mind  is 
seen  in  its  detachment  from  life  and  in  its  leaning  towards  a  purely 
mystical  conception  of  the  world. 

Differently  from  the  East,  the  West,  with  its  Aryan  race,  has 
leaned  from  immemorial  time  toward  the  pagan  spirit,  the  cult  of  the 
living  forces  of  external  nature.  To  accept  the  world  is  just  as 
characteristic  of  the  West  as  to  reject  it  is  of  the  East.  The  Aryan 


THIRD  SESSION  197 

delights  in  the  varying  world  of  natural  phenomena ;  he  does  not 
mortify,  but  loves  and  adorns,  the  flesh.  He  has  a  simple  belief 
in  the  reality  of  this  resplendent  world,  with  its  brilliant  colours  and 
its  harmonious  sounds.  He  lives  in  the  present,  and  knows  not  the 
cult  of  the  past  His  eye  is  always  toward  the  present  Hence  his 
victories  over  the  forces  of  nature,  the  marvels  of  his  technical 
skill,  the  so-called  advantages  of  civilisation. 

Not  only  the  present  in  the  narrow  sense  of  the  word,  but  also 
that  further  expression  of  it  the  future,  attracts  the  man  of  the  West 
His  mind  is  steeped  with  the  idea  of  progress,  development,  evolution. 
Everything  is  open  to  improvement,  and  therefore  capable  of  reform 
and  destruction.  This  progress  is  brought  about  by  the  action  of 
individual  forces.  The  social  order  is  not  a  rigid  mechanism,  but 
an  organic  body,  in  which  there  is  a  constant  dynamic  evolution. 
The  collective  principle  does  not  destroy  individuality ;  the  per- 
sonality seeks  always  to  affirm  its  power* >kifjj; 

The  mind  of  Europe,  and  of  the  West  generally,  is  characterised 
by  its  realism  and  its  tendency  to  positivism.  In  its  knowledge  of 
the  world  it  trusts  especially  to  the  senses  and  its  reasoning  faculty. 
It  is  therefore,  in  philosophy,  inclined  to  rationalism  and  empiricism. 
Even  in  religion  it  leads  toward  a  rationalistic  explanation  of  the 
ineffable  divine  mysteries,  and  it  even  tries  in  Protestantism  to  obtain 
a  rational  understanding  of  mystical  Christianity. 

The  mystic  life  is  not,  however,  wholly  inaccessible  to  the  Aryan 
world.  It  has  more  than  once  admitted  the  mystic  creations  of  the 
East ;  but,  in  harmony  with  its  practical  and  vital  character,  it 
endeavours  to  introduce  even  into  mysticism  the  utmost  clearness  of 
mind,  precision,  and  arrangement  Catholic  Christianity  is  a  similar 
Aryan  elaboration  of  the  religious  mysticism  of  the  East. 

Even  to-day,  in  spite  of  the  return  to  the  old  pagan  spirit,  we  still 
find  in  Europe  a  vital  struggle  of  mediaeval  Christianity  against  the 
pagan  renascence. 

In  the  last  century  we  can  detect  a  movement  in  the  direction  of 
the  Buddhist  spirit  of  the  East,  not  in  the  express  shape  of  the 
Buddhist  religion,  which  is  itself  far  removed  from  the  profoundly 
detached  spirit  of  its  founder,  but  in  the  shape  of  a  spread  of  those 
pessimistic  convictions  which  are  responsible  for  the  success  of  the 
philosophies  of  Schopenhauer,  Nietzsche,  and  Guyau.  In  this  new 
note  we  have  a  rejection  of  the  old  princely  and  overpowering 
joyfulness  of  the  Aryan. 

II. 

The  decree  of  fate  has  placed  Russia  at  the  junction  of  the  East 
and  the  West.  In  that  circumstance  we  must  seek  the  conditions  of 


198  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

its  history.  It  is  a  situation  that  imposes  on  it  grave  duties  and  a 
great  mission.  All  the  sufferings,  the  miserable  discords,  the  trouble, 
and  the  constant  efforts  which  run  through  the  whole  life  of  the 
Russian  people  are,  just  as  much  as  its  achievements  and  its 
conquests,  the  outcome  of  its  intermediate  situation.  In  the  great 
conflict  between  the  genius  of  the  East  and  that  of  the  West,  the 
part  of  reconciler  naturally  fell  to  Russia.  This  synthetic  action  of 
Russia  is  based  on  its  twofold  nature,  its  profound  dualism.  The 
two  hostile  elements — the  Mongol  element  of  the  East  and  the  Aryan 
element  of  the  West — are  blended  in  Russia.  It  is  the  real  two-faced 
Janus.  Europe  and  Asia  conduct  their  age-long  quarrel  within  its 
confines,  and  its  Imperial  emblem,  the  two-headed  eagle,  is  a  perfect 
symbol  of  this  duplication  of  the  political  principle  of  Russia.  And 
this  very  emblem  bears,  on  the  breast  of  the  eagle,  the  symbol  of  the 
final  triumph  over  this  dualism :  Saint  George  destroying  the 
dragon  (the  ancient  emblem  of  Muscovy). 

'  -From  the  first  the  history  of  Russia  is  full  of  the  struggle  of  the 
East  and  the  West.  The  Russian  tribes  had  continually  to  deal 
with  the  peoples  of  the  East,  the  Huns  and  the  Avars,  even  at  a 
time  when  the  Russian  State  was  not  yet  constituted— from  the 
fourth  to  the  seventh  century.  Then  came  the  Khosars  and  the 
Petchenegs.  St.  Vladimir,  who  introduced  Christianity,  built 
fortresses  on  the  western  frontier  against  the  peoples  of  Asia. 
After  the  time  of  Jaroslav  the  Wise,  the  Polvetz  made  their 
appearance,  and  assailed  the  Russian  territory  for  two  centuries.  At 
length,  in  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  there  is  a  furious 
encounter,  and  the  domination  of  the  Tartars  is  established  for  two 
centuries.  From  the  time  of  the  Muscovite  Tsar  Ivan  III.,  we  find  a 
pronounced  movement  in  the  opposite  direction,  a  movement  of 
Russia  toward  the  peoples  of  Asia.  The  steppe  is  unbounded  ;  its 
fringes  are  lost  in  the  infinite  horizon.  The  frontiers  of  Russia 
advance  farther  and  farther  until  the  moment  when,  at  length,  the 
Russian  Cossacks  make  their  appearance  on  the  shores  of  the  great 
ocean.  In  the  eighteenth  century  the  Crimea  and  New  Russia  are 
conquered.  In  the  nineteenth,  the  Caucasus  and  Turkestan.  The 
whole  thousand  years  of  Russian  history  have  been  spent  in  heavy 
and  constant  warfare  against  the  nomadic  peoples  and  the  States  of 
the  East.  This  long  intercourse  on  the  field  of  battle  involuntarily 
gives  a  certain  Oriental  impress  to  Russia ;  a  large  number  of 
Oriental  peoples  have  become  subject  to  it ;  its  political  frontiers 
largely  coincide  with  those  of  Turkey,  Persia,  and  China. 

But  at  the  same  time  the  whole  aspiration  of  Russia  is  toward 
Europe.  It  has  adopted  the  Byzantine  form  of  Christianity,  and 
•for  a  long  time  it  maintained  a  commerce  with  the  Hanseatic  free 


THIRD   SESSION  199 

towns.  Since  the  reforms  of  Peter  the  Great  it  has  resolutely 
undertaken  its  complete  Europeanisation.  Constitutional  and 
administrative  reforms  are  carried  out  in  the  spirit  of  European 
politics,  and  great  efforts  are  made  to  assimilate  the  science  of  the. 
West.  Its  art,  flourishing  luxuriantly  in  its  popular  inspiration, 
passes  completely  on  to  the  lines  of  European  aesthetics,  and  takes 
part  in  the  general  advance  of  the  artistic  history  of  the  West.  AH 
the  scientific,  philosophical,  political,  and  social  movements  of  the 
West  have  a  pronounced  echo  in  Russia,  and  the  story  of ,  its 
civilisation  cannot  be  detached  from  that  of  Europe  generally.-, iobrioJ 
These  two  antagonistic  principles  are  the  causes  of  the  painful 
moral  and  political  struggle  which  characterises  the  recent  history  of 
Russia.  On  the  one  hand  is  the  really  Asiatic  principle  of  an 
unchangeable  political  order — order  at  any  cost.  That  is  the 
reactionary  movement.  Theorists  set  forth  the  pure  Oriental  ideal 
of  an  absolute  State,  in  which  the  monarch  is  not  merely  the 
dispenser  of  power  by  divine  right,  but  is  himself  a  viceregent  of 
God.  The  autocratic  doctrine  of  these  theorists  entirely  resembles 
the  Chinese  theory  of  an  unchangeable  celestial  empire,  in  which 
the  emperor  is  regarded  as  the  Son  of  Heaven.  The  state,  the 
political  organisation,  has  an  ecclesiastical  complexion  ;  it  is,  in  other 
words,  regarded  as  divine — which  is  blasphemous  from  the  Christian 
point  of  view.  Society  is,  in  conformity  with  Oriental  ideas, 
conceived  as  a  rigid  and  definitive  equilibrium  of  certain  given 
relations.  Everything  must  be  regulated,  as  in  a  hive  of  bees  ;  order 
must  reign  throughout ;  the  generations  which  succeed  each  other 
must  be  merely  so  many  stereotyped  proofs  of  those  that  preceded. 
The  complete  denial  and  dread  of  progress,  and  the  unlimited  political 
absolutism,  are  merely  a  striking  expression  of  the  Oriental  element.. 
Religion  itself  is,  in  this  case,  a  blind,  traditional  religion,  almost 
more  polytheistic  than  Christian ;  because  the  saints,  the  icons,  and 
the  ceremonies  lose  their  meaning  as  symbols  and  means,  and 
become  idols  and  ends. 

0^  As  a  complementary  colour  to  this  divinisation  of  the  actual  we 
then  find  a  radically  opposed  and  irreconcilably  hostile  movement — 
though  from  the  same  source  and,  on  the  whole,  of  the  same  spirit — 
the  Nihilist  movement.  The  Nihilist  movement  keeps  pace  with 
absolutism  like  a  shrill  note  of  accompaniment.  In  its  nature  it  is 
purely  Eastern,  and  entirely  alien  to  the  Aryan  spirit  of  the  West. 
This  denial  of  all  absolute  values,  this  tendency  to  destroy  everything 
and  reject  all  authority,  is  really  Buddhistic.  Our  imperfect  world, 
with  all  its  illusory  conventions,  and  its  complex  social  and  psychic 
combinations,  is  reviled  with  a  fervour  that  is  Oriental,  mystic, 
sombre,  and  obscure.  This  Buddhistic- Nihilist  rejection  of  the 


200  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

world  is  imperfectly  expressed  in  numbers  of  mystic  popular  sects. 
It  made  its  appearance,  without  recognising  its  own  true  nature,  in 
revolutionary  Anarchism ;  it  even  made  an  impression  on  such 
representatives  of  the  intellectual  world,  if  not  of  genius,  as  Leo 
Tolstoi. 

We  have  expounded  the  two  most  expressive  theoretical 
indications  of  the  Eastern  element  in  the  Russian  nature  which  are 
completely  alien  to  the  Western  world.  But  the  Western  element  is 
also  found  in  the  Russian  character.  If  the  Mongolian  absolutist 
tendency  and  the  Buddhist  tendency  to  Nihilism  have  found  their 
place  especially  in  the  Government  and  in  the  people,  the  middle  and 
so-called  "  intellectual  class  "  betrays  an  exaggerated  leaning  to  the 
most  characteristic  Western  principles — the  denial  of  religious  faith 
and  of  mystic  knowledge,  the  exclusive  acceptance  of  science,  belief 
in  progress,  positivism  and  rationalism,  and  the  limitation  of  men's 
aims  to  the  realisation  of  the  Kingdom  of  God  on  this  earth  only. 
This  tendency  may  very  well  be  described  as  the  religion  of 
humanity,  the  apotheosis  of  man. 

This  Western  tendency,  excluding  every  divine  principle  from  the 
life  of  man,  seems  to  be  profoundly  atheistic.  Religion  is  a  prejudice 
in  its  view  ;  there  is  no  mystic  insight  into  the  hidden  things  of  the 
world  ;  power  is  a  thing  created  by  men  themselves.  From  that  we 
get  the  democratic  principle  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  and 
the  ethic  of  utilitarianism,  or  the  consecration  of  egoism.  From  that 
also  we  get  the  idea  of  class-war  and  of  social  egoism,  the  contempt 
of  tradition,  of  every  established  habit  of  life,  and,  in  fine,  an  exclusive 
tendency  toward  a  purely  intellectual  education. 

The  Western  tendency,  however,  starting  from  the  opposite 
direction  to  that  of  Orientalism — if  we  may  give  that  name  to 
Absolutism  and  Nihilism — and  making  the  complete  circuit  of 
evolution,  has  reached  the  same  result :  the  denial  of  the  meaning  of 
life.  The  existence  of  the  world  is,  when  we  exclude  a  divine 
purpose,  absurd.  The  existence  of  man,  that  fortuitous,  temporal, 
and  mortal  phenomenon,  is  equally  absurd,  because  it  has  no 
foundation.  Society  itself  is  absurd,  because  it  is  doomed  to 
disappear  like  each  individual  thing,  and,  like  everything  in  a  world 
predestined  to  eternal  destruction,  and  destitute  of  any  divine 
inspiration,  it  has  within  it  no  eternal  and  intrinsic  value. 

Thus  the  Western  and  Eastern  tendencies  meet  in  their  final  and 
extreme  consequences ;  but  the  result  is  purely  negative.  It  leads  to 
the  destruction  of  the  meaning  of  life,  and  we  do  not  find  in  it  the 
synthesis  we  seek. 

The  synthesis  is  to  be  found,  nevertheless.  It  has  been  made  more 
than  once,  and  we  often  find  traces  of  it  in  the  history  of  the  Russian 


THIRD  SESSION  201 

spirit.  The  Slavophiles  were  inspired  by  it.  As  a  rule,  the  Slavo- 
philes are  opposed  to  the  "  Occidentals  "  (as  the  champions  of  Western 
civilisation  are  called  in  Russia),  and  quite  wrongly,  in  my  opinion. 
The  real  struggle  is  between  the  absolutists  and  the  democrats,  the 
reactionaries  and  the  radical  intellectual  class.  These  two  parties  are 
in  agreement  in  principle.  The  doctrine  of  the  Slavophiles  is  engaged 
from  the  start  in  a  double  combat,  against  the  relative  falseness  of 
these  two  tendencies.  It  is  profoundly  dualistic,  and  at  the  same 
time  synthetic  in  its  fundamental  principle. 

A  certain  exclusivism  may,  no  doubt,  be  found  in  the  Slavophiles. 
They  had  a  good  deal  of  natural  pride.  They  had,  perhaps,  the 
correct  point  of  view  in  regard  to  the  great  part  to  be  played  by  Russia ; 
but  they  were  not  sufficiently  conscious  of  the  synthetic  character  of 
that  part. 

The  correct  procedure  is  to  oppose,  not  the  West  to  Russia  (as  the 
Slavophiles  did),  but  the  West  to  the  East ;  to  regard  Russia  as  at  the 
same  time  alien  from  and  identical  with  the  Eastern  element  and  the 
Western  element  in  their  abstract  principles.  The  mistake  of  the 
Slavophiles  was  to  make  an  abyss  where  there  was  no  such  thing,  and 
ought  not  to  be.  They  were  wrong  in  maintaining  that  the  European 
spirit  is  exclusively  characterised  by  a  positivistic,  materialistic,  and 
destructive  tendency.  They  understood  the  destiny  of  Russia  to  be 
the  realisation  of  the  Christian  ideal ;  but  they  forgot  that  the  great 
synthesis  of  Christianity  was  effected  by  Europe,  and  that,  if  the 
Europe  of  to-day  begins  to  dissociate  itself  from  it,  in  a  narrow 
development  of  its  older  principles — the  principles  of  the  Renaissance, 
the  Aryan,  and  the  Pagan — it  has  not  entirely  forgotten  it,  and  still 
bears  within  it  the  living  God  of  Christianity. 

But  the  Slavophiles,  especially  their  deepest  representative, 
W.  Solovien,  rightly  understood  that  the  great  synthesis  of  universal 
realisations  is  to  be  found  in  a  regenerated  Christianity.  We  have  in 
Christianity  a  universalism  that  is  positive,  not  negative.  Christianity, 
like  Buddhism,  recognises  no  absolute  value  except  in  eternal  life,  and 
places  the  moral  ideal  only  in  universal  love ;  but,  in  harmony  with 
the  Aryan  spirit,  it  denies  neither  the  material  and  temporal  world  nor 
the  labour  of  man.  The  Aryan  idea  of  progress  and  of  self-assertion 
is  seen  in  the  conception  of  the  Kingdom  of  God  (the  domain  of  the 
real  and  eternal  life),  not  as  an  established  fact,  but  as  the  great  goal 
of  the  collective  work  of  humanity,  of  the  action  of  the  universal 
Church.  The  ideal  of  universal  charity  is  also  conceived  as  an  ideal 
of  active  love,  realised  in  the  historical  efforts  of  the  whole  of 
humanity  in  their  successive  social  forms.  Christianity  teaches  the 
means  to  attain  the  eternal  goal  in  this  temporal  life.  It  is  a  belief, 
not  only  in  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  but  also  in  the  resurrection  of 


202  UNIVERSAL.  RACES   CONGRESS 

the  flesh.  Matter  and  mind  are  reconciled  in  its  synthesis.  The 
history  of  the  human  race  and  the  Kingdom  of  God  are  not  two 
opposite  things  ;  they  are  interdependent  and  closely  united.  History 
is  an  advance,  from  the  Christian  point  of  view.  The  Christian 
philosophy  is  evolutionary,  but  with  this  great  difference  from  the 
"  evolutionary  theory,"  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word,  that  it  perceives 
the  final  goal  of  this  evolution,  and  seeks  to  guide  it.  IIR&. 

The  genius  of  Russia,  in  its  highest  synthetic  manifestations,  has 
always  reconciled  the  East  and  the  West  ;  witness  Peter  the  Great  in? 
politics,  Puchkine  in  poetry,  Solovien  in  philosophy,  and  Tolstoi  in 
religion  and  morals! 

Leo  Tolstoi,  especially,  was  a  very  typical  example  of  the  dual 
character  of  the  Russian  soul,  with  its  union  of  East  and  West.  The 
doctrines  of  not  resisting  evil  by  force,  universal  charity,  and  the 
rejection  of  external  goods,  have  an  Oriental  complexion  ;  while  his 
Christianity,  belief  in  immortality,  and  active  efforts  for  the  improve- 
ment of  humanity,  are  Western  in  their  nature.  The  spiritual  world 
of  Tolstoi,  with  its  imperfect  equilibrium,  is  generally  characteristic 
of  Russian  life. 


fit  vrtov// 
.  TO  t 


dijeivhifcoq  r.  TO  t>3?.hMDir»urb  ^it»vi?.j/bx»  fei  '• 
If,  however,  the  work  of  Russia  in  the  mutual  approach  of  East 
and  West  is  carried  on  chiefly  within  its  own  confines  by  the  difficult 
construction  of  the  higher  synthesis  of  life,  it  is  not  wholly  confined  to 
the  internal  life  of  Russia,  but  goes  beyond  its  frontiers.  And  the  first 
problem  we  have  to  face  is  to  determine  what  attitude  Russia  ought 
to  adopt  in  regard  to  the  yellow  races,  Japan  and,  especially,  China. 

Japan  never  was,  either  in  its  history  or  in  its  national  character—- 
an enterprising,  progressive,  chivalrous,  and  warlike  character  —  -a  dis- 
tinctively Oriental  country  ;  which  shows  that  the  spirit  of  the  East 
does  not  depend  so  much  on  racial  elements  as  on  a  whole  series  of 
historical  conditions.  Japan  has,  by  its  rapid  Europeanisation,  its 
grasp  and  penetration  of  the  spirit  of  the  West,  proved  that  racial 
Differences  will  not  prevent  the  white  and  yellow  peoples  from  drawing 
together,  when  we  have  discovered  the  common  ground  for  their 
mutual  approach. 

Now  that  Japan  has  resolutely  gone  over  to  the  side  of  the  West, 
the  feeling  of  dread  of  the  East,  in  which  the  Westerner,  by  some 
atavistic  influence,  sees  something  menacing  and  hostile,  is  concen,- 
trated  upon  China,  It  is,  assuredly,  a  world  in  itself;  some  hundreds 
of  millions  of  men  of  different  origin,  having  in  common  a  peculiar 
civilisation,  a  special  tradition,  and  a  different  cast  of  mind.  China  is 
the  centre  of  the  great  problem  of  "  Panmongolism,"  and  of  ti>£ 
*'  Yellow  Peril."  ,{j  nj  Ofc|  ,  jon 


THIRD  SESSION  203 

Before  we  decide  what  ought  to  be  the  attitude  of  Russia  in  regard 
to  this  problem,  we  must  first  understand  the  real  nature  of  the  yellow 
peril. 

The  yellow  peril  may,  first  of  all,  be  conceived  as  a  danger  arising, 
not  on  the  part  of  the  yellow  races,  but  on  account  of  them.  Even  in 
the  time  of  Marco  Polo,  China  was  famous  for  its  fabulous  wealth, 
and  later  exploration  and  study  have  not  merely  failed  to  destroy  the 
ancient  legends,  but  actually  shown,  them  to  fall  short  of  the  truth. 
The  extraordinary  fertility  of  the  soil  and  the  abundance  of  flowing 
water  yield  the  richest  harvests  of  cotton,  tea,  rice,  and  silk  ;  the 
treasures  buried  in  the  bowels  of  the  earth  are  still  richer,  as  coal, 
copper,  lead,  and  iron  are  found  in  immense  quantities.  At  the  same 
time  the  axis  of  the  world,  which  was  previously  shifted  from  the 
Mediterranean  to  the  Atlantic,  is  now  gradually  shifting  to  the 
Pacific.  It  is  surrounded  by  populous  nations,  and  a  rich  and  new 
life  is  developing  in  its  innumerable  archipelagos.  When  the 
Panama  Canal  is  completed,  and  the  western  shores  of  North 
and  South  America  and  the  Polynesian  Islands  have  a  denser 
population,  the  centre  of  gravity  of  the  globe  will  necessarily 
be  shifted  to  the  Pacific.  It  is  natural  that  certain  of  the  Western 
Powers  should  seek  to  take  up  preponderant  positions  in  that  region, 
and  this  gives  rise  to  rivalry  and  hostility.  The  yellow  peril  and  the 
question  of  the  Far  East  may  in  the  end  become  a  real  peril,  a 
menace  of  struggles  and  wars  between  the  Powers  of  the  West  for  a 
predominant  influence  in  the  Far  East.  That  would  be  a  grave 
danger,  seeing  that  a  European  war  might,  in  the  present  circum- 
stances, lead  to  a  great  enfeeblement  of  the  Aryan  race  and  put  it 
at  the  mercy  of  the  united  Mongols.  In  this  regard  the  place  of 
Russia  is  to  prevent  a  European  war  with  all  its  strength,  by  means 
of  alliances  and  good  understandings.  Russia,  as  the  nearest  Power 
to  the  East,  and  therefore  the  most  sensible  of  the  importance  and 
gravity  of  the  problem,  should  seek  first  of  all  to  establish  an 
equilibrium  of  the  white  peoples,  in  order  to  prevent  them  from 
losing  their  strength  in  such  a  struggle,  and  so  giving  the  necessary 
counterpoise  to  the  peoples  of  the  East.  It  ought,  in  fine,  to  establish 
a  world-wide  equilibrium  of  the  white  and  yellow  peoples. 
.3!<  But  the  yellow  peril  is  usually  understood  to  mean  the  danger  of 
a  direct  attack  of  the  yellow  races  upon  the  peoples  of  the  West. 
This  is  the  peril  with  which  our  literature  and  press  constantly  deal, 
and  on  which  our  politicians  reflect  with  a  certain  anxiety.  It  often 
rises  as  a  threatening  spectre  on  the  far  political  horizon.  This 
concern  is  not  wholly  without  foundation.  Who  knows  what  changes 
may  not  take  place  in  the  relation  of  the  various  forces  of  the  world 
when  millions  of  new  men  enter  the  arena  of  its  commerce  ?  What 


204  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

will  happen  when  these  masses  of  people  are  armed  in  accordance 
with  the  latest  demands  of  military  technics?  What  will  be  the 
effect  on  general  civilisation  of  this  introduction  of  nations  with  a 
different  civilisation  and  entirely  different  principles  of  life? 

On  reflection,  however,  we  must  recognise  that  the  dread  of  the 
yellow  peril  is  greatly  exaggerated  and,  if  a  wise  policy  be  adopted, 
misplaced.  The  military  peril  naturally  seems  to  be  very  great.  But 
we  must  not  estimate  the  military  strength  of  nations  by  their  number 
only.  Wars  are  not  ballots,  conducted  on  the  principle  of  universal 
suffrage,  and  the  victory  is  not  always  on  the  side  of  the  majority. 
The  chief  importance  in  military  struggles  lies  in  the  psychological 
forces  and  the  way  in  which  they  are  organised. 

From  what  we  know  of  the  psychological  qualities  of  the  Chinese 
population,  as  distinguished  from  the  Japanese,  the  warlike  spirit 
has  no  roots  in  them.  The  contrast  to  Japan  is  explained  by  the 
profound  difference  in  the  history  of  the  two  States.  The  psycho- 
logical character,  and  the  warlike  spirit  in  particular,  take  centuries  to 
form,  and  it  is  difficult  to  imagine  that  the  character  of  a  people  can 
easily  change.  The  other  military  factor  is  a  solid  organisation  of 
the  available  forces.  In  this  organisation  the  most  important  part  is 
played  by  the  general  political  cohesion,  the  financial  and  other 
material  resources,  the  ardour  for  the  war,  the  harmony  of  the  action 
of  the  rulers,  etc.  Now,  the  State-organisation  in  Western  civilisation 
is  incomparably  stronger  than  it  is  in  the  East,  and  in  order  to  attain 
it  China  would  have  completely  to  transform  and  reform  itself  on  the 
European  model.  But  a  reformed  China  will  no  longer  be  alien.  It 
will  approach  the  West,  enter  into  international  commerce,  and  be 
compelled  to  submit  to  the  general  laws  of  the  equilibrium  of  the 
world.  Humanity  is  always  most  closely  drawn  together  by  the 
bonds  of  solidarity.  The  great  development  in  our  own  time  of 
alliances  and  treaties  between  different  States  enables  us  to  foresee, 
not  as  a  dream,  but  as  a  reality,  the  international  organisation  of 
humanity  in  one  political  and  federated  body.  China  will  be  com- 
pelled to  enter  this  union,  or  else  it  will  have  to  deal  with  the  rest  of 
the  human  race ;  and  in  that  case  it  will  face  the  unbroken  ranks  of 
the  human  army. 

The  economic  peril  on  the  part  of  China  is  still  less  inevitable. 
People  dread  the  immigration  of  Chinese  workers,  fear  that  wages 
will  be  lowered  in  the  countries  to  which  they  migrate,  and  are  con- 
cerned about  the  commercial  and  industrial  competition  they  may 
experience  from  a  reformed  China.  The  United  States,  Australia, 
Canada,  and  other  countries  have  already  closed  their  doors  against 
the  Chinese  worker. 

We  will  not  enter  here  upon  an  examination  of  the  economic  laws 


THIRD   SESSION  205 

which,  we  think,  show  the  fallacy  of  the  economic  peril  of  China. 
China  has  not  so  dense  a  population  that  its  workers  cannot,  with 
the  progress  of  its  own  industries,  find  a  market  for  their  labour  in 
their  own  country.  The  population  of  England  is  three  times  as 
dense  as  the  population  of  China.  If  the  industrialisation  of  China 
and  the  exploitation  of  its  resources  increase  production,  there  will 
be  a  corresponding  increase  of  consumption.  If  it  sells  more,  the 
country  will  purchase  more.  Its  budget  will  be  larger.  With  the 
results  of  the  new  economic  form,  China  will  experience  new 
demands. 

There  remains  the  moral  "yellow  peril."  We  do  not  see  any 
absolute  error  even  in  the  idea  of  an  immutable  social  order,  the  cult 
of  ancestors,  or  the  negative  universalism  of  Buddhism,  but  merely 
sound  elements  of  a  larger  truth.  These  ideas  indeed  are  an 
excellent  antidote  to  the  one-sidedness  of  European  ways  of  think- 
ing. There  is  a  greater  peril  in  the  gross  positivism  and  practical 
materialism  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people  of  China,  but  that  is  a 
danger  everywhere.  The  crude  animal  contentment  of  the  average 
small  mind  in  Europe  is  just  as  real  a  menace  to  the  future  of  the 
West.  There  is  a  real  danger  that  the  materialistic  spirit  of  China 
may  animate  the  world,  when  humanity  is  united,  and  the  era  of 
universal  peace  has  been  established.  The  ideals  of  religion  and 
morality  will  then  have  to  combat  the  meanness  of  the  human 
mind. 

IV. 

If,  however,  the  yellow  peril  is  usually  much  exaggerated,  we 
must  beware  of  concluding  that  it  does  not  exist,  and  that  there  is  no 
question  of  the  Far  East  to  confront.  In  political  questions,  especially 
questions  of  international  politics,  it  is  ridiculous  and  dangerous  to 
adopt  a  purely  sentimental  attitude  and,  with  naive  kindliness, 
declare  that  the  goal  has  already  been  reached.  We  must  not  hastily 
infer  from  the  theoretical  principle  of  the  equality  and  fraternity  of 
races  that  they  are  actually  equal  at  the  present  time  and  entertain 
fraternal  feelings  in  their  relations  with  each  other.  To  say  that 
would  be  to  run  counter  to  the  indisputable  facts  of  the  situation.  It 
would  be  an  unpardonable  levity  on  the  part  of  any  sincere  friend  of 
humanity  to  fail  to  see  the  wide  distance  that  there  actually  is 
between  the  yellow  and  the  white  races,  and  the  possibility  of 
struggles  and  hostility  between  them  on  that  account 

It  seems  to  us  that  the  admission  of  the  radical  pacifist  principle 
of  general  disarmament  does  not  solve  the  racial  problem. 

Not  that  we  agree  with  the  opinions  of  those  who  believe  in  the 
absolute  value  of  warfare,  and  find  in  it  the  mysterious  and  mystic 


206  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

character  which  satisfies  the  desire  of  sacrifice  and  redemption  that  is 
so  deeply  rooted  in  human  nature ;  but  because  we  believe  that,  when 
there  is  question  of  safeguarding  things  of  great  value,  war  is  neces- 
sary and  divine,  and  to  refuse  to  enter  upon  it  in  such  cases  would  be 
a  piece  of  unworthy  pusillanimity  and  cowardice. 

But  wars  and  the  struggles  of  races  are  abnormal  things  and  must 
be  avoided.  That  may  be  done,  not  by  radically  abolishing  them, 
but  by  gradually  making  them  useless.  The  relations  of  race  to  race 
must  be  regulated  and  organised,  and  the  various  races  must  enter  as 
organic  members  into  the  life-unity  of  the  whole  of  humanity-. 
International  commerce  unites  men  and  races  more  closely  every 
year.  The  fusion  of  races  is  inevitable,  whether  we  desire  it  or 
no ;  yet  we  must  do  all  in  our  power  to  realise  it  as  quickly  as 
possible. 

The  East  is  characterised  by  the  exaggerated  cult  of  the  past,  the 
denial  of  the  world,  and  the  idea  of  Nirvana ;  the  West  by  a  no  less 
exaggerated  cult  of  the  future,  and  the  acceptance  of  the  world  as  it 
presents  itself  to  us.  The  equilibrium  is  destroyed  on  both  sides. 
The  failure  to  recognise  the  rights  of  progress  in  the  East  leads 
to  stagnation,  decadence,  decomposition,  and,  in  the  end,  contempt 
for  the  past  itself;  because  the  past  has  to  be  reconstructed  inces- 
santly by  the  living  toil  of  new  generations.  The  failure  to  recognise 
the  rights  of  the  past  in  the  West  leads  to  a  situation  in  which  life 
loses  the  cohesive  quality  of  organic  evolution  and  becomes  a  mirage 
of  the  onward  flow  of  time,  an  aimless  pilgrimage  in  the  endless  space 
of  history. 

ow  The  part  of  Russia,  as  it  is  understood  by  the  majority  of 
thoughtful  Russians,  and  as  it  is  reflected  in  the  political  and  philo- 
sophical works  of  Russian  thinkers,  is  to  maintain  an  equilibrium  in 
this  antagonistic  process.  Russia,  strong  in  its  Christian  creed,  is 
conscious  that  it  possesses  a  lofty  moral  ideal.  The  Kingdom  of 
God  is  to  be  attained,  not  on  the  earth,  but  by  the  work  here  below 
of  collective  humanity  ;  not  as  a  humanity-God,  but  as  God  in 
humanity  ;  not  by  the  destructive  action  of  scepticism,  but  by  the 
scientific  realisation  of  ideal  aims.  Normal  society  should  be  con- 
structed, not  for  the  animal  existence  of  small  contented  souls,  but 
for  divine  ends ;  because  the  normal  life  is  a  creative  evolution  of 
divine  character. 

The  policy  of  Russia  is  determined  by  its  Oriental-Occidental 
situation.  Its  historical  action  is  always  to  promote  civilisation  by 
the  assimilation  on  the  part  of  Asiatic  races  of  European  culture. 
Each  of  the  great  European  races  has  a  mission  to  spread  settle-- 
ments  over  the  earth  ;  first,  the  Anglo-Saxons,  then  the  Spaniards, 
and  finally  the  Germans  and  the  French.  Russia  fulfils  its  mission 


THIRD  SESSION  207 

within  its  own  frontiers,  transforming  the  Eastern  and  the  Western 
elements  in  its  territory. 

We  shall  not  attempt  to  determine  the  particular  details  of  a 
practical  policy,  which  might  assist  Russia  in  playing  its  historical 
part  in  reconciling  the  East  and  the  West,  because  that  is  the  task  of 
its  natural  self-realisation  in  its  whole  range.  Only  in  pursuing  that 
aim  will  it  fulfil  its  general  historic  destiny.  Russia  will  only  succeed 
in  showing  the  world  how  to  reconcile  the  East  and  the  West  if  it 
reveals  the  presence  in  it  of  a  living  God.  In  effecting  the  synthesis 
of  religion  and  science,  it  will  supply  what  is  lacking  both  to  the 
East  and  the  West 

As  regards  its  special  relations  with  the  East,  the  understanding 
of  Russia  and  Japan  is  natural,  and  is  not  only  in  their  own  interests, 
but  also  in  the  interest  of  the  harmony  of  the  world.  The  Russo- 
Japanese  war  was  an  enormous  blunder,  though  it  may  have  been 
necessary  from  the  historical  point  of  view.  Its  good  results  are 
already  apparent  in  the  mutual  understanding  of  the  two  countries, 
and  the  mutual  approach  of  the  Japanese  and  Russian  people.  Its 
evil  effect  was  to  close  against  Russia  the  outlet  toward  the  warm  sea 
of  the  Gulf  of  Pechili,  that  had  menaced  nobody,  and  had  answered 
the  vital  interests  of  Russia,  since  it  gave  an  outlet  to  the  broad 
tracts  of  Siberia. 

The  first  task  that  Russia  has  to  undertake  in  its  Eastern  policy 
is  a  close  approach  to  China  by  means  of  the  active  colonisation  of  its 
Asiatic  provinces  and  the  construction  in  Siberia  of  routes  into  China. 
The  Oriental  civilisation  has  long  been  studied  in  Russia,  and  the 
study  must  be  prosecuted  with  the  greatest  energy.  It  is  necessary 
to  examine  and  understand  the  soul  of  the  East  and  its  secret  ideals. 
But,  while  conducting  this  study,  Russia  must  spread  its  own 
doctrines.  Every  possible  effort  must  be  made  to  extend  the 
scientific  education  of  Europe  among  the  Mongols.  The  preaching 
of  Christianity,  especially,  must  be  pressed,  not  in  the  form  of  a 
commercial  enterprise,  but  as  an  act  of  faith  and  enthusiasm.  This 
propaganda  would  be  more  effective  if  the  dream  of  many  great 
thinkers — the  union  of  the  Christian  Churches — could  be  realised. 

Many  a  painful  experience  still  awaits  humanity  on  the  hard  way 
to  the  City  of  God,  to  which  we  aspire.  The  sacred  enthusiasm, 
which  has  more  than  once  fired  humanity  to  glorious  deeds  in  the 
age-long  struggle  of  the  East  and  the  West,  should  fill  our  hearts 
to-day ! 

[Paper  submitted  in  French.'] 
"  ili  v/aiv  V,<  'Jnioq  1110  movl 


FOURTH    SESSION 

(FIRST   PART) 
SPECIAL  PROBLEMS   IN  INTER-RACIAL  ECONOMICS 

!'•''•  .(*    '*  'K;^     '}ff''         I     *"!'*"•{!','}•      l'-i'i   ?f:J('     y(JMfrft<  >'"••»     no     ••fo     -  i"«/     •     »«*<-i<  ;»t?T 

INVESTMENTS   AND    LOANS 
By  Dr.  AKOS  VON  NAVRATIL, 

Professor  of  Political  Economy  in  the  University  of  Kolossvdr, 

Hungary. 

OF  all  the  economic  relations  between  different  peoples  and  nations 
the  possibility  of  transferring  capital  from  one  nation  or  people 
into  the  economic  system  of  another  is  by  far  the  most  important 
and  pregnant  with  results.  Among  the  productive  factors  of 
economic  life  none  is  now  so  important  as  capital,  the  creative 
activity  of  which  is  characterised  by  the  law  of  increasing  produc- 
tivity. It  is  capital,  moreover,  that  is  found  to  be  the  most 
mobile  of  the  productive  factors  in  modern  processes  of  exchange, 
and  the  most  varied  forms  of  its  transference  from  one  economic 
system  to  another.  The  soil  is  associated  permanently  with  an 
economic  system  as  its  natural  foundation.  Labour  is,  as  has  long 
been  recognised,  a  very  difficult  thing  to  transport.  Capital,  if  it 
find  no  obstacle  in  its  way,  flows  over  the  frontiers  of  countries, 
and  even  across  the  ocean,  to  wherever  it  will  be  most  useful  to 
the  economic  system  and  to  its  possessor,  the  capitalist. 

The  aim  of  these  few  lines  is  to  impress  the  great  importance 
of  this  internationalism — in  the  highest  sense  of  the  word — of 
capital  on  the  first  Universal  Races  Congress,  and  briefly  to  point 
out  its  consequences. 

From  our  point  of  view  the  transfer  of  capital  is  not  regarded 
so  much  between  the  various  national  economic  systems  as  between 
different  races. 

aos 


FOURTH   SESSION  209 

Every  transfer  of  capital  is  an  enrichment  of  some  economic 
system  of  a  lower  economic  culture  by  one  that  has  risen  to  a 
higher  stage  of  economic  culture.  In  that  sense  the  country  that 
is  poor  in  capital  seeks  the  aid  of  one  that  is  richer.  The  latter, 
however,  uses  the  opportunity  to  obtain  a  good  interest  on  its 
idle  capital.  A  race  that  is  economically  inferior  to  another,  and 
the  peoples  of  that  race,  seek  the  productive  factors  they  lack 
— capital — from  peoples  that  are  richer  in  capital,  and  this  means, 
practically,  from  economically  higher  races.  The  economically 
higher  race  willingly  comes  to  their  support  with  its  capital,  even 
across  the  seas,  in  order  to  obtain  the  utmost  advantage  from  its 
superfluous  productive  factors.  It  is  a  very  clear  expression  of 
the  internationalism  of  the  economic  life  on  the  largest  scale. 

With  the  establishment  of  over-sea  relations  on  the  part  of  the 
chief  countries  of  Europe — in  other  words,  with  the  earliest  efforts 
at  colonisation — we  have  the  first  transfer  of  capital  from  one  race 
to  others. 

It  would  take  us  too  far  to  enter  fully  into  the  question  of 
colonisation  in  this  brief  survey,  even  from  the  single  point  of 
view  of  the  transfer  of  capital  involved  in  it.  We  shall  be  content 
to  state,  as  an  undeniable  fact,  that  the  economic  relations  that 
have  been  set  up  permanently  between  races  that  stand  higher  in 
regard  to  intensive  economic  culture  and  such  as  are  at  a  lower 
stage — relations  which  we  call  colonisation,  in  the  widest  sense  of 
the  word — always  imply  a  considerable  transfer  of  the  productive 
factors  which  are  superfluous  at  home.  Superior  economic  culture 
is  precisely  characterised  by  this  wealth  in  accumulated  productive 
factors.  And  among  the  productive  factors  which  seem  to  accu- 
mulate in  superabundance  at  home,  and  seek  a  better  application 
abroad,  the  first  place  is  taken  by  capital.  Transfers  of  capital 
from  one  race  to  another,  especially  from  a  Western  to  an  Eastern 
race,  to  the  advantage  of  both,  are,  as  history  shows,  only  possible 
when  their  relations  become  the  object  of  a  certain  regulation 
having  the  character  of  public  law,  and  thus  the  stability  of  the 
economic  relations  is  better  assured.  I  will  only  refer  to  the  well- 
known  fact  of  the  indebtedness  of  India  to  England,  that  is  to 
say,  to  the  transfers  of  capital,  generally  for  late  repayment,  by 
England  to  its  British- Indian  interests,  mainly  for  the  construction 
of  railways  in  former  times,  but  now,  since  the  opening  up  of  the 
country  by  modern  means  of  communication,  for  use  in  the  trade, 
industry,  and  agriculture  of  India.  (See  Anton  Arnold,  Das 
Indische  Geldwesen  unter  besonderer  Beriicksichtigung  seiner 
Reformen  sett  1893,  Jena,  1906;  especially  pp.  77  and  the 
following.) 


210  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 


need  no  further  proof  that  the  influx  of  capital  from  abroad 
into  an  economic  system  that  is  at  a  lower  stage  of  economic  culture, 
and  is  therefore  poorer  in  capitalistic  productive  factors,  is  of  great 
importance.  By  this  influx  it  acquires  what  it  lacks  at  home,  and 
without  which  it  finds  it  impossible  to  maintain  its  economic  life 
and  ascend  to  a  higher  stage  of  economic  culture.  Whether  the 
influx  of  foreign  capital  takes  place  in  the  form  of  an  international 
loan,  in  which  the  indebted  State  recognises  its  legal  character,  and 
the  international  relations  between  the  debtor  State  and  that  from 
whose  economic  system  the  transferred  capital  comes  remain  equal, 
or  some  alteration  in  the  legal  relations  of  the  two  States  is  implied 
in  the  transfer  of  capital,  is  simply  a  question  of  public  law,  and 
therefore  of  minor  interest  from  our  point  of  view.  We  need  only 
point  out  very  briefly  that  in  transfers  of  capital  from  one  race  to 
another  such  modifications  of  the  politico-legal  relations  will  pro- 
bably occur  ;  that  is  to  say,  the  closer  connection  of  the  economic 
interests  of  the  two  races  in  the  shape  of  colonisation  will  involve 
the  influx  of  capital  from  the  economically  more  advanced  race  to 
the  less  advanced.  But  whether  the  transfer  of  capital  is  effected  in 
one  form  or  another,  it  remains  an  undeniable  fact  that  it  enriches 
and  beneficially  influences  the  economic  system,  which  has  now 
gained  in  productive  factors. 

Even  the  warmest  adherents  of  the  theory  of  protective  tariffs, 
who  contend  that  home  production  is  encouraged  in  all  its  branches 
by  their  economic  policy,  and  who  make  it  their  final  and  highest 
aim  to  render  their  own  economic  system  entirely  independent  of 
the  foreigner,  will  freely  admit  that  the  economic  isolation  of  their 
country  should  not  be  carried  out  to  the  exclusion  of  foreign  capital. 
On  the  contrary,  the  influx  of  foreign  capital  promotes  home  produc- 
tion in  the  most  favourable  and  healthy  way,  by  providing  it  with 
the  most  valuable  productive  factor,  and  therefore  with  the  means  of 
developing  the  national  forces. 

What  we  have  said  in  regard  to  different  countries  of  higher  and 
lower  economic  culture,  applies  in  even  greater  measure  where  there 
is  a  racial  difference  of  economic  culture,  since  we  may  confidently 
assume  an  even  greater  lack  of  capital  on  the  part  of  the  economi- 
cally lower  race  than  on  the  part  of  a  people  of  less  advanced 
economic  development,  but  of  the  same  race. 

According  to  the  ideas  of  the  old  Liberal  orthodox  economic 
theory  this  concern  is  unfounded,  and  the  question  is,  in  any  case, 
superfluous.  The  Liberal  school  is  a  faithful  adherent  of  economic 
internationalism.  It  teaches  that  each  national  economy  merely 
forms  part  of  the  international  economic  system  of  the  world,  and 
should  not,  therefore,  cut  itself  off  from  other  countries.  It  would 


FOURTH   SESSION  VI V!  211 

have  the  accumulated  capital  of  the  national  wealth  invested  in  those 
branches  of  production  in  which  the  economic  system  in  question 
is  strongest,  and  can  therefore  do  the  most  productive  work.  Pro- 
ducts belonging  to  other  departments  may  be  imported  from  abroad, 
^ey  Though  this  principle  of  the  old  economic  Liberalism  may  be 
opposed  by  perfectly  valid  objections  by  the  protective  tariff  system 
— or,  as  it  would  be  better  to  call  it,  the  system  of  the  protection  of 
home  labour — I  cannot  doubt,  nevertheless,  that  all  of  us  will  regard 
as  sound  the  following  principle,  which  is  likewise  due  to  economic 
Liberalism.  The  principle  is  :  Capital  only  goes  abroad  in  search  of 
an  opportunity  to  produce  when  it  cannot  find  such  opportunity  at 
home.  Capital  always  remains  where  it  is  of  the  greatest  economic 
public  use,  and  where,  consequently,  it  will  be  of  the  greatest  use  to 
its  owner,  or  of  the  greatest  private  use  by  bringing  him  the  highest 
possible  interest. 

I  must  be  content  with  a  brief  reference  to  this  principle ;  if 
seems  to  me  superfluous  to  prove  the  correctness  of  it  before  the 
members  of  this  Congress.  I  will  merely  add  that  they  will  find,  in 
the  October  number  of  the  Financial  Review  of  Reviews  for  1910,  an 
excellent  little  article  on  the  subject,  with  the  title  "  Foreign  Invest- 
ments and  Home  Employments,"  from  the  pen  of  Mr.  J.  A.  Hobson, 
which  deals  thoroughly  and  very  strikingly,  as  far  as  British  con- 
ditions are  concerned,  with  the  reasons  that  might  be  alleged  against 
foreign  investment  The  arguments  of  the  distinguished  author  may 
be  commended  to  the  opponents  of  foreign  investments. 

I  trust  that  the  First  International  Races  Congress  will  express 
the  greatest  sympathy  in  regard  to  foreign  investments,  for  longer 
or  shorter  periods,  recognising  in  them  one  of  the  most  powerful 
means  of  peaceful  economic  co-operation  between  races  of  different 
economic  level.  It  is  also  trusted  that  the  Congress  would  like  to  see 
States  so  regulate  their  economic  situations,  which  are  directly  or  indi- 
rectly connected  with  the  international  movement  of  capital,  as  to  afford 
the  greatest  freedom  for  a  sound  international  movement  of  capital. 
[Paper  submitted  in  German,'} 


:.';:   ';  iJ    n  '    .-.'.  "/ .   .'.:;!,Df,"t  !       .'"IlAifl1     ,1   •  I'!'- 

WAGES   AND    IMMIGRATION 

By  FRED  C.  CROXTON,  Expert  at  the  Bureau  of  Labour,  Washing- 
ton, and  Prof.  W.  JETT  LAUCK,  Chief  Examiner  at  the  Tariff 
Board,  Washington. 

Source  and  Industrial  Character  of  Immigrants. —  In  order  to  note 
the  effect  of  immigration  on  wages  in  the  United  States  it  will  be 


212 


UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 


necessary  to  take  into  consideration  the  country  of  origin  of  immi- 
grants arriving  in  the  United  States,  and  particularly  to  refer  to  the 
striking  change  in  the  type  of  immigrants  arriving. 

The  countries  of  Southern  and  Eastern  Europe  furnish  more  than 
70  per  cent,  of  the  immigrants  now  coming  to  the  United  States, 
while  two  decades  ago  the  same  countries  furnished  less  than  20  per 
cent.  The  countries  of  Northern  and  Western  Europe  at  the  present 
time  furnish  about  20  per  cent,  of  the  immigrants,  and  two  decades 
ago  they  furnished  more  than  70  per  cent.  These  figures  do  not 
fully  indicate  the  extent  of  the  change,  for  the  reason  that  the 
volume  of  immigration  has  increased  remarkably,  the  average  number 
of  immigrants  arriving  per  year  having  just  about  doubled  during  the 
two  decades. 

The  number  of  immigrants  arriving  during  each  decade  since 
1820,  and  the  proportion  from  each  specified  locality,  are  shown  in 
the  following  table : — 

IMMIGRATION  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES  BY  DECADES,  1820  TO  1910. 
(Compiled  from  the  Reports  of  the  United  States  Immigration  Commission.) 


PER  CENT.  FROM— 

Year  ending 

Total  Number  of 

June  soth. 

Immigrants. 

Northern  and 

Southern  and 

Other  Specified 

Western  Europe. 

Eastern  Europe. 

Countries. 

1820-1830 

124,640 

86-5 

3'4 

IO'I 

1831-1840 

528,721 

92-3 

1*2 

6'5 

1841-1850 

1,604,805 

95'9 

0'4 

37 

1851-1860 

2,648,912 

94-6 

0-9 

4'4 

1861-1870 

2,369,878 

89-2 

r6 

9-2 

1871-1880 

2,812,191 

737 

r1 

19-2 

I88I-I800 

5,246,613 

72'O 

18-3 

97  r:t.m 

1891-1900 

3.687.564 

44-8 

52-8 

2'5 

I9OI-I9IO 

8,795,386 

21-8 

71-9 

6'3 

A  very  large  proportion  of  the  immigrants  coming  to  the  United 
States  prior  to  1890  were  either  from  the  United  Kingdom  or  from 
Germany.  In  the  late  seventies  Norway  and  Sweden  also  began 
contributing  considerable  numbers.  Practically  all  of  the  immigrants 
from  Germany,  Norway,  Sweden,  and  the  United  Kingdom  came 
with  the  intention  of  making  the  United  States  their  permanent 
home,  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  Irish,  they  were  largely 
attracted  by  the  agricultural  possibilities.  They  engaged  generally 
in  cultivating  the  soil,  and  were  an  important  factor  in  developing 
the  agricultural  wealth  of  the  country.  The  small  proportion  entering 
industrial  pursuits  were  trained  and  experienced  in  the  particular 
line  of  factory  work  in  which  they  engaged. 


FOURTH   SESSION  213 

With  the  shifting  of  the  source  of  immigration  has  come  a 
marked  change  in  the  industrial  character  of  the  immigrants.  Prior 
to  1890  the  French  Canadians  were  practically  the  only  immigrants, 
aside  from  the  Irish  and  a  few  trained  workers  of  the  nationalities 
above  mentioned,  who  entered  wage-earning  occupations  in  any 
considerable  numbers.  The  newer  immigration — that  from  Southern 
and  Eastern  Europe — however,  almost  exclusively  enters  industrial 
occupations  and  competes,  to  a  greater  or  less  extent,  with  native- 
born  workers  and  workers  belonging  to  races  of  earlier  immigration. 
They  are  also,  with  the  exception  of  the  Russian  Hebrews,  to  a 
considerable  degree  transient  residents.  They  are  practically  all 
untrained  workers  and  possessed  of  but  meagre  financial  means, 
and  therefore  are  compelled  to  accept  any  wage  offered  and  to  work 
under  such  conditions  as  to  hours,  sanitation,  and  mechanical 
equipment  as  they  may  find. 

The  increase  in  the  proportion  of  immigrants  coming  from  certain 
countries  of  Southern  and  Eastern  Europe  has  been  remarkable.  In 
1907,  the  year  of  largest  immigration,  883,126  persons,  or  almost 
70  per  cent,  of  the  1,285,349  immigrants,  were  from  the  three 
countries,  Austria-Hungary,  Italy,  and  Russia.  The  number  of 
immigrants  from  these  three  countries  combined  did  not  reach 
50,000  in  any  year  until  1882,  and  did  not  reach  100,000  in  any  year 
until  1887. 

Extent  of  Employment  of  Immigrants. — The  United  States 
Immigration  Commission  in  its  studies  of  the  immigration  problem 
secured  detailed  information  concerning  619,595  employees  in  the 
principal  industries  of  the  country  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 
Of  that  number  of  employees,  346,203,  or  55*9  per  cent.,  were 
foreign-born. 

Of  the  employees  in  twenty  of  the  most  important  industries 
information  concerning  length  of  residence  in  the  United  States  was 
secured  for  290,923  foreign-born  persons,  and  of  that  number 
116,466,  or  40  per  cent.,  had  been  in  the  United  States  less  than 
five  years.  Of  the  total  number  belonging  to  races  coming  from 
Northern  and  Western  Europe  and  Canada,  only  17*4  per  cent 
had  been  in  the  United  States  less  than  five  years,  while  of  the 
employees  of  other  races — almost  entirely  from  Southern  and 
Eastern  Europe — 51'!  per  cent,  had  been  in  the  United  States  less 
than  five  years.  Slightly  more  than  one-third  of  the  total  number 
of  foreign-born  employees  were  of  races  from  Northern  and 
Western  Europe  and  Canada,  while  of  the  immigrant  employees 
who  had  been  in  the  United  States  less  than  five  years,  only  14*3 
per  cent,  were  of  races  from  Northern  and  Western  Europe  and 
Canada.  The  entrance  into  the  factories  and  mines  of  the  United 


214  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

States  of  such  large  numbers  of  immigrants,  and  especially  of 
immigrants  from  Southern  and  Eastern  Europe,  is  having  a  marked 
effect  on  wages  and  working  conditions,  and  this  fact  will  be 
set  forth  in  the  further  discussion  of  this  subject. 

Reasons  for  Employment, — The  reason  for  the  employment  of 
recent  immigrant  wage-earners  in  the  United  States  was  primarily 
due  to  the  inability  of  the  manufacturers  and  mine-operators  to 
secure  other  labour  in  the  face  of  the  growing  needs  of  the  country. 
How  far  there  was  afterwards  a  reversal  of  cause  and  effect,  and  to 
what  extent  the  expansion  of  the  industry  was  stimulated  by  the 
availability  of  the  recent  immigrant  labour  supply,  cannot  be 
definitely  ascertained.  It  is  a  matter  of  speculation  and  con- 
troversy without  any  data  at  present  upon  which  to  base  an 
approximate  determination.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  opinion 
of  employers  as  to  the  desirability  of  this  class  of  labour,  they  found 
it  necessary  either  to  employ  immigrant  labour  or  delay  industrial 
advancement.  They  chose  the  former  course,  and  the  present 
industrial  situation  is  the  result. 

The  absorption  of  such  a  large  proportion  of  alien  peoples  into 
the  mines  and  manufacturing  establishments  of  the  United  States 
was  obviously  attended  by  very  important  results.  These  effects 
of  the  employment  of  Southern  and  Eastern  Europeans  may  be 
briefly  considered  from  (i)  the  standpoint  of  the  general  industrial 
effects,  and  (2)  from  the  point  of  view  of  native  Americans  and 
older  employees  in  the  industry.  Before  entering  into  a  discussion 
of  these  effects,  however,  it  will  be  necessary,  in  order  that  the 
situation  may  be  fully  comprehended,  to  review  briefly  the  personal 
and  industrial  qualities  of  the  immigrants.  These  are  briefly  set 
forth  below. 

Salient  Characteristics  of  the  Recent  Immigrant  Labour  Supply. — 
l»;  One  of  the  facts  of  greatest  import  relative  to  the  newer 
immigration  has  been  that  an  exceedingly  small  proportion  have 
had  any  training  while  abroad  for  the  industrial  occupations  in 
which  they  have  found  employment  in  the  United  States.  The  bulk 
of  recent  immigrants  has  been  drawn  from  the  agricultural  and 
unskilled  labour  classes  of  Southern  and  Eastern  Europe.  Most 
of  them  were  farmers  or  farm  labourers  or  unskilled  labourers  in 
their  native  lands.  The  only  exception  is  shown  by  the  Hebrews, 
three-fifths  of  whom  were  engaged  in  some  form  of  manufacturing 
before  coming  to  this  country. 

2.  The  newer  immigrant  labour  supply,  owing  to  the  fact  that 
it  is  composed  of  non-English  speaking  races  and  is  characterised  by 
a  high  degree  of  illiteracy,  has  been  found  to  possess  but  small 
resources  upon  which  to  develop  industrial  efficiency  and  advance- 


FOURTH   SESSION  215 

ment.  Owing  to  their  segregation  and  isolation  from  the  native 
American  population  in  living  and  working  conditions,  their  progress 
in  acquiring  the  use  of  the  English  language  and  in  learning  to  read 
and  write,  has  been  very  slow.  nw* 

3.  A  salient  fact  in  connection  with  the  newer  immigrant^labour 
supply  has  been  the  necessitous  condition  of  the  newcomers  upon 
their  arrival  in  American  industrial  communities.     Immigrants  from 
the  south  and  east  of  Europe  have  usually  had  but  a  few  dollars  in 
their  possesion  when  their  final  destination  in  this  country  had  been 
reached.     During  the  past  eight  years  the  average  per  person  among 
immigrants  from  Southern  and  Eastern  Europe  has  been  only  about 
one-third    as    much    as    among    immigrants    from    Northern    and 
Western   Europe,  consequently  they  have  found   it  absolutely  im- 
perative to  engage   in   work   at   once.     They  have  not   been  in   a 
position  to  take  exception  to  wages  or  working  conditions,  but  must 
obtain  employment  on  the  terms  offered. 

4.  The  standards  of  living  of  the  newer  industrial  workers  from 
the  south  and  east  of  Europe  have  also  been  very  low.     Moreover, 
the  recent  immigrants  being  usually  single,  or,  if  married,  having 
left  their  wives  abroad,  have  been  able  to  adopt  a  group  instead  of 
a  family  living   arrangement,  and   thereby  to  reduce  their  cost  of 
living  to  a  point  far  below  that  of  the  American  or  of  the  older 
immigrant  in  the  same  industry.     The  method  of  living  often  fol- 
lowed is  that    commonly  known  as   the   "  boarding-boss "   system. 
Under  this  arrangment  a  married  immigrant  or  his  wife,  or  a  single 
man  constitutes  the  head  of  the  household,  which,  in  addition  to  the 
family  or  the  person  constituting  the  head  of  the  group,  will  usually 
be  made  up  of  two  to  sixteen  boarders  or  lodgers.     The  head  of  the 
group  is  called  a  "  boarding  boss."     Each  lodger  pays  the  "  boarding 
boss  "  a  fixed  sum,  ordinarily  from  $2  to  $3  each  month,  for  lodg- 
ing, cooking,  and  washing,  the  food  being  usually  bought  by  the 
"  boarding  boss,"  and   its   cost    shared  equally  by  each   individual 
member  of  the  group.     Another  common    arrangement  is  for  each 
member  of  the  household  to  purchase  his  own  food  and   have   it 
cooked  separately.     Under  these  general  methods  of  living,  which 
are  frequently  found  among  the  immigrant  households,  the  entire 
outlay  for  necessary  living  expenses  of  each  adult  member  ranges 
from  $9  to  $15  each  month.      The  additional  expenditures  of  the 
recent  immigrant  wage-earners   are   small.     Every  effort  has   been 
made  to   save   as   much   as  possible.     The  entire  life  interest  and 
activity  of  the   average   wage-earner   from    Southern   and    Eastern 
Europe  has   seemed  to  revolve  about  three  points:  (i)  To  earn  the 
largest   possible   amount   under   the   existing   conditions  of  work ; 
(2)  to  live  upon  the  basis  of  minimum  cheapness  ;  and  (3)  to  save  as 


2l6 


UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 


much  as  possible.  Domestic  economy,  as  well  as  all  living  arrange- 
ments, have  been  subordinated  to  the  desire  to  reduce  the  cost  of 
living  to  its  lowest  level. 

Living  conditions,  as  represented  by  the  comparative  crowding 
within  the  household,  are  shown  for  certain  races  in  the  statement 
which  follows.  The  data  were  collected  from  more  than  seventeen 
thousand  households  in  industrial  localities,  but  this  statement  only 
includes  certain  foreign  races  which  enter  the  industrial  occupations 
in  large  numbers. 

AVERAGE  NUMBER  OF  PERSONS  PER  APARTMENT,  PER  ROOM,  AND  PER 
SLEEPING  ROOM,  BY  RACE  OF  HEAD  OF  HOUSEHOLD. 


(Compiled  from  Reports  of  the  United  States  Immigration  Commission.) 


•;. 

AVERAGE  1 

DUMBER  OF  PF.RS 

ONS  PER— 

Apartment. 

Room. 

„ 
Sleeping  Room. 

Newer  Immigration  — 

7'6<; 

1-88 

vis 

Italian,  North          f-  IU! 
Italian,  South          ;  •/»#  . 

5-50 

5-65 
c'go 

I-42 
I'47 

1'A.A. 

2'59 
2-62 

2'AC 

5  "V 
OMil 

I"72 

2*O2 

Polish           

6'06 

'  , 

rqS 

2'77 

6-68 

l"& 

2*3O 

Slovak           

C87 

2 
I  '62 

2'OO 

C27 

1*36 

2'^^ 

Older  Immigration  — 

4'  W 

o'8? 

I  'SO 

5*IQ 

I'O2 

2'IS 

CAK 

I'O2 

I  '08 

4*00 

O'Q2 

2X>2 

5.  Another  salient  quality  of  recent  immigrants  who  have 
sought  work  in  American  industries  has  been  that,  as  a  whole,  they 
have  manifested  but  a  small  degree  of  permanent  interest  in  their 
employment  or  in  the  industry.  They  have  constituted  a  mobile, 
migratory,  disturbing,  wage-earning  class,  constrained  mainly  by 
their  economic  interest,  and  moving  readily  from  place  to  place 
according  to  changes  in  working  conditions  or  fluctuations  in  the 
demand  for  labour.  This  condition  of  affairs  is  made  possible  by 
the  fact  that  so  large  a  proportion  of  the  recent  immigrant  employees 
are  single  men  or  married  men  whose  wives  are  abroad  and  by  the 
additional  fact  that  the  prevailing  method  of  living  among  immigrant 
workmen  is  such  as  to  enable  them  to  detach  themselves  from  an 
occupation  or  a  locality  whenever  they  may  wish.  Their  accumula- 
tions also  are  in  the  form  of  cash  or  are  quickly  convertible  into 
cash.  In  brief,  the  recent  immigrant  has  no  property  or  other  con- 


FOURTH   SESSION  217 

straining  interests  which  attach  him  to  a  community  or  to  any 
particular  occupation,  and  the  larger  proportion  are  free  to  follow 
the  best  industrial  inducements  rather  than  to  seek  to  improve 
working  conditions  in  their  employment. 

6.  To  the  above-described  characteristics  of  recent  immigrant 
wage-earners  should  be  added  one  other.  The  members  of  the 
larger  number  of  races  of  recent  entrance  to  the  mines,  mills,  and 
factories  have  been  tractable  and  easily  managed.  This  quality 
seems  to  be  a  temperamental  one  acquired  through  past  conditions 
of  life  in  their  native  lands.  In  the  normal  life  of  the  mines,  mills, 
and  factories  the  Southern  and  Eastern  Europeans  have  exhibited  a 
pronounced  tendency  towards  being  easily  managed  by  employers 
and  towards  being  imposed  upon  without  protest,  which  has  created 
the  impression  of  subserviency.  This  characteristic,  while  strong,  is 
confined,  however,  to  the  immigrant  wage-earners  of  comparatively 
short  residence  in  this  country,  and  results  from  their  lack  of  training 
or  experience  abroad  and  from  the  difference  between  their  standards 
and  aspirations  and  those  of  older  immigrant  employees  and  native 
American  industrial  workers. 

General  Industrial  Effects  of  Recent  Immigration, — If  the  charac- 
teristics of  the  recent  immigrant  labour  supply  to  the  United  States, 
as  outlined  above,  be  carefully  borne  in  mind  the  industrial  effects  of 
their  employment  may  be  quickly  realised. 

As  regards  the  general  industrial  effects,  in  the  first  place  it  may 
be  said  that  the  lack  of  skill  and  industrial  training  of  the  recent 
immigrant  to  the  United  States  has  stimulated  the  invention  of 
mechanical  methods  and  processes  which  might  be  conducted  by 
unskilled  industrial  workers  as  a  substitute  for  the  skilled  operatives 
formerly  required.  This  condition  of  affairs  must  have  been  true  or 
the  expansion  of  American  industry  within  recent  years  would  not 
have  been  possible.  A  large  number  of  illustrations  of  this  tendency 
might  be  cited.  Probably  three  of  the  best,  however,  are  the  auto- 
matic looms  and  ring  spindles  in  the  cotton  goods  manufacturing 
industry,  the  bottle-blowing  and  casting  machines  in  bottle  and 
other  glass  factories,  and  the  machines  for  mining  coal.  Another, 
but  more  minor  general  industrial  effect  of  the  employment  of  the 
Southern  and  Eastern  Europeans  is  observable  in  the  increase  in  the 
number  of  subordinate  foremen  in  a  great  many  industries.  This 
situation  arises  principally  from  the  fact  that  the  recent  immigrants 
are  usually  of  non-English-speaking  races  and  require  a  larger 
amount  of  supervision  than  the  native  Americans  and  older  immi- 
grants from  Great  Britain  and  Northern  Europe.  The  function  of 
the  subordinate  foremen  is  chiefly  that  of  an  interpreter.  As  regards 
other  changes  in  industrial  organisation  and  methods,  probably  the 


218  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

most  important  effect  observable  is  seen  in  the  creation  of  a  number 
of  special  occupations,  the  incumbents  of  which  perform  the 
dangerous  or  responsible  work  as  a  whole  which  before  the  employ- 
ment of  Southern  and  Eastern  Europeans  was  distributed  over  the 
entire  operating  force.  The  best  example  of  this  tendency  is  to  be 
found  in  the  newly  developed  occupation  of  "shot-firer"  in  bitu- 
minous and  anthracite  coal-mines.  The  mine  worker  in  this  occupa- 
tion prepares  and  discharges  the  blasts  or  shots  for  bringing  down 
the  coal.  Until  within  recent  years  each  miner  did  his  own  blasting  ; 
but  with  the  employment  of  the  untrained  Southern  and  Eastern 
Europeans  in  the  mines  it  was  soon  found  that  the  safety  of  the 
operating  forces  and  the  maintenance  of  the  quality  of  the  output 
required  that  blasting  should  be  largely  done  by  experienced  native 
American  or  older  immigrant  employees.  The  relation  between 
industrial  accidents  and  the  employment  of  recent  immigrants  as 
well  as  the  effect  upon  wages  and  conditions  of  employment  arising 
from  the  entrance  of  a  large  body  of  Southern  and  Eastern  Euro- 
peans into  the  American  industrial  system  is  set  forth  in  detail  at  a 
later  point. 

Effect  of  the  Employment  of  Recent  Immigrants  upon  Native 
American  and  Older  Immigrant  Employees. — Relative  to  the  effect 
of  recent  immigration  upon  native  American  and  older  immigrant 
wage-earners  in  the  United  States,  it  may  be  stated,  in  the  first 
place,  that  the  lack  of  industrial  training  and  experience  of  the 
recent  immigrant  before  coming  to  the  United  States,  together  with 
his  illiteracy  and  inability  to  speak  English,  has  had  the  effect  of 
exposing  the  original  employees  to  unsafe  and  insanitary  working 
conditions,  or  has  led  to  the  imposition  of  conditions  of  employment 
which  the  native  American  or  older  immigrant  employees  have 
considered  unsatisfactory  and  in  some  cases  unbearable.  When  the 
older  employees  have  found  dangerous  and  unhealthy  conditions 
prevailing  in  the  mines  and  manufacturing  establishments  and  have 
protested,  the  recent  immigrant  employees,  usually  through  igno- 
rance of  mining  or  other  working  methods,  have  manifested  a 
willingness  to  accept  the  alleged  unsatisfactory  conditions.  In  a 
large  number  of  cases  the  lack  of  training  and  experience  of  the 
Southern  and  Eastern  European  affects  only  his  own  safety.  On 
the  other  hand,  his  acquiescence  to  dangerous  and  insanitary  work- 
ing conditions  may  make  the  continuance  of  such  conditions 
possible,  and  this  may  become  a  menace  to  a  part  or  to  the  whole 
of  an  operating  force  of  an  industrial  establishment.  In  the  mining 
occupations  the  presence  of  an  untrained  employee  may  constitute 
an  element  of  danger  to  the  entire  body  of  workmen.  There  seems 
to  be  a  direct  causal  relation  between  the  extensive  employment  of 


FOURTH    SESSION  219 

recent  immigrants  in  American  mines  and  the  extraordinary  increase 
within  recent  years  in  the  number  of  mining  accidents.  It  is 
an  undisputed  fact  that  the  greatest  number  of  accidents  in  bitu- 
minous coal-mines  arise  from  two  causes  :  (i)  the  recklessness,  and 
(2)  the  ignorance  and  inexperience  of  employees.  When  the  lack 
of  training  of  the  recent  immigrant  while  abroad  is  considered  in 
connection  with  the  fact  that  he  becomes  an  employee  in  the  mines 
immediately  upon  his  arrival  in  this  country,  and  when  it  is  recalled 
that  a  large  proportion  of  the  new  arrivals  are  not  only  illiterate 
and  unable  to  read  any  precautionary  notices  posted  in  the  mines, 
but  also  unable  to  speak  English,  and  consequently  without  ability 
to  comprehend  instructions  intelligently,  the  inference  is  plain  that 
a  direct  causal  relation  exists  between  the  employment  of  recent 
immigrants  and  the  increase  in  the  number  of  fatalities  and 
accidents  in  the  mines.  No  complete  statistics  have  been  compiled 
as  to  the  connection  between  accidents  and  races  employed,  but  the 
figures  available  clearly  indicate  the  conclusion  that  there  has  been 
a  direct  relation  between  the  employment  of  untrained  foreigners 
and  the  prevalence  of  mining  casualties.  The  mining  inspectors  of 
the  several  coal-producing  States,  the  United  States  Geological 
Survey,  and  the  older  employees  in  the  industry,  bear  testimony  in 
this  respect  to  the  effect  of  the  employment  of  the  Southern  and 
Eastern  European. 

In  the  second  place,  the  extensive  employment  of  recent  immi- 
grants has  brought  about  living  conditions  and  a  standard  of  living 
with  which  the  older  employees  have  been  unable,  or  have  found  it 
extremely  difficult,  to  compete.  This  fact  may  be  readily  inferred 
from  what  has  already  been  said  relative  to  the  methods  of  domestic 
economy  of  immigrant  households  and  the  cost  of  living  of  their 
members. 

In  the  third  place,  the  entrance  into  the  operating  forces  of  the 
mines  and  manufacturing  establishments  in  such  large  numbers  of 
the  races  of  recent  immigration  has  also  had  the  effect  of  weakening 
the  labour  organisations  of  the  original  employees,  and  in  some 
industries  has  caused  their  entire  demoralisation  and  disruption. 
This  condition  has  been  due  to  the  character  of  the  recent  immi- 
grant labour  supply  and  to  the  fact  that  such  large  numbers  of 
recent  immigrants  have  found  employment  in  American  industries 
within  such  a  short  period  of  time.  The  significant  result  of  the 
whole  situation  has  been  that  the  influx  of  the  Southern  and 
Eastern  Europeans  has  been  too  rapid  to  permit  of  their  complete 
absorption  by  the  labour  organisations  which  were  in  existence 
before  the  arrival  of  the  recent  immigrant  wage-earners.  In  some 
industries  the  influence  and  power  of  the  labour  unions  are  concerned 


220  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

only  with  those  occupations  in  which  the  competition  of  the 
Southern  and  Eastern  European  has  been  only  indirectly  or 
remotely  felt,  and  consequently  the  labour  organisations  have  not 
been  very  seriously  affected.  In  the  occupations  and  industries  in 
which  the  pressure  of  the  competition  of  the  recent  immigrant  has 
been  directly  felt,  either  because  the  nature  of  the  work  was  such  as 
to  permit  of  the  immediate  employment  of  the  immigrant  or 
through  the  invention  of  improved  machinery  his  employment  was 
made  possible  in  occupations  which  formerly  required  training  and 
apprenticeship,  the  labour  organisations  have  been  completely  over- 
whelmed and  disrupted.  In  other  industries  and  occupations  in 
which  the  elements  of  skill,  training,  and  experience  were  requisite, 
such  as  in  certain  divisions  of  the  glass  manufacturing  industry,  the 
effect  of  the  employment  of  recent  immigrants  upon  labour  organi- 
sations has  not  been  followed  by  such  injurious  results. 

In  the  fourth  place,  it  may  be  stated  that  the  competition  of  the 
Southern  and  Eastern  European  has  led  to  a  voluntary  or  involuntary 
displacement  in  certain  occupations  and  industries,  of  the  native 
American  and  of  the  older  immigrant  employees  from  Great  Britain 
and  Northern  Europe.  These  racial  displacements  have  manifested 
themselves  in  three  ways.  In  the  first  place,  a  large  proportion  of 
native  Americans  and  older  immigrant  employees  from  Great  Britain 
and  Northern  Europe  have  left  certain  industries,  such  as  bituminous 
and  anthracite  coal-mining  and  iron  and  steel  manufacturing.  In  the 
second  place,  a  part  of  the  earlier  employees  who  remained  in  the 
industries  in  which  they  were  employed  before  the  advent  of  the 
Southern  and  Eastern  European,  have  been  able,  because  of  the 
demand  growing  out  of  the  general  industrial  expansion,  to  rise  to 
more  skilled  and  responsible  executive  and  technical  positions  which 
required  employees  of  training  and  experience.  In  the  larger  number 
of  cases,  however,  where  the  older  employees  remained  in  a  certain 
industry  after  the  pressure  of  the  competition  of  the  recent  immigrant 
had  begun  to  be  felt,  they  relinquished  their  former  positions  and 
segregated  themselves  in  certain  occupations.  This  tendency  is  best 
illustrated  by  the  distribution  of  employees  according  to  race  in  bitu- 
minous coal-mines.  In  this  industry  all  the  so-called  "company" 
occupations,  which  are  paid  on  the  basis  of  a  daily,  weekly,  or  monthly 
rate,  are  filled  by  native  Americans  or  older  immigrants  and  their 
children,  while  the  Southern  and  Eastern  Europeans  are  confined  to 
pick- mining  and  the  unskilled  and  common  labour.  The  same 
situation  exists  in  other  branches  of  manufacturing  enterprise.  In 
most  industries  the  native  American  and  older  immigrant  workmen 
who  have  remained  in  the  same  occupations  in  which  the  recent 
immigrants  are  predominant  are  the  thriftless,  unprogressive  elements 


FOURTH   SESSION  221 

of  the  original  operating  forces.  The  third  striking  feature  resulting 
from  the  competition  of  Southern  and  Eastern  Europeans  is  seen  in 
the  fact  that  in  the  case  of  most  industries,  such  as  iron  and  steel, 
textile  and  glass  manufacturing,  and  the  different  forms  of  mining, 
the  children  of  native  Americans  and  of  older  immigrants  from  Great 
Britain  and  Northern  Europe  are  not  entering  the  industries  in  which 
their  fathers  have  been  employed.  All  classes  of  manufacturers  claim 
that  they  are  unable  to  secure  a  sufficient  number  of  native-born 
employees  to  insure  the  development  of  the  necessary  number  of 
workmen  to  fill  the  positions  of  skill  and  responsibility  in  their 
establishments.  This  condition  of  affairs  is  attributable  to  three 
factors  :  (i)  General  or  technical  education  has  enabled  a  consider- 
able number  of  the  children  of  industrial  workers  to  command  busi- 
ness, professional,  or  technical  occupations  apparently  more  desirable 
than  those  of  their  fathers  ;  (2)  the  conditions  of  work  which  have 
resulted  from  the  employment  of  recent  immigrants  have  rendered 
certain  industrial  occupations  unattractive  to  the  wage-earner  of 
native  birth  ;  and  (3)  occupations  other  than  those  in  which  Southern 
and  Eastern  Europeans  are  engaged  are  sought  for  the  reason  that 
popular  opinion  attaches  to  them  a  more  satisfactory  social  status  and 
a  higher  degree  of  respectability.  Whatever  may  be  the  cause  of  this 
aversion  of  older  employees  to  working  by  the  side  of  the  new 
arrivals  the  existence  of  the  feeling  has  been  crystallised  into  one  of 
the  most  potent  causes  of  racial  substitution  in  manufacturing  and 
mining  occupations. 

As  regards  the  effects  of  the  employment  of  recent  immigrants 
upon  wages  and  hours  of  work,  there  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  the 
employment  of  Southern  and  Eastern  European  wage-earners  has 
caused  a  direct  lowering  of  wages  or  an  extension  in  the  hours  of 
work  in  mines  and  industrial  establishments.  It  is  undoubtedly  true, 
however,  that  the  availability  of  the  large  supply  of  recent  immigrant 
labour  prevented  the  increase  in  wages  which  otherwise  would  have 
resulted  during  recent  years  from  the  increased  demand  for  labour. 
The  low  standards  of  the  Southern  and  Eastern  European,  his  ready 
acceptance  of  a  low  wage  and  existing  working  conditions,  his  lack  of 
permanent  interest  in  the  occupation  and  community  in  which  he  is 
employed,  his  attitude  toward  labour  organisations,  his  slow  progress 
toward  assimilation,  and  his  willingness  seemingly  to  accept  indefi- 
nitely without  protest  certain  wages  and  conditions  of  employment, 
have  rendered  it  extremely  difficult  for  the  older  classes  of  employees 
to  secure  improvements  in  conditions  or  advancement  in  wages  since 
the  arrival  in  considerable  numbers  of  Southern  and  Eastern 
European  wage-earners.  As  a  general  proposition,  it  may  be  said 
that  all  improvements  in  conditions  and  increases  in  rates  of  pay 


222  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

have  been  secured  in  spite  of  the  presence  of  the  recent  immigrants. 
The  recent  immigrant,  in  other  words,  has  not  actively  opposed  the 
movements  toward  better  conditions  of  employment  and  higher  wages, 
but  his  availability  and  his  general  characteristics  and  attitude  have 
constituted  a  passive  opposition  which  has  been  most  effective. 

General  Conclusions.  —  If  the  entire  situation  be  reviewed  and  the 
effect  of  recent  immigration  be  considered  in  all  its  industrial 
aspects,  there  are  several  significant  conclusions  which,  although 
subject  to  some  unimportant  restrictions,  may  be  set  forth  as  indi- 
cating the  general  effects  of  the  extensive  employment  in  the  mines 
and  industrial  establishments  of  the  United  States  of  Southern  and 
Eastern  European  immigrants.  These  general  conclusions  may  be 
briefly  summarised  as  follows  :  — 

1.  The    extensive  employment  of   Southern  and    Eastern   Europeans    has 
seriously  affected  the  native   American  and  older  immigrant   employees  from 
Great  Britain  and  Northern  Europe  by  causing  displacements  and  by  retarding 
advancement  in  rates  of  pay  and  improvement  in  conditions  of  employment. 

2.  Industrial    efficiency    among   the    recent    immigrant   wage-earners    has 
been  very   slowly  developed   owing  to  their  illiteracy  and   inability  to  speak 
English. 

3.  For  these  same  reasons  the  general  progress  toward  assimilation  and  the 
attainment  of  American  standards  of  work  and  living  has  also  been  very  slow. 

4.  The  conclusion  of  greatest  significance  developed  by  the  general  indus- 
trial investigation  of  the  United   States   Immigration   Commission  is  that  the 
point  of  complete  saturation  has  already  been  reached  in  the  employment  of 
recent  immigrants  in  mining  and  manufacturing  establishments.     Owing  to  the 
rapid  expansion  in  industry  which  has  taken  place  during  the  past  thirty  years 
and  the  constantly  increasing  employment  of  Southern  and  Eastern  Europeans, 
it  has  been  impossible  to  assimilate  the  newcomers,  politically  or  socially,  or  to 
educate  them  to  American  standards  of  compensation,  efficiency,  or  conditions 
of  employment. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


OPENING   OF   MARKETS   AND   COUNTRIES 
By  JOHN  ARTHUR  HOBSON,  M.A.,  London. 

TRADE  is  the  most  obvious  basis  for  peaceable  intercourse  between 
the  inhabitants  of  countries  differing  in  climate,  flora,  and  fauna, 
and  grade  or  character  of  civilisation.  For  though  each  race  will 
tend  to  be  evolved  with  needs  and  tastes  capable  of  satisfaction 
from  the  natural  resources  of  its  own  country,  and  by  means  of  the 
industrial  arts  there  developed  for  that  purpose,  every  advance  in 
the  arts  of  civilisation,  every  extension  of  knowledge  regarding  the 
produce  and  the  arts  of  other  countries,  every  growth  of  population 
beyond  a  certain  limit,  will  impress  a  sense  of  the  advantages  of 
national  —  as  distinguished  from  narrowly  local  —  division  of  labour, 


FOURTH   SESSION  223 

and  of  such  regular  commercial  intercourse  as  may  enable  each  of 
the  countries  to  participate  in  the  special  advantages  possessed  by 
the  others.  Mere  diversity  of  economic  products  does  not,  of  course, 
suffice  to  lay  the  foundations  of  commerce.  A  sufficient  number 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  two  countries  must  have  evolved  wants 
which  they  cannot  satisfy  from  their  home  resources,  or  satisfy  so 
well  or  cheaply.  When  international  trade  has  been  fairly  well 
developed  it  is  not,  of  course,  necessary  that  each  of  the  two  trading 
countries  should  deal  directly  with  the  other,  balancing  their 
national  accounts  by  immediate  shipment  of  goods  or  money.  One 
nation  may  sell  largely  to  another  without  taking  any  equivalent 
amount  of  goods  in  payment  from  the  other,  the  payment  coming 
in  the  shape  of  goods  imported  from  some  third  nation,  which  has 
the  sort  of  goods  we  want,  and  wants  the  exports  of  that  other 
nation  which  we  do  not  want.  A  further  elaboration  of  this  "  round- 
about "  trade  enables  every  modern  country  to  trade  with  every 
other,  irrespective  of  whether  the  two  sets  of  inhabitants  are  able 
both  to  sell  to  and  to  buy  from  one  another. 

But  in  the  beginnings  of  foreign  trade  it  often  seemed  necessary 
to  confine  our  trade  to  foreigners  who  would  and  could  directly  trade 
with  us.  Where  the  costs  and  risks  of  transport  were  so  heavy 
as  in  the  early  caravan  trade  with  the  East,  or  in  early  over-seas 
traffic,  it  was  almost  essential  that  the  return  voyage  should  be 
utilised  by  bringing  back  from  the  country  to  which  goods  had  been 
conveyed  a  direct  immediate  payment  in  other  merchandise.  Other- 
wise, not  only  is  the  return  journey  wasted,  but  the  other  people 
must  make  payment  in  gold  or  other  treasure.  Now,  though  the 
individual  merchant  of  a  foreign  country  might  be  willing  and  able 
to  make  such  payment  for  the  imported  goods  he  wanted,  the  public 
policy  of  his  State  generally  hindered  him.  The  belief  that  a 
country  which,  in  its  dealings  with  another  country,  exported  bullion 
or  treasure  was  doing  an  injury  to  the  national  welfare,  seriously 
interfered  with  commerce  between  European  and  Asiatic  countries 
in  the  Middle  Ages,  and  constantly  incited  an  aggressive  policy  on 
the  part  of  the  former  towards  the  latter.  When  the  courts  and 
aristocracies  of  Europe  began  more  and  more  to  desire  enjoyment 
of  the  gold  and  jewellery,  the  silks,  spices,  and  other  luxuries  of  the 
East,  they  did  not  possess  the  wherewithal  to  buy  them  in  equal 
commerce,  and  so  were  continually  tempted  to  seek  them  by  piracy, 
forced  tribute,  or  other  modes  of  pillage.  As  the  accumula- 
tion of  a  State  treasure  came  to  play  a  greater  part  in  the  public 
economy  of  European  monarchs,  the  establishment  of  profitable 
commerce  upon  equal  and  peaceful  terms  was  very  difficult.  In  the 
early  trade  with  Arabia,  Persia,  and  India  there  was  very  little 


224  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

which  any  Western  country  could  have  sent  to  pay  for  the  imported 
silks  and  spices,  for  these  peoples  had  developed  almost  all  the 
manufacturing  arts  beyond  the  European  standards.  When,  later 
on,  maritime  enterprise  opened  up  first  to  the  Portuguese,  Spanish, 
and  Dutch,  and  later  to  the  French  and  English,  backward  peoples 
living  in  tropical  or  semi-tropical  parts  of  Africa  and  America,  there 
were  similar  difficulties  in  establishing  trade  on  a  mutual  basis, 
similar  temptations  to  substitute  plunder  or  tribute  for  equal  com- 
merce. For  the  American  Indians,  the  aborigines  of  the  West 
Indian  and  Pacific  Islands,  the  Negroes  or  Negroid  peoples  of 
Africa,  had  no  important  obvious  felt  wants  which  European  pro- 
duce could  satisfy,  though  Europe  wanted  the  sugar,  coffee,  rice, 
gold,  ivory,  and  other  goods  they  were  capable  of  supplying. 

Such  were  the  preliminary  difficulties  which  impeded  genuine 
trade  relations  between  Europe  and  Asia,  and  between  white  and 
coloured  peoples.  The  early  policy  of  trading  settlements  and  of 
merchant  companies  was  greatly  hampered  by  them.  Though 
trade  was  conducted  by  privately  owned  capital  for  private  profit, 
it  never  occurred  to  any  Government  to  leave  it  to  the  entirely 
unrestricted  play  of  the  individual  interests  of  those  engaged  in  it 
It  was  almost  universally  assumed  that  the  State  had  certain  rights 
and  obligations  of  direction,  protection,  and  control.  If  groups  of 
individual  traders  were  free  to  buy  unlimited  quantities  of  goods 
from  foreigners,  and  to  dispose  of  them  in  the  home  market,  they 
might  choose  to  pay  for  them  in  cash,  a  policy  which  might  drain 
the  country  of  its  necessary  fund  of  gold  or  other  money.  Again, 
by  introducing  foreign  goods  to  undersell  home  industries,  they 
might  cause  grave  damage  to  staple  trades  and  bring  disorders  on 
society.  Or  they  might  even  take  out  of  the  country,  for  sale  to 
foreigners,  materials  and  capital  needed  for  home  industry,  or 
finished  articles  the  home  prices  of  which  would  be  injuriously 
raised  by  such  unrestricted  export.  In  these  and  other  ways  the 
mediaeval  and  the  modern  State  has  generally  felt  that  it  had  an 
obligation  to  regulate  foreign  trade  in  the  interest  of  home  industry. 
The  present  protective  system  still  embodies  most  of  these  concep- 
tions of  the  functions  of  a  State  in  relation  to  foreign  trade. 
Though  such  regulations  were  by  no  means  confined  to  the  trade 
of  European  with  Asiatic  or  with  other  coloured  peoples,  they  proved 
very  onerous  in  their  restraint  upon  profitable  liberty  of  trade  with 
newly  opened  markets.  When  large  profitable  over-seas  markets 
were  first  made  accessible,  the  State  in  this  country,  in  Holland  and 
in  Spain,  generally  insisted  upon  confining  it  to  authorised  persons 
or  chartered  companies,  with  numerous  conditions  and  restrictions 
imposed  for  the  protection  of  vested  interests  at  home,  or  for  con- 


FOURTH   SESSION  225 

siderations  of  public  revenue.  These  companies,  by  their  own  rules, 
and,  where  they  could  obtain  it,  the  public  law  of  their  State,  were 
constantly  engaged  in  curbing  and  crushing  outside  interlopers,  who 
sought  to  cut  into  their  monopoly,  and  though  the  members  of  these 
companies  sometimes  competed  among  themselves  for  the  profits 
of  the  trade,  obvious  conveniences  led  them  to  co-operate  so  as  to 
share  good  opportunities  and  to  maintain  prices  for  the  produce 
they  brought  back. 

Besides  the  policy  of  restraining  pirates  and  interlopers,  the 
trading  companies  had  to  maintain  trading  stations  or  factories,  and 
to  organise  the  trade  in  the  foreign  territory  which  they  were 
licensed  to  exploit  These  establishments,  when  set  in  distant  and 
"  barbarous "  or  unsettled  lands,  needed  forcible  protection,  and 
though  the  forts  and  arms  used  for  such  purposes  were  the  private 
property  of  the  traders,  their  use  evidently  was  a  quasi-political 
operation  which  could  not  go  far  without  bringing  into  the  quarrel 
the  Government  of  the  country  which  had  authorised  the  traders. 
The  Hudson  Bay  Company  and  the  East  India  Company  were  in 
their  earlier  days  continually  engaged  in  a  fierce  commercial  com- 
petition with  French  or  Portuguese  companies,  that  in  time 
embroiled  the  Governments  of  the  respective  countries.  Partly  by 
compacts  with  foreign  chiefs,  partly  by  sheer  self-assertion  assisted 
by  the  charter  of  their  home  Government,  these  groups  or  companies 
of  traders  came  to  mix  politics  and  even  military  exploits  with  the 
commercial  operations  which  were  their  origin  and  their  raison  d'etre. 

Such  trading  posts  in  far  distant  countries  where  the  traders 
and  the  natives  had  little  understanding  of  or  sympathy  with  one 
another,  were  liable  to  cause  trouble.  The  trade  nexus  alone  is 
hardly  adequate  to  secure  peace  and  mutual  good-will  in  such  a 
delicate  situation.  A  few  dishonest  or  brutal  whites,  perhaps  not 
connected  with  the  company,  have  exasperated  the  natives,  unable 
to  discriminate  one  white  man  from  another.  Or  else,  as  still  in 
Angora,  traders  have  organised  a  cruel  system  of  slavery  or  semi- 
slavery  for  the  exploitation  of  the  natural  resources  of  the  land. 
Where,  as  in  large  portions  of  Africa  during  the  later  sixteenth,  the 
seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries,  the  trade  in  human  beings 
was  the  largest  and  most  profitable  trade,  the  commercial  contact 
between  whites  and  coloured  people  reached  the  lowest  state  of 
degradation.  This  trade,  which  during  the  century  preceding  1786 
was  held,  on  a  low  computation,  to  have  furnished  twenty  thousand 
slaves  per  annum  to  the  plantations  of  North  America,  Spanish 
South  America,  and  the  West  Indies,  laid  a  basis  of  hatred  and 
suspicion  along  the  coasts  of  West  and  East  Africa  which  has  done 
lasting  injury  to  the  legitimate  trade  of  modern  times.  Regarded 

Q 


226  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

from  the  purely  economic  standpoint  of  the  exploitation  of  the 
resources  of  the  New  World,  the  slave  trade  was  certainly  a  monu- 
mental error.  The  more  rapid  development  of  supplies  of  sugar, 
rice,  tobacco,  and  other  crops  thus  secured,  was  purchased  too 
dearly  by  the  instability  of  political  and  industrial  society  which 
accompanied  and  followed  slavery.  White  industry  and  the  evo- 
lution of  the  manufacturing  arts  were  long  impeded  in  America  by 
excessive  dependence  on  the  wealth  of  the  plantations,  and  the 
Civil  War,  with  its  legacy  of  race  hostility  and  social  divisions, 
imposed  and  still  imposes  heavy  economic  penalties.  Though  the 
slave  trade  in  its  cruder  forms  has  now  almost  disappeared  from 
European  possessions,  there  has  grown  up  a  great  and  ever-growing 
transport  trade  in  human  beings  which,  though  highly  beneficial 
in  its  higher  grades,  sinks  in  its  lower  to  something  not  very  far 
removed  from  the  original  type  of  the  slave  trade.  Associations 
for  procuring  supplies  of  indentured  labour  for  mines,  roads  or 
agricultural  work,  by  bargaining  with  chiefs  in  tropical  or  sub- 
tropical Africa,  are  in  fact  procuring  forced  labour.  The  agents  of 
transport  companies,  who  will  make  their  profits  by  encouraging 
immigration,  are  everywhere  employing  arts  of  misrepresentation 
and  delusion  which  impose  upon  ignorant  people  in  backward 
countries.  Though  the  deluded  will  consents,  this  method  is  in 
substance  little  removed  from  the  forcible  kidnapping  of  earlier 
days.  As  information  is  more  widely  spread,  these  methods  of 
force  or  fraud  are  displaced  by  genuinely  voluntary  migration,  such 
as  that  which  carries  large  numbers  of  Chinese,  Japanese,  Malays, 
and  Hindus  to  seek  a  higher  wage-level  in  such  parts  of  the  New 
World  as  will  admit  them.  This  voluntary  migration,  regarded 
from  the  economic  standpoint,  must  be  accounted  beneficial.  If 
members  of  crowded  countries  are  free  to  transfer  their  labour- 
power  to  sparsely  peopled  countries,  by  gradual  voluntary  move- 
ment, two  economic  purposes  are  served.  There  is  an  increase  in 
the  wealth  of  the  world  from  the  drafting  of  labour  from  a  less 
productive  to  a  more  productive  area,  and  there  is  the  avoidance  of 
expensive  and  disastrous  wars,  necessitated  hitherto  by  the  need 
under  which  highly  populated  countries  found  themselves  for 
securing  outlets  beyond  their  frontiers  for  their  superfluous  popu- 
lation. 

The  growing  tendency  in  recent  times,  however,  sets  against 
the  large  over-sea  migration  of  Asiatic  or  African  races  into  areas 
domiciled  by  white  populations.  A  new  idea  of  trade,  attended  by 
new  hopes  and  fears,  is  gaining  currency.  Backward  industrial 
populations,  remaining  in  their  own  country,  may  be  encouraged 
and  assisted  to  a  more  intensive  development  of  their  natural 


FOURTH   SESSION  227 

resources,  and  at  the  same  time  induced  to  develop  new  "  civilised  " 
wants  which  European  nations  can  supply. 

The  realisation  of  this  idea  has  obvious  advantages  for  modern 
commerce.  For  the  character  of  the  trade  between  advanced 
white  and  backward  coloured  peoples  has  changed,  as  a  result  of 
the  industrial  revolution.  When  the  New  World  was  first  opened 
up,  it  was  regarded  primarily  as  a  treasure  house  from  which 
fortunate  European  peoples  might  suck,  by  tribute,  pillage  or 
unequal  trade,  quantities  of  precious  metals,  and  highly  valuable 
commodities  for  home  trade  and  consumption.  Though  cargoes  of 
cheap  manufactures  were  sent  out  for  barter,  the  whole  stress  of  the 
trade  lay  in  the  return  cargoes.  There  was  no  serious  pretence  of 
exchange  on  equal  terms.  The  early  barter  with  North  American 
Indians,  or  with  West  African  negroes,  in  which  beads  or  bright 
cloths  of  the  cheapest  sort  purchased  valuable  ivory  or  hides,  was 
characteristic  of  this  commerce.  So  long  as  European  manufactures 
were  still  in  the  pre-machine  stage,  while  the  trade  with  coloured 
peoples  was  in  the  hands  of  a  few  companies,  such  export  trade 
could  not  figure  as  a  considerable  source  of  national  wealth.  Every 
European  nation  in  its  early  dealings  with  backward  peoples  frankly 
looked  upon  them,  not  as  customers,  but  as  possessors  of  possible 
treasures  the  worth  of  which  they  did  not  kttow,  and  which  must 
be  got,  if  possible  by  any  peaceful  means,  but  otherwise  by  force. 
The  notion  of  educating  in  them  tastes  for  European  manufactures 
was  hardly  yet  entertained. 

When,  one  after  another,  in  the  last  century,  the  European  nations 
entered  into  machine  production  the  whole  idea  of  foreign  trade 
underwent  a  rapid  transformation.  Foreign  trade  became  more  and 
more  essential  as  a  means  of  disposing  profitably  of  the  enormous 
quantities  of  manufactured  goods  they  found  themselves  able  to  put 
out.  When  towards  the  close  of  the  century  the  chief  white  nations 
had  placed  themselves  fairly  on  a  level  in  the  arts  of  manufacture 
foreign  trade  assumed  definitely  the  shape  of  a  struggle  for  markets. 
Since  they  were  all  capable  of  producing  more  staple  manufactured 
goods  than  they  could  dispose  of  profitably  in  their  own  markets, 
they  began  to  concentrate  upon  opening  up  new  markets.  This 
altered  the  attitude  towards  Asia  and  Africa.  Here  were  areas  with 
huge  populations  capable  of  buying  and  consuming  Lancashire  and 
Birmingham  wares  if  they  could  be  induced  to  want  them.  More 
and  more  the  trend,  not  only  of  our  economical  but  of  our  political 
and  our  missionary  policy,  was  directed  towards  this  end  of  securing 
new  valuable  markets  for  surplus  manufactured  goods.  The  stress 
of  trade  with  backward  peoples  was  shifted  from  the  return  freight 
to  the  outward  freight.  The  coloured  races  in  Asia  and  in  Africa 


228  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

were  wanted  now  as  customers,  and  the  various  white  trading  nations 
set  themselves  with  alacrity  to  discover,  stimulate,  and  supply  their 
wants.  In  theory  this  enhancement  of  the  desire  to  sell  would  seem 
favourable  to  improved  relations  between  the  European  and  the 
coloured  peoples,  for  the  more  equal  mutuality  of  services  should 
have  a  binding  influence.  Nor  can  it  justly  be  denied  that  this 
consideration,  when  not  contravened  by  others,  has  exercised  a 
pacific  and  a  civilising  influence  in  backward  countries.  The  steel 
rails,  engines  and  other  machinery,  boots,  agricultural  implements, 
cutlery,  and  cloths,  supplied  by  way  of  trade  or  of  investment,  must 
be  accounted  a  genuine  contribution  to  the  pacific  development  and 
intercourse  of  the  world  where  such  trade  relations  are  voluntary 
on  both  sides.  Unfortunately,  serious  counteracting  influences  have 
arisen  in  the  modern  intercourse  between  advanced  and  backward 
peoples.  The  struggle  for  markets  among  Western  nations  has 
grown  more  acute  with  each  improvement  in  the  arts  of  manufacture 
and  of  transport  The  maldistribution  of  income  among  the  various 
classes  of  the  European  nations,  by  restricting  the  consumption  of 
the  masses  of  their  workers,  has  made  it  appear  inevitable  that  the 
course  of  machine  production  should  outrun  the  consumption  of  the 
home  markets.  For  the  same  reason  the  growth  of  new  capital  in 
the  same  nations  appears  to  exceed  the  possible  demands  of  home 
investments.  So  there  is  a  growing  double  motive,  driving  our 
manufacturers  to  fight  for  increasing  foreign  markets  in  order  to 
absorb  their  surplus  goods  and  surplus  capital.  As  the  civilised 
nations  pass  more  and  more  into  the  condition  of  being  able  to 
provide  themselves  with  manufactured  goods  for  their  own  industries, 
and  show  a  disposition  to  protect  themselves  by  tariff  against  foreign 
competitors,  the  necessity  of  opening  up  new  markets  in  backward 
countries  seems  more  and  more  pressing.  A  similar  interpretation 
of  the  situation  leads  each  nation  to  seek,  if  possible,  to  mark  out 
some  area  of  Asia  or  Africa  for  its  own  trade  and  to  secure  a  mono- 
poly in  that  trade.  Where  ordinary  trade  is  accompanied  by  invest- 
ments the  white  nation  has  a  more  important  stake  in  the  backward 
country.  Although  there  is  no  inherent  necessity  for  political  inter- 
ference, it  will  easily  be  recognised  that  the  business  men  of  a  civi- 
lised State  who  have  established  a  valuable  market  in  a  backward 
country,  and  have  also  invested  capital  in  developing  its  resources, 
will  be  exceedingly  likely  to  invite  their  Government  to  help  them 
to  maintain  their  trade  and  to  secure  their  property  rights  against 
the  intrusion  of  foreign  traders  or  investors,  or  against  the  risks  and 
damages  of  internal  disorders  such  as  primitive  countries,  disturbed 
by  foreign  traders  and  explorers,  are  liable  to  suffer.  The  imperialism 
of  Great  Britain,  Germany,  France,  America,  and,  to  a  less  extent,  of 


FOURTH   SESSION  229 

other  individual  States  within  the  last  generation,  is  mainly  to  be 
attributed  to  this  competition  for  markets  for  goods  and  investments, 
and  to  the  belief  that,  such  markets  being  limited  in  amount,  it  is  the 
patriotic  duty  of  each  Government  to  secure  for  its  own  traders  and 
investors  as  large  and  as  good  a  share  as  possible. 

All  sorts  of  other  motives — political,  religious,  humanitarian — are 
used  to  cover  up  a  policy  of  economic  exploitation  as  foolish  in  con- 
ception as  mischievous  in  consequences.  The  white  nations  which, 
under  this  mixed  play  of  motives,  have  gone  about  the  world  annex- 
ing large  masses  of  Asia  and  Africa,  apportioning  out  other  sections 
as  spheres  of  influence  or  protectorates,  and  in  most  instances  secur- 
ing a  monopoly  for  the  traders  of  their  particular  country,  by  means 
of  a  prohibitive  or  protective  tariff,  are  mistaken  in  their  public  policy. 
Particular  manufacturing  or  trading  interests  in  England,  Germany, 
or  America  may  stand  to  gain  in  a  policy  of  aggressive  annexation 
followed  by  protection,  but  the  nation  as  a  whole  gains  nothing  by 
this  interference  with  peaceful  evolution  and  free  exchange.  Precisely 
because  it  is  so  desirable  that  peaceful  and  profitable  trade  relations 
should  grow  up  between  European  nations  and  coloured  or  backward 
ones,  this  fierce  conflict  for  markets  and  this  pushful  public  policy  are 
the  more  to  be  deplored.  They  are  based  upon  three  false  assump- 
tions. The  first  is  that  the  home  markets  for  manufactures  cannot 
keep  pace  with  the  growing  powers  of  machine  production,  and  that 
therefore  increasing  foreign  markets  must  continually  be  found. 
This  is  false,  because  in  every  white  civilised  country  the  great  mass 
of  the  population  is  inadequately  supplied  with  manufactured  goods, 
and  under  a  better  distribution  of  incomes  would  develop  new  wants 
fast  enough  to  meet  any  new  powers  of  production. 

The  second  assumption  is  that,  in  order  to  have  foreign  markets, 
it  is  necessary  or  useful  to  own  the  countries.  This  fallacy  is 
summarised  in  the  phrase  that  "Trade  follows  the  flag."  Even 
were  the  saying  true,  as  it  is  where  a  protective  tariff  accompanies 
the  flag,  the  net  advantage  of  such  a  policy  is  extremely  disputable. 
For,  by  shutting  off  the  annexed  country  from  the  full  access  to 
the  trade  and  capital  of  other  industrial  and  investing  nations,  the 
development  of  its  resources  and  the  increase  of  its  prosperity  are 
so  retarded  that  its  general  value  as  the  market  for  the  goods 
of  the  aggressive  and  protecting  nation  is  diminished.  Moreover, 
the  true  economic  balance-sheet  of  a  commerce  thus  obtained  and 
held  by  force,  would  obtain  upon  the  debit  side  a  large  expenditure 
for  costs  of  conquest  and  of  military  occupation,  while  the  ill-will 
and  discontent  of  a  conquered  people  furnish  a  poor  security  for 
sound  commercial  development.  If  the  whole  of  the  forcible 
acquisitions  of  the  era  of  competitive  imperialism,  which  dates 


230  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

from  the  middle  of  the  eighties,  were  subjected  to  a  proper  business 
scrutiny,  which  would  take  into  due  account  the  share  of  growing 
military  and  naval  expenditure  attributable  to  this  policy,  the 
whole  of  this  chapter  in  modern  European  history  would  be 
inscribed  as  bad  business,  showing  a  huge  net  deficit  in  terms 
of  wealth.  For  the  value  of  the  markets  thus  obtained  would  not 
nearly  cover  the  expenses  of  acquisition  and  of  maintenance. 

Comparing  the  two  modes  of  obtaining  markets  in  backward 
countries,  the  mode  of  forcible  aggression  and  the  mode  of  peaceful 
penetration  by  appeal  to  the  mutual  interests  which  trade  generates, 
no  doubt  can  possibly  be  entertained  as  to  the  superiority  of  the 
latter,  equally  on  economic  and  on  moral  grounds.  I  have  treated 
the  question  of  trade  in  quantitative  terms.  But  a  sound  economic 
survey  cannot  ignore  the  character  or  quality  of  trade.  An  analysis 
of  the  export  and  the  import  trade  done  by  such  countries  as 
Great  Britain,  Belgium,  and  Germany  with  recently  acquired 
markets  in  the  tropics  shows  commerce  at  its  worst.  The  goods 
we  sell  to  the  natives  of  these  countries  are  largely  of  the  most 
detrimental  kinds  and  of  the  most  inferior  quality.  This  has 
always  been  the  case.  A  Report  to  the  English  Council  of  Trade 
as  early  as  1698  upon  the  trade  with  Madagascar  and  the  East 
Indies  named  "liquor,  arms,  and  gunpowder"  as  the  chief  articles 
of  trade.  Recent  reports  of  our  trade  with  East  and  Central  Africa 
indicate  that  a  considerable  proportion  of  the  trade  is  of  the  same 
degrading  character,  supplemented  by  the  cheapest  and  lowest  grades 
of  textile  and  metal  wares.  Such  an  import  trade,  largely  appealing 
to  the  crudest  wants  of  savage  or  semi-civilised  natives,  is  fraught 
with  manifest  dangers,  physical  and  moral.  The  liquor  traffic, 
in  particular,  carried  on  by  traders  of  several  European  nations 
in  various  parts  of  Africa,  is  a  crime  against  civilisation,  only 
second  to  the  slave  trade  of  earlier  days.  But  equally  pernicious 
in  its  effect  upon  the  native  peoples  is  a  large  portion  of  the  export 
trade  organised  by  white  men  in  tropical  countries  of  Africa  and 
South  America  for  the  rapid  and  reckless  exploitation  of  the 
natural  resources  of  the  land.  The  rubber  trade  in  the  Congo 
and  in  Brazil,  and  the  cocoa  trade  in  San  Thome\  are  examples  of 
the  gravest  of  these  abuses  of  commerce.  Such  a  contact  of  whites 
with  backward  people  shows  Western  civilisation  at  its  worst,  for  the 
lowest  representatives  of  that  civilisation,  animated  by  the  least  worthy 
motives,  introduce  among  the  natives  the  least  desirable  products  and 
practices  of  that  civilisation,  while  their  attempt  to  organise  industrially 
and  commercially  the  tropical  countries,  being  directed  to  secure  the 
largest  immediate  gains  without  due  consideration  of  the  future,  is 
often  attended  by  the  maximum  of  waste  and  inhumanity. 


FOURTH   SESSION  231 

The  problem  is  of  the  gravest  order.  These  tropical  and  sub- 
tropical countries  contain  rich  natural  resources  which  cannot  and 
ought  not  to  lie  undeveloped.  Though  it  is  to  the  real  interest 
of  the  inhabitants  of  these  countries  to  develop  their  resources 
and  place  them  at  the  disposal  of  the  civilised  nations  which  can 
use  them,  this  development  often  requires  the  assistance  of  the 
white  man's  knowledge,  organisation,  and  capital. 

But  to  leave  this  work  of  development  to  unrestricted  private 
enterprise  leads  to  the  grave  abuses  we  have  mentioned.  When  such 
countries  are  recognised  as  under  the  protectorate  or  sphere  of  influ- 
ence of  a  white  civilised  State,  it  is  quite  evidently  the  first  duty  of 
the  representatives  of  this  political  control  to  protect  the  natives 
against  these  abuses,  and  to  do  what  they  can  to  prevent  the  land 
and  the  people  from  being  subjected  to  wasteful  exploitation.  The 
appointment  of  officials  who  should  justify  the  term  protectorate, 
and  whose  main  efforts  should  be  directed  to  the  slow  and  steady 
work  of  educating  the  people  in  the  arts  of  industry  and  the  growth 
of  wholesome  wants,  is  an  indispensable  condition  of  the  solution  of 
this  sociological  problem.  For,  setting  aside  all  higher  considerations, 
and  confining  our  attention  merely  to  the  sound  development  of 
industry  and  commerce,  experience  shows  that,  for  a  State  to  spend 
public  money  in  the  acquisition  and  government  of  these  subject 
countries,  and  then  to  hand  their  economic  exploitation  over  to 
importers  and  exporters,  who  damage  and  degrade  the  natural 
resources  and  the  labouring  population  by  the  nature  of  the  trades 
and  products  they  introduce,  is  the  worst  and  most  foolish  form 
of  policy  conceivable.  Where  savage  or  semi-savage  peoples  are 
concerned,  the  task  of  building  up  sound  industries  and  wholesome 
wants,  the  two  foundations  of  industrial  civilisation,  will  be  slow  and 
difficult,  and  may  involve  a  long  retention  of  political  and  economic 
authority  before  such  a  country  can  be  left  entirely  to  its  own 
control,  consistently  with  its  own  and  the  world's  welfare.  But  in 
spite  of  the  obvious  perils  which  accompany  such  protection  and 
education,  from  the  selfishness  and  greed  not  only  of  traders,  but 
of  Governments,  no  other  solution  is  feasible.  These  peoples  have 
no  natural  or  inalienable  right  to  withhold  the  natural  resources 
of  their  country  from  the  outside  world,  and  they  cannot  develop 
them  without  the  assistance  of  that  outside  world.  There  is,  there- 
fore, no  other  solution  than  the  education  among  civilised  States  of 
a  higher  sense  of  justice,  humanity,  and  economic  wisdom  in  the 
rendering  of  that  assistance.  This  will  involve  the  utmost  care  in 
the  selection  of  honest,  independent,  and  intelligent  officials  for  the 
administration  of  such  protected  peoples,  so  that  a  public  long-sighted 
policy  may  prevail  over  the  private  short-sighted  policy  of  traders. 


232  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

The  duties  and  expediencies  of  commercial  contact  with  back- 
ward but  civilised  Asiatic  countries  are  simpler  and  more  obvious. 
The  best  and  most  profitable  development  of  trade  for  Europeans 
with  the  East  has  been  with  the  countries  where  force  has  been 
least  applied,  and  where  European  goods  and  arts  have  been  per- 
mitted to  make  their  way  by  peaceful  penetration  and  appeal.  Japan 
is,  of  course,  the  most  conspicuous  example  of  the  educative 
influence  of  Western  industrialism  upon  an  Eastern  people.  China, 
in  spite  of  occasional  intrusions  of  European  force,  will  furnish  a 
larger  instance  of  the  legitimate  operation  of  commerce  as  a 
peaceful  bond  of  union  between  East  and  West.  The  too  visible 
and  ubiquitous  display  of  force  in  India  has  been  attended  by 
undoubted  injury  to  the  best  commercial  interests  of  East  and 
West,  alike  in  the  degradation  and  decay  of  fine  native  arts  and 
handicrafts,  and  in  the  economic  and  financial  administration  of  the 
country  with  too  much  regard  to  the  immediate  interests  of  Great 
Britain.  The  economic  interests  of  peaceful,  profitable  commerce  for 
the  world  will  be  best  served  in  proportion  as  the  adoption  of 
Western  arts  of  industry  in  Asia  is  left  to  the  free  determination 
of  the  Asiatic  peoples.  For  the  knowledge,  training,  and  intelli- 
gence of  these  peoples  is  such  as  to  enable  them  to  dispense,  after 
a  brief  period  of  initiation,  with  that  continued  tutelage  and  control 
of  their  industrial  life  which  may  be  requisite  for  definitely  lower 
races.  Whatever  be  the  outcome  of  the  industrialisation  of  the  Far 
East,  whether  it  gravitates  towards  the  formation  of  an  isolated  self- 
sufficing  economic  system,  or  cultivates  strong  permanent  commercial 
intercourse  with  white  nations,  no  sound  economic  or  political  pur- 
pose would  be  served  by  any  endeavour  of  Europe  or  America  to 
impose  conditions  on  that  development.  Any  attempts  at  forcible 
intervention  for  the  protection  of  existing  trading  interests,  or  for 
the  further  enlargement  of  the  white  man's  markets,  are  tolerably 
certain  in  the  long  run  to  be  frustrated  by  the  active  or  passive 
resistance  of  the  Oriental  peoples  reverting  to  their  ancient  instinc- 
tive policy.  Those  who  desire  that  these  great  Asiatic  nations  should 
take  their  place  in  the  political  and  economic  internationalism  of  the 
future,  and  also  recognise  how  much  both  Europe  and  Asia  have  to 
give  and  to  get  from  the  solidarity  of  friendly  intercourse,  will  be 
most  urgent  in  their  insistence  that  no  military  or  diplomatic  force  of 
Western  Powers  shall  be  permitted  to  interfere  with  the  peaceable 
development  of  commerce  with  Asiatic  countries. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


FOURTH    SESSION 

(SECOND    PART) 

PEACEFUL   CONTACT  BETWEEN  CIVILISATIONS 


By  Dr.  FERDINAND  TONNIES, 
Professor  of  Sociology  in  the  University  of  Kiel,  Germany. 

"  ARE  we  not  right  in  saying  that  any  scientific  question,  whereso- 
ever it  may  be  discussed,  appeals  to  all  cultivated  nations?  May 
not,  indeed,  the  scientific  world  be  considered  as  one  body  ?  "  It 
was  Goethe  who  wrote  these  words  shortly  before  the  end  of  his 
life,  in  considering  the  opinions  of  Geoffroy  Saint-Hilaire,  which 
are  now  so  interesting  as  preludes  to  Darwinism.  And  in  asking 
these  questions,  the  great  poet  only  expressed  what  was  in  the 
minds  of  all  those  cosmopolitan  thinkers  who  flourished  in  the 
"  Age  of  Enlightenment,"  or,  as  it  is  also  denominated  sometimes, 
the  philosophic  century.  Practically,  of  course,  it  was  European 
civilisation  which  they  had  in  view,  and  it  was  the  Caucasian  or 
white  race,  at  the  most,  which  they  considered  when  they  spoke 
of  the  unity  of  mankind.  Yet  commerce  and  navigation  had 
already  reached  more  distant  places,  and,  from  the  discovery  of 
America  down  to  that  of  Australasia,  a  number  of  adventurous 
and  famous  voyages  had  long  engaged  the  strenuous  attention  of 
Europeans,  and  contributed  to  the  widening  of  their  mental 
horizon. 

This  induced  the  more  thoughtful  to  compare  different  manners 
and  customs,  superstitions  and  religions,  and  at  the  same  time 
philosophers  boldly  undertook  to  formulate  what  they  regarded  as 
the  true  system  of  law  and  the  true  principle  of  religion,  under  the 

233 


234  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

name  of  Natural  Law  and  Natural  Religion.  They  exposed  the 
many  corrupting  and  sophisticating  influences  in  modern  civilisation, 
and  pleaded  for  a  return  to  the  pure  fountains  of  Nature.  Simplicity 
appeared  to  be  the  test  of  genuineness,  and  what  was  simple  and 
natural  was  thought  to  be  entitled  to  become  universal.  This  also 
led  them  to  compare  different  grades  and  states  of  civilised  life, 
especially  the  habits  of  rural  life  with  those  of  great  cities,  and  the 
ways  of  rude  tribes  with  those  of  nations  in  which  art  and  science, 
wealth  and  luxury  prevailed.  They  discovered,  not  without  some 
amazement,  ancient  civilisations  that  were  very  different  from  our 
own,  and  eagerly  pointed  out  that  they  were  in  certain  respects 
superior  to  ours.  Religion  itself  ceased  to  be  considered  as  an 
effective  separating  gulf,  as  if  Christianity  represented  the  summit  of 
moral  sublimity.  What  had  long  been  despised  or  pitied  as  heathen 
ignorance  turned  out  to  contain  profound  wisdom  from  which  Chris- 
tians had  to  learn  anew,  as  they  had  always  learned  from  Greece  and 
Rome.  Thus  the  West  turned  its  eyes  back  to  the  East,  and  China 
soon  gave  it  an  overwhelming  impression  of  a  long-settled  and  at  the 
same  time  a  highly  refined  and  rational  civilisation.  Rationalism 
was  the  Spirit  of  the  Age,  and  if  philosophers  recommended  the 
Natural,  it  was  merely  because  Reason  seemed  to  them  to  have  the 
mission  of  restoring  early  institutions  (based  upon  natural  liberty 
and  equality),  freeing  them  from  prejudices  and  superstition,  and 
directing  them,  by  means  of  rulers  imbued  with  just  philosophical 
principles,  toward  the  goal  of  universal  peace  and  happiness,  which 
was  considered  to  be  the  true  object  of  intellectual  and  moral 
progress. 

Voltaire  and  Christian  Wolf  both  pointed  to  China  in  this  spirit 
of  admiration,  while  Montesquieu  and  others  emphasised  the  high 
sociological  and  historical  interest  of  the  Celestial  Empire.  More 
recently,  Comte  and  his  followers  took  up  the  argument  of  rationalism, 
which  made  China  appear  to  be  a  model  of  spiritual  and  moral 
government.  In  the  meantime  most  of  our  reliable  information  con- 
cerning that  marvellous  civilisation  came  from  a  different  quarter.  The 
Roman  Catholic  Church  vied  with  its  bitterest  foe,  modern  philosophy, 
in  these  cosmopolitan  feelings  and  tendencies.  The  missionary 
interest  became  a  powerful  stimulus  to  the  thoroughgoing  investiga- 
tion of  peoples  who  showed  so  little  inclination  to  abandon  their  own 
faith  and  moral  code  in  favour  of  those  of  Europe.  However,  it  is 
much  to  the  credit  of  the  Jesuit  fathers,  at  first  Portuguese  and 
Italian,  afterwards  chiefly  French,  that  they  succeeded  in  adapting 
themselves  to  Chinese  manners  and  customs,  even  to  their  religious 
ceremonial,  and  have  thus  been  able  to  gain  a  deeper  insight  into 
the  true  foundations  of  such  habits  and  customs,  a  knowledge  which 


FOURTH   SESSION  235 

they  eagerly  communicated  in  a  series  of  elaborate  works,  to  the 
amazement  of  Europe.  They  became  the  teachers  of  Europe  with 
respect  to  China,  as,  in  the  character  of  apostles  of  science,  accord- 
ing to  M.  Martin,  they  had  obtained  a  footing  in  Peking.  Protes- 
tant missionaries  have  followed  them  in  their  design  of  bringing  the 
growing  science  of  the  Western  world  to  bear  on  the  mind  of 
China.  On  the  other  hand,  European  knowledge  of  China  has  con- 
stantly increased.  Since  the  great  geographical,  historical,  chrono- 
logical, and  political  description  of  China  and  Chinese  Tartary  of 
Jean  Baptiste  du  Halde  appeared  in  1733,  preceded  as  it  was  by 
Magilhaens,  le  Comte,  and  Silhouette,  and  followed  by  the  memoirs  of 
the  missionaries  of  Peking  concerning  the  history,  the  sciences,  the 
arts,  the  customs  and  usages  of  the  Chinese,  an  enormous  literature 
has  grown  up  relating  to  these  subjects,  and  Europeans  are  now  able 
to  pass  a  tolerably  catholic  judgment  upon  the  character  and  achieve- 
ments of  that  immensely  numerous  and  profoundly  remarkable  nation, 
the  knowledge  of  which  had,  in  the  words  of  Sir  Robert  Douglas, 
been  so  long  confined  to  misty  legends  and  uncertain  rumour. 

What  has  been  said  of  China  applies  also  to  some  extent  to 
Japan.  However,  the  difference  between  the  greater  and  the  smaller 
empire  is  sufficiently  known.  The  rise  of  Japan  to  the  rank  of  a 
modern  nation,  its  Europeanisation,  has  become  famous  as  one  of  the 
most  memorable  events  of  the  last  century.  The  growth  of  learning, 
which  had  been  considerable  in  the  two  previous  centuries,  preceded 
this  marvellous  development.  Japan  has  adopted  the  science  and  the 
technical  achievements  of  Europe  with  a  striking  rapidity  and  with  art 
astounding  success.  But  we  are  now  facing  a  fact  which  in  its  con- 
sequences will  perhaps  far  surpass  even  the  glorious  ascent  of  Japan. 
The  awakening  of  China  now  engages  the  attention  of  all  careful 
observers  of  the  East.  Some  years  ago,  just  before  the  outbreak 
of  the  Boxer  movement,  Sir  Alfred  Lyall,  in  contradiction  to 
other  writers,  hinted  at  the  possibility  that  the  Japanese  war,  which 
he  recognised  as  a  turning-point  in  Chinese  history,  might  lead 
toward  a  revival  instead  of  decadence  or  disintegration.  A  few  years 
later,  after  the  humiliation  which  China  experienced  from  the 
European  Powers,  Sir  Robert  Hart,  one  of  the  few  Europeans  who 
know  the  Celestial  Empire  by  their  own  long  and  careful  observa- 
tion, effectively  pointed  to  the  "other  school  of  thought."  It  was, 
he  said,  in  a  very  small  minority,  "  but  it  is  growing,  it  accepts 
facts,  recognises  what  makes  for  change,  opens  its  eyes  to  the  life 
of  other  lands,  asks  what  can  be  introduced  from  abroad  and  grafted 
on  Chinese  trunks,  and  ceases  to  condemn  novelties  simply  because 
they  are  new,  or  to  eschew  strange  things  merely  because  they  are 
foreign."  It  was  at  that  very  moment  that  the  Empress  Dowager 


236  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

decided  to  press  reform,  and  that  the  edict  was  sent  out  which  said 
that  what  China  is  deficient  in  can  be  best  supplied  from  what  the 
West  is  rich  in.  Tsu  Hsi,  it  is  true,  has  since  disappeared  together 
with  the  nominal  Emperor,  but  the  trend  of  the  movement  has  not 
changed.  It  has,  on  the  contrary,  much  increased  in  strength,  and  it 
seems  to  be  on  the  eve  of  victory.  Its  most  conspicuous  element,  no 
doubt,  is  the  demand  for  scientific  improvement,  which  inspires 
young  China  with  a  sense  of  rivalling  not  only  Japan,  but  proud 
Europe  itself.  Higher  education  is  the  watchword  of  the  day  in  the 
Far  East,  as  much  as  in  the  United  Kingdom  or  the  German  Empire. 
Swarms  of  Chinese  students  go  yearly  to  Japan,  where  European 
civilisation  and  learning  are  communicated  to  them ;  but  smaller 
numbers  also  go  to  Europe,  mostly  for  the  sake  of  medical  instruc- 
tion, which  is  more  and  more  appreciated  by  Eastern  people.  Chinese 
students,  we  understand,  may  now  be  numbered  by  hundreds  in 
Europe  and  America,  and  by  thousands  in  Japan.  However,  the 
results  of  foreign  education  have  not  been  altogether  satisfactory 
hitherto  to  Chinese  ambition.  It  seeks  to  establish  Chinese  seats  of 
Western  learning,  but  there  are  serious  obstacles  to  be  overcome. 

A  genuine  Chinese  degree,  as  was  lately  pointed  out  in  the 
Contemporary  Review,  does  not  seem  likely  to  carry  weight  in 
European  or  American  minds.  It  is  doubted,  with  good  reason, 
whether  there  can  be  for  some  time  a  sufficiently  numerous  body 
of  educated  Chinese  to  guide  the  destinies  of  such  an  institution 
as  a  Peking  University  of  Western  science  would  pretend  to  be. 
On  the  other  hand,  mandarin  pride  would  justly  scorn  the  idea 
of  foreign  control.  It  is  on  this  account  that  lately  the  project 
of  a  Hong  Kong  University  has  been  mooted,  and  a  man  of 
authoritative  position  in  England  has  declared  that  this  project 
promises  an  intellectual  development  for  which  there  is  no  precedent. 
Already  a  vast  sum  has  been  raised  for  the  carrying  out  of  this 
project,  and  a  very  considerable  amount  of  it  is  due  to  the  Chinese 
themselves,  who  are  said  to  have  taken  up  the  idea  with  enthusiasm. 
If  it  should  prove  successful,  we  may  reasonably  expect  to  see 
the  sphere  of  material  and  moral  influence  of  the  British  Empire 
considerably  enlarged ;  for  it  would  help  to  make  English  the 
language  of  diplomacy  and  general  culture  in  the  far  East,  as 
it  is  already  that  of  commerce.  No  wonder,  then,  that  the  British 
Government,  especially  the  Colonial  Office,  approves  the  scheme 
and  is  active  in  promoting  it.  The  present  Governor  of  Hong 
Kong  is  amongst  its  chief  supporters.  Hong  Kong  has  the  finest 
position  in  the  world  as  a  shipping  port.  The  project  may  be 
said,  then,  to  rest  upon  broad  shoulders.  "  Ex  occidente  lux"  the 
learned  Taw  Sein  Ko  proclaimed  some  time  ago,  and  it  was  the 


FOURTH   SESSION  237 

fact  that  schools  and  colleges  were  springing  up  all  over  the 
Empire  which  gave  him  the  hope  that  the  real  awakening  of  China 
had  begun.  More  recently  the  High  Commissioner,  Tuan  Fang, 
addressing  the  Mission  Boards  at  New  York,  congratulated  the 
American  missionaries  on  having  promoted  the  progress  of  the 
Chinese  people.  They  had  borne,  he  said,  the  light  of  Western 
civilisation  into  every  nook  and  corner  of  the  Empire.  The  Chinese 
being  a  polite  and  ceremonious  people,  even  one  of  the  leaders 
of  the  progressive  movement  may  have  pronounced  these  words 
merely  in  a  complimentary  sense.  It  is  well  known  that  they 
generally  desire  the  dismissal  of  foreign  missionaries ;  but  this 
certainly  would  not  imply  the  dismissal  of  foreign  learning. 
European  science  and  technical  efficiency  will  increase  their  sway 
in  China  as  they  have  done  in  Japan.  But  how  will  they  develop 
in  these  countries?  Will  they  advance  to  higher  summits?  Will 
these  Orientals  with  their  undisturbed  freshness  of  mind  surpass 
us  in  the  spread  and  application  of  science?  Will  they  wind 
through  all  the  mazes  of  a  capitalistic  evolution  which  involves 
such  grave  problems  for  us?  Or  will  they  be  better  able  than 
we  to  rule  the  spirits  which  they  have  evoked? 

Not  unlike  China  and  Japan  and  the  smaller  nations  dependent 
upon  them,  with  respect  to  remoteness  from  European  culture, 
India  widely  differs  from  them  in  several  conspicuous  traits.  In 
the  first  place,  it  has  never  been  entirely  unknown  to  the  Western 
world.  All  through  the  so-called  Middle  Ages  the  channels  of  trade 
went  along  wild  deserts  from  India  to  the  ports  of  the  Levant, 
and  thence  to  Venice  and  the  rest  of  the  Italian  cities  on  the 
Mediterranean,  which  were  the  commercial  intermediaries  for  the 
greater  part  of  Europe.  Of  course,  only  the  most  precious  com- 
modities were  able  to  bear  the  cost  of  that  long,  slow,  and  dangerous 
journey.  India's  legendary  wealth  gave  the  spices  of  a  tropical 
climate  and  the  products  of  a  highly  refined  domestic  art  to  Europe, 
from  which,  in  its  turn,  it  generally  received  silver  as  the  instrument 
of  trade.  By  the  fall  of  Constantinople  this  channel  was  blocked, 
and  as  a  result  European  commerce  sought  to  discover  the  mari- 
time route  to  that  fabulous  country.  The  name  of  the  West  Indies 
still  reminds  us  of  some  of  the  results  of  that  struggle.  Never- 
theless, in  spite  of  these  early  commercial  arrangements,  India 
remained  up  to  a  recent  period  almost  like  China  and  Japan, 
hidden  under  a  veil  of  mystery.  It  was  the  British  administration 
only  which  presently  endeavoured  to  lessen  the  general  European 
ignorance  of  that  great  region  which,  no  less  than  Europe  itself, 
includes  a  multitude  of  different  countries.  And,  as  was  stated 
with  respect  to  China,  so  in  the  case  of  India,  it  was  admiration, 


238  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

based  upon  very  imperfect  knowledge,  which  took  precedence  of 
more  thoroughgoing  research  and  discriminating  investigation.  In 
this  case,  it  was  a  special  admiration,  having  a  certain  definite  ten- 
dency which  became  almost  traditional.  The  religions  of  India,  and 
the  philosophies  so  closely  allied  to  them,  were  from  the  eighteenth 
century  downwards  increasingly  made  known  to  European  students, 
and  struck  some  of  them  with  awe.  But,  in  this  case,  it  was  not 
the  rationalist  tendency,  pervading  as  it  did  the  century  of  enlighten- 
ment, but  the  romantic  reaction  against  the  prevalence  of  stern  and 
cold  intellectualism,  that  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  singular  interest, 
an  interest  which,  more  particularly  from  the  dawn  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  made  India  so  attractive  to  scholars,  filling  the  hearts 
of  poets,  philosophers  and  historians  with  an  enthusiasm  that  saw 
an  almost  supernatural  wisdom  in  the  early  records  of  Sanscrit 
learning,  and  sometimes  dreamed  of  the  aboriginal  model-people, 
compared  with  which  all  the  later  civilisations  only  represented 
deterioration  and  decay.  The  glorification  of  the  dead  past  led 
to  a  predilection  for  those  living  at  a  distance,  both  tendencies 
being  deeply  rooted  in  human  nature.  If  not  the  cradle  of  the 
human  race,  which  still,  even  by  the  majority  of  the  learned,  was 
located  in  the  Holy  Land,  yet  the  original  seats  of  the  Aryans 
were  supposed  to  be  about  the  Himalaya  Mountains.  The  com- 
parative science  of  languages  established  the  identity  of  Sanscrit 
roots  with  those  of  the  Hellenic,  the  Roman,  the  Teutonic,  Slav 
and  Celtic  tongues.  Even  in  Max  Miiller's  time  there  was,  as 
he  justly  maintained,  a  vague  charm  associated  with  the  name 
of  India,  if  not  in  the  country  of  its  rulers,  at  least  in  France, 
Germany,  and  Italy,  and  even  in  Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Russia. 
The  eminent  Orientalist  pointed  to  Riickert's  "  Wisdom  of  the 
Brahmin "  as  one  of  the  most  beautiful  poems  in  the  German 
language,  and  observed  that  a  scholar  who  studies  Sanscrit  was 
supposed  to  be  initiated  into  the  deep  and  dark  mysteries  of 
ancient  wisdom.  A  certain  amount  of  this  reverence  still  survives. 
In  Germany,  at  least,  the  disciples  of  Schopenhauer,  among  whom 
the  name  of  Professor  Paul  Deussen  must  be  mentioned  with 
respect,  consider  the  Vedanta  Philosophy  and  the  Upanishads 
as  the  earliest  sources  of  that  eternal  truth  concerning  the  Essence 
and  the  Destiny  of  mankind  which  has,  according  to  them,  found 
its  recent  prophet  in  Kant,  and  is  more  fully  revealed  through 
Schopenhauer's  interpretation  of  the  world.  The  Pantheistic  trend 
of  modern  philosophy,  in  fact,  recalls  the  Pantheism  which  pervades 
India.  Somebody  said  about  the  middle  of  the  last  century  that 
Pantheism  is  the  secret  religion  of  the  educated  German.  It  may 
be  said  to  be  the  professed  religion  of  the  educated  Hindu.  And 


FOURTH   SESSION  239 

as  Pantheistic  thinkers  always  had  a  bent  towards  mysticism,  and 
mystic  thinkers  frequently  towards  occultism,  it  is  not  surprising 
to  observe  that  our  spiritualists  and  so-called  theosophists  should 
turn  their  eyes  again  to  the  sacred  East  and  to  the  valley  of  the 
Ganges,  regarding  with  awe  a  revelation  of  hidden  mental  treasures 
which  they  sometimes  think  they  discover  in  what  is  called  esoteric 
Buddhism  or  the  Light  of  Asia.  Genuine  Buddhism  has  also 
recently  gained  a  growing  number  of  adherents  both  in  Europe 
and  in  America,  and  it  also  has  had  an  intense  revival  in  India 
itself,  as  witness  the  Maha-Bodhi  Society  of  Calcutta.  However, 
apart  from  these  religious  and  metaphysical  aspects,  the  prestige 
of  early  Indian  culture  has  given  way  to  cool  and  critical  investiga- 
tion of  the  country  and  its  inhabitants,  of  its  past  and  present, 
including  forecasts  of  its  probable  future,  to  a  careful  research  of 
its  manners  and  customs,  of  its  law  and  administration,  its  religious 
and  philosophical  systems.  It  is  thus  that  India  has  contributed 
largely  to  certain  famous  generalisations  which  have  become  per- 
manent elements  in  that  characteristically  modern  (though  ancient 
in  its  groundwork)  science  called  Sociology.  "  India,"  said  Sir 
Henry  Maine,  as  early  as  1875,  "  has  given  to  the  world  Comparative 
Philology  and  Comparative  Mythology " ;  he  was  uncertain  how 
to  denominate  another  science,  which  owes  so  many  valuable  sug- 
gestions to  himself,  hesitating  to  call  it  Comparative  Jurisprudence, 
"  because,  if  it  ever  exists,  its  area  will  be  so  much  wider  than  the 
field  of  law."  I  do  not  believe  that  there  is  good  reason  to  object 
to  the  name  of  comparative  sociology,  though  this  would  mean 
the  investigation  not  merely  of  the  early  history,  the  evolution 
and  present  state  of  laws  and  of  institutions,  but  of  social  life 
generally,  including  as  it  does  the  consequences  of  native  propen- 
sities, of  habits  and  customs,  of  original  and  acquired  ideas  and 
beliefs.  Social  life  as  a  problem  is  the  problem  of  the  moral  life, 
which,  to  a  large  extent,  means  the  peaceful  life  of  a  people.  It 
cannot  be  understood,  except  by  those  who  possess  a  true  insight 
into  the  mutual  action  and  reaction  of  material  conditions  and 
spiritual  conceptions,  both  of  which  concur  in  ruling  the  destinies 
of  mankind. 

India  also  is  said  now  to  be  awakening.  We  heard  a  great  deal 
lately  of  Indian  unrest.  It  is  no  part  of  my  task  to  enter  into 
the  political  side  of  this  remarkable  movement.  Mentally  and 
morally  its  significance  seems  to  be  expressed  by  the  fact  that 
the  idea  of  progress  has  begun  to  shake  the  fundamental  axioms 
which  have  hitherto  been  upheld  steadfastly  by  nearly  all  the 
Orientals,  embodying,  as  they  do,  the  idea  that  the  past,  as  such,  is 
venerable,  that  tradition  must  be  followed,  that  men  can  never  do 


240  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

better  than  follow  the  morals  set  by  their  ancestors.  Exponents 
of  the  principle  of  progress  are  generally  apt  to  look  disrespect- 
fully upon  the  past,  and  to  forget  the  truth  that  survival  is  a 
test  of  strength  and  validity,  that  organic  structures  have  generally 
grown  fit  by  selection  and  by  the  struggle  for  existence,  and  that 
this  holds,  to  a  large  extent,  as  well  of  social  as  of  individual  organic 
life.  Yet  life  itself  means  change  ;  and  a  more  radical  change  means 
a  more  vivid  thrill  of  life,  a  fresh  adaptation  to  novel  circum- 
stances and  conditions.  It  is  that  principle  of  progress,  as  Sir  H. 
Maine  pointed  out,  which  Englishmen  are  communicating  to  India; 
they  are  passing  on  what  they  have  received.  "  There  is " — with 
these  words  he  concluded  his  memorable  Rede  Lecture,  delivered 
before  the  University  of  Cambridge — "  no  reason  why,  if  it  has  time 
to  work,  the  principle  of  progress  should  not  develop  in  India  effects 
as  wonderful  as  in  any  other  of  the  societies  of  mankind."  We 
have  already  begun  to  see  some  of  these  wonderful  effects.  India 
is  fast  Europeanising,  formidable  as  are  the  obstacles  put  in  the 
way  by  its  ancient  Brahminic  culture.  Already  we  find  the  question 
raised  of  the  emancipation  of  caste  (meaning  the  elevation  of  the 
low-caste  people),  of  the  emancipation  of  women,  emancipation  of 
social  usage  from  custom  and  superstition.  University  teaching 
has  the  effect  of  a  dissolvent  agency.  Whether,  as  a  whole,  it 
may  be  deemed  good  or  evil,  the  movement  will  prove  irrevocable 
and  irresistible  in  the  long  run,  no  matter  what  strong  reactions  it 
may  temporarily  encounter.  All  good  Europeans  will  assuredly 
always  look  with  admiration  upon  India's  mental  and  moral 
treasures  ;  they  will  be  prepared  to  adopt  portions  of  them  from 
the  inhabitants  of  that  admirable  country,  and  they  will  be  ready 
to  welcome  Hindu  people  whenever  they  may  be  anxious  to 
participate  in  our  own  marvels  of  scientific  and  technical  advance- 
ment. Of  course,  this  maxim  holds  for  all  races  of  the  human 
family. 

Hitherto  we  have  only  spoken  of  the  remote  East  which  has 
been  the  object,  more  or  less,  of  recent  discoveries  and  Occidental 
influences,  but  which  is  still  imperfectly  known  even  by  our  own 
most  thoroughgoing  scholars.  Far  different  are  the  relations  of 
Europe  to  the  nearer  parts  of  Asia  and  to  the  North  of  Africa, 
the  historical  character  of  which  is  decidedly  Oriental.  The  roots 
of  our  own  arts  and  sciences  lie  in  these  regions.  For  the  most 
precious  elements  of  European  culture  have  developed  in  Greece, 
and  Greece  was  the  pupil  of  Egypt  and  of  Asia,  though  its 
genius  far  outshone  that  of  its  teachers.  To  the  Phoenicians  the 
Western  world  owes  the  invention  of  letters,  and  Chaldaean  appli- 
cation laid  the  early  foundations  of  astronomy,  Assyria  generally 


FOURTH   SESSION  241 

fertilising  all  Semitic  improvement.  In  the  later  period  of  the 
Roman  Empire  this  all-absorbing  State  received  a  new  religion, 
consisting  of  a  mixture  of  Jewish  theology  and  Greek  philosophy 
or  mysticism,  the  Cross  overshadowing  the  Sun  of  the  competing 
Mithra  cult.  The  synagogue  indeed  became  the  model  of  the 
Christian  church.  The  Jews  have  from  various  sources  conveyed 
a  great  amount  of  learning  from  the  ancient  world  to  the  modern. 
They  have,  by  their  astounding  power  of  adaptation  to  foreign 
customs,  languages,  and  ways  of  thinking,  always  been  the  great 
cosmopolitan  mediators.  But  in  the  Middle  Ages  the  influence 
of  the  Arabs  became  stronger  and  more  organised,  and  they 
developed  the  first  comparatively  scientific  civilisation  after  the  fall 
of  the  Western  Empire,  on  the  Iberian  Peninsula.  They  renewed 
and  enlarged  astronomical,  geographical,  and  physiological  obser- 
vation ;  they  promoted  medical  knowledge ;  and  it  was  through 
their  translations  that  Aristotle  became  known  to  Christians.  Their 
own  metaphysical  speculations,  chiefly  those  of  Avicenna  and 
Averroes,  acted  as  a  powerful  stimulant  and  ferment  upon  medieval 
scholasticism.  But  in  mathematical  and  inductive  science  also  they 
made  considerable  progress  ;  we  still  retain,  in  the  names  of  algebra 
and  chemistry  (originally  alchemy)  the  traces  of  our  obligation  to 
them.  And  were  not  the  Arabs  in  perpetual  contact  with  the 
Chinese?  Did  they  not  derive  a  good  deal  of  their  knowledge 
and  of  their  institutions  from  the  Persians  ?  Were  they  not,  with 
Byzantium,  the  co-heirs  of  the  Roman- Hellenic  civilisation,  and  was 
not  Byzantium  itself  a  foster-parent  to  them  ?  Do  we  not  find  here 
the  original  unity  and  mutual  interdependence  of  Oriental  and 
Western  science  and  art? 

In  the  fine  arts,  no  less  than  in  science  and  commerce,  a  peaceful 
contact  of  races  has  always  counteracted  their  hostilities  and  hatred, 
because  men  are  prone  to  admire  what  is  new  to  them,  and  to  regard 
foreign  achievements  as  superior  to  their  own.  Foreign  artists  and 
artisans  have  often  been  invited  to  build  cathedrals  and  palaces, 
to  erect  statues  and  to  paint  portraits.  Great  skill  has  always  had 
migratory  habits,  and  even  masters  have  been  ready  to  learn  from 
masters.  Commerce  spread  models  and  imported  them  from  abroad, 
styles  were  modified  by  styles — for  instance,  the  Romanic  architecture 
by  the  Moorish.  Soon  after  the  first  circumnavigations  of  the  earth, 
we  find  traces  of  Chinese  and  Japanese  style  in  French  and  Italian 
barock  architecture,  and  early  in  the  eighteenth  century  "  china " 
came  into  fashion  in  the  courts  of  Europe.  More  recently,  artistic 
influences  have  increased  enormously,  modern  Europe  being  wholly 
receptive  and  fanciful  in  its  predilections,  everything  Oriental 
appealing  to  the  sense  of  grotesqueness  and  bizarrerie,  which  some- 

R 


242  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

times  rises  to  a  morbid  height  among  people  of  fashion,  probably 
no  less  in  the  East  than  in  the  West. 

Art,  it  is  true,  generally  has  a  national,  or  at  least  a  racial  stamp  ; 
but  literature,  owing  to  its  intellectual  and  moral  bearings,  is  more 
essentially  human  in  its  character,  in  spite  of  differences  of  languages. 
It  was  Goethe  who  introduced  the  phrase  "  world-literature "  into 
German.  Following  Herder,  who  collected  the  "  Voices  of  Nations," 
he  confessed  that  his  early  fondness  for  folk-lore  had  not  vanished 
in  old  age ;  and  in  lyric  and  dramatic  art  he  tried  to  draw  from 
foreign  sources  the  quintessence  of  everything  beautiful.  He 
invented  the  songs  of  Suleika,  in  imitation  of  Persian  poetry,  and 
of  Sakontala  he  says  that  he  steeped  his  mind  for  years  in  the 
admiration  of  it.  He  also  mentions  with  high  appreciation  other 
Indian  poems,  and  even  the  Chinese  drama  or  song  did  not  escape 
his  attention.  He  declares  with  confidence  that  in  this  present 
"  most  stirring  "  epoch,  when  communication  was  so  greatly  facili- 
tated, a  world-literature  was  soon  to  be  expected.  What  would  he 
say  of  our  time,  when  even  in  his  own  day  he  mentions  journals  and 
newspapers  as  a  means  of  communication  by  which  a  nation  may 
learn  not  only  what  happens  to  other  nations  politically,  but  the 
characters  of  their  moral  and  intellectual  life  ?  And  this  enlarged 
knowledge,  in  Goethe's  opinion,  would  help  to  increase  our  esteem 
of  foreigners,  we  being  "  always  apt  to  esteem  a  nation  less  than  it 
deserves,"  because  we  regard  only  external  aspects  which  seem  to 
us  repulsive  or  at  least  ridiculous. 

These  words  are  as  true  now  as  they  were  when  they  were 
written,  about  ninety  years  ago.  Although  intercommunication  has 
vastly  grown,  and  opportunities  have  increased,  although  the  Press 
now  goes  from  one  end  of  the  world  to  the  other,  we  must  confess 
that  our  knowledge  of  each  other  is  scanty,  that  current  views,  even 
of  statesmen  and  of  others  who  decidedly  belong  to  the  cultivated 
classes,  are  often  narrow,  that  a  silly  nationalist  pride  and  exclusive- 
ness  is  often  supported  by  absurd  notions  of  foreign  characters,  by 
childish  prejudices  about  habits  and  customs  and  ways  of  thinking 
differing  from  our  own,  by  antiquated  opinions  never  tested  by 
experience,  and,  generally,  by  ignorance.  What  is  to  be  done  in 
order  to  make  the  peaceful  contact  between  nations  and  races 
stronger  and  more  effective  in  this  respect?  I  venture  to  suggest 
and  propose  the  following  aids  to  this  end : — 

I.  A  universal  language  ought  to  be  created  as  the  common 
language  of  the  cultured  all  over  the  world.  I  do  not  plead  in  favour 
of  any  innovation,  being  even  somewhat  afraid  of  a  purely  artificial 
language ;  but  I  believe  that  Latin,  the  ancient  lingua  doctorum, 
might  be  revived  in  a  new  form. 


FOURTH   SESSION  243 

2.  We  should  do  what  we  can  in  the  way  of  discouraging  and 
preventing  the  over-production  of  foolish  fiction  in  our  own  language, 
and  of  promoting  translations  of  the  master-works  of  all  the  national 
literatures. 

3.  Translation  itself  must  become  a  fine  art  and  be  cultivated  as 
such.     Translations  are  frequently  done  in  a  clumsy  and  unskilful 
way,   sometimes   by   people    who    possess   but   slight   grammatical 
knowledge  of  the  language  from  which  they  are  translating. 

4.  The   study   of   foreign    countries    and    nations   ought   to   be 
encouraged  by  scholarships,  travelling  fees,  and  other  means.     An 
exchange  of  lecturing  professors  is  worth  little  as  compared  with 
an  exchange  of  students.     In  particular,  Western  students  should  be 
enabled  to  spend  a  year  or  two  in  the  East,  with  a  view  of  becoming 
thoroughly  familiar  with  the  languages  and  characters  of  Indians, 
Chinese,  Japanese,    Siamese,   Persians,   Abyssinians,   or   Egyptians. 
No  other  task  should  be  set  them  but  this  very  important  one. 

5.  An  international  academy  of  social  and  moral  science  must  be 
founded,  in  order  to  concentrate  all  our  studies  and  endeavours  of 
this  nature.     It  would  foster  those  feelings  of  human  solidarity  and 
brotherhood  which  have  been  taught  by  all  the  higher  religions,  as 
well  as  by  the  rationalistic  and  moral  philosophies  to  which  these 
religions  owe  their  superiority. 

6.  A  re-organisation  of  the  Press,  with  a  view  to  its  promoting 
kindlier    feelings    between     nations    and     races    through    a    more 
conscientious  investigation  of  the  true   merits  and  peculiarities  of 
each  and  a  catholic  appreciation  of  all  noble  endeavours  towards 
the  moral  and  intellectual  improvement  of  mankind. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


THE   WORK    DONE    BY    PRIVATE    INITIATIVE 
IN    THE   ORGANISATION   OF   THE   WORLD 

By  M.  H.  LA  FONTAINE,  Brussels, 

Senator,  President  of  the  International  Peace  Bureau,  General 
Secretary  of  the  Institut  International  de  Bibliographie,  Professor 
of  International  Law. 

AT  the  present  time,  when  so  many  are  loud  in  praise  of  nationalist 
sentiments,  and  endeavour  to  keep  the  peoples  of  the  world  apart  by 
artificial  barriers,  there  is  proceeding  a  great  and  majestic  interpene- 
tration  of  races,  interests,  and  ideas.  The  whole  world  is  becoming 
one  vast  city.  That  is  the  real  and  consoling  aspect  of  the  present 
situation,  in  contrast  with  the  superficial  aspect  of  struggle,  hatred, 


244  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

and  defiance,  which  seems  to  many  to  be  the  proper  way  to  regard 
the  events  of  our  time. 

In  order  to  give  a  just  idea  of  the  movement  which  is  impelling 
humanity  toward  a  closer  understanding  and  more  peaceful  accord, 
it  would  be  necessary  to  consider  both  the  work  done  by  inter- 
governmental activity  and  that  due  to  private  enterprise.  Although 
they  are  intimately  connected,  however,  I  have  found  it  necessary  to 
restrict  this  account  to  the  field  of  free  international  institutions,  a 
large  and  complex  field,  of  which  two  figures  will  enable  the  reader 
to  appreciate  the  extent.  From  1843,  when  the  first  international 
congress  was  held  on  private  initiative,  until  1910  there  were  more 
than  two  thousand  international  meetings,  of  which  eight  hundred 
fall  in  the  last  decade.  The  total  number  of  central  offices  of  all 
kinds  having  for  their  object  the  study  of  questions  of  general  human 
interest  from  a  universal  point  of  view  already  amounts  to  more  than 
two  hundred  and  fifty. l 

I  cannot  give  here  more  than  a  brief  sketch  of  the  work  done 
by  these  organisations  and  a  very  inadequate  outline  of  the  great 
work  that  remains  to  be  done.  In  my  opinion  the  account  that 
I  shall  give  will  evince,  on  the  one  hand,  the  wide  range  of 
the  movement  of  which  I  shall  describe  the  various  phases,  and 
especially,  on  the  other  hand,  the  organic  character  that  it  has 
been  possible  to  give  it  by  the  creation  of  a  world-wide  federative 
institution. 

The  first  and  most  important  matter  that  we  have  to  consider  is, 
obviously,  the  economic  situation,  i.e.t  the  circumstances  of  distribution 
and  circulation. 

The  establishment  of  a  world-wide  market  is  now  an  accomplished 
fact.  The  fluctuations  of  the  prices  of  various  kinds  of  products  have 
no  longer  a  local  or  national  character ;  they  now  have  an  immediate 
echo  throughout  the  world.  Trusts,  pools,  and  syndicates  have 
multiplied  and  enlarged.  The  international  concentration  of  many 
industries  is  a  notorious  fact,  in  spite  of  the  interested  secrecy  that 
envelops  such  combinations. 

In  face  of  this  concentration  of  trades  and  industries  the  workers 
have  combined  on  their  side,  first  in  national  and  then  in  inter- 
national organisations.  There  are  at  the  present  time  more  than 
thirty  international  federations  of  trades,  especially  those  of  the 
miners,  founders,  paviors,  dockers,  printers,  transport-workers,  brewers, 
glass-workers,  potters,  metal-workers,  diamond  cutters,  wood  and 

1  See  the  Annuairc  He  la  Vie  Internationale,  published  by  the  Central  Office  of 
International  Institutions,  Brussels.  [EDITOR. — This  volume  may  be  warmly  recom- 
mended to  all  who  take  an  interest  in  international  organisation.] 


FOURTH   SESSION  245 

leather-workers,  furriers,  textile-workers,  tobacco-workers,  saddlers, 
shoemakers,  glovemakers,  bookbinders,  tailors,  hatters,  hairdressers, 
masons,  painters,  musicians,  commercial  employees,  post,  telegraph 
and  railway  servants,  and  assistants  in  hotels  and  restaurants.  All 
these  federations  are  centralised  in  the  International  Secretariat  of 
the  National  Associations  of  Trade  Unions.1 

The  workers'  organisations  aim  chiefly  at  the  improvement  of 
the  conditions  of  labour,  and  it  soon  became  clear  that  this  object 
involved  international  action.  We  may  recall  the  interest  that  was 
aroused  in  1890  by  the  convoking,  at  the  instance  of  the  Emperor  of 
Germany,  of  the  first  international  conference  for  the  regulation  of 
labour.  It  came  to  no  conclusion,  but  from  1897  onward  international 
congresses  have  been  held  for  the  purpose  of  uniting  all  who  were 
interested  in  these  questions  and  founding  an  "  International  Asso- 
ciation for  the  Legal  Protection  of  Workers."  The  carrying  out 
of  the  decisions  taken  in  the  biennial  meetings  of  this  Association 
was  entrusted  to  the  International  Office  of  Labour,  which  is  installed 
at  Bale.  It  is  supported  by  national  sections,  whose  contributions, 
together  with  governmental  subsidies,  enable  it  to  do  its  work.  In 
this  way  it  has  succeeded  in  obtaining  from  various  States  a  pro- 
hibition of  the  use  of  white  phosphorus  in  the  manufacture  of  matches 
and  the  abolition  of  night-work  for  women.  There  are  also  inter- 
national organisations  for  the  prevention  of  Sunday  labour,  the 
prevention  of  strikes,  the  study  of  questions  relating  to  accidents 
during  work  and  to  insurance. 

The  work  done  by  Governments  in  organising  the  circulation  of 
men  and  of  commodities  is  well  known.  The  Postal  Union,  the 
Telegraphic  Union,  the  Radiotelegraphic  Union,  and  the  Union  for 
the  Transport  of  Merchandise,  have  made  one  single  territory  of  the 
whole  world.  On  the  sea  the  adoption  of  regulations  as  to  uniform 
routes  and  the  application  of  a  national  code  of  signals  have  con- 
secrated the  world-old  practice  which  has  made  the  oceans  the  chief 
international  routes.  In  this  department  the  various  States  have  been 
guided  and  inspired  by  vast  associations  like  the  "  International 
Association  of  Railway  Congresses,"  which  is  composed  of  forty-seven 
public  administrations  and  four  hundred  and  eleven  private  enter- 
prises ;  and  the  "  International  Association  of  Navigation  Congresses," 
which  consists  of  twenty-two  governmental  administrations,  two 
hundred  and  sixty  private  administrations,  and  more  than  fifteen 
hundred  individual  members.  Not  less  important,  from  the  same 
point  of  view,  is  the  "  International  Union  of  Tramways  and  Rail- 

1  According  to  statistics  published  by  this  secretarial  office  there  are  9,096,000  work- 
men members  of  trade  unions  in  nineteen  countries  of  Europe  and  America,  and 
5,944,000  belong  to  organisations  affiliated  to  the  secretaryship. 


246  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

ways  of  Local  Interest,"  which  comprises  five  hundred  and  fifty 
tramway  enterprises,  services  or  companies. 

States  have  also  devoted  their  attention  to  questions  of  hygiene 
and  public  health,  but  in  this  department  there  have  long  been 
powerful  bodies  concerned  with  propaganda  and  protection.  The 
two  most  influential  associations  in  this  respect  are  the  one  which 
carries  on  the  struggle  against  alcoholism,  of  which  the  first  inter- 
national congress  was  held  in  1878,  and  which  has  given  birth  in 
turn  to  two  important  bodies,  the  "  International  Blue  Cross  Feder- 
ation" and  the  "  Independent  Order  of  Good  Templars";  and  the 
one  which  protects  young  girls  from  the  dangers  of  large  towns, 
which  dates  from  1888,  and  acts  through  the  "  International  Union  of 
Friends  of  Young  Women  "  and  the  "  International  Association  for 
the  Protection  of  Young  Women." 

The  protection  of  children,  the  care  of  abandoned  children  and  of 
liberated  prisoners,  and  the  provision  for  the  insane,  the  deaf  and 
dumb,  and  the  blind,  have  also  been  discussed  in  international  meet- 
ings. We  may  also  mention  the  "  Universal  Alliance  of  Young  People's 
Christian  Associations,"  which  has  more  than  900,000  members.1 

In  connection  with  these  grave  problems  relating  to  the  moral 
and  material  welfare  of  humanity  we  must  notice  the  work  done  in 
the  field  of  insurance  and  mutual  aid.  Especially  important  are  the 
congresses  of  accountants  which  have  been  held  regularly  every  three 
years  since  1895.  The  medical  officers  of  the  insurance  companies 
have  also  had  an  international  organisation  since  1899.  The  mutual- 
aid  movement,  which  has  grown  in  a  most  remarkable  manner,  has 
succeeded  in  forming  an  "  International  Federation  of  Mutual  Aid" 
and  in  creating  a  "  Permanent  Bureau  of  Study  and  Statistics  of 
Mutual  Aid." 

The  no  less  important  Co-operative  Movement  is  allied  to  the 
mutual-aid  movement.  The  need  of  an  international  organisation 
in  this  field  was  felt,  and  it  was  met  in  1892  by  the  establishment 
of  the  "  International  Co-operative  Alliance."  There  is  also  an 
"  International  Confederation  of  Agricultural  Co-operative  Societies," 
which  comprises  28,000  societies." 

To  the  instances  we  have  given  we  may  add  the  associations 
which  seek  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  disinherited  class.  For 
this  purpose  was  created  an  "  International  Institute  for  the  Study  of 
the  Problem  of  the  Middle  Class."  A  like  aim  is  proposed  by  the 
"  Permanent  International  Committee  of  Cheap  Housing." 

From  the  point  of  view  of  the  pure  sciences  international  co- 
operation is  an  undeniable  fact.  There  are  no  discoveries  which  are 
not  due  to  the  work  of  scholars  belonging  to  the  most  diverse  nation- 
1  The  total  value  of  the  property  of  the  various  associations  is  close  upon  ^12,000,000. 


FOURTH   SESSION  247 

alities.  This  has  naturally  led  scientific  men  to  form  international 
associations. 

The  first  place  among  the  pure  sciences  is  taken  by  mathematics, 
and  the  international  meetings  in  connection  with  this  science  have 
been  held  every  fourth  year  since  1 897.  They  have  created  a  number 
of  international  bodies :  the  "  International  Commission  for  the 
Unification  of  Vectorial  Notations,"  the  "  International  Association  for 
the  Promotion  of  the  Study  of  Quaternions,"  and  the  "  International 
Commission  of  Mathematical  Teaching." 

Astronomers  have  held  international  congresses  since  the  year 
1865.  They  have  established  a  number  of  international  bodies,  the 
chief  of  which  is  the  "  International  Committee  for  the  Construction 
of  the  Photographic  Chart  of  the  Heavens."  This  enterprise,  which  is 
entrusted  to  nineteen  observatories,  will  necessitate  the  taking  of  no 
less  than  22,000  photographs.  There  is  also  an  "  International  Union 
for  Solar  Research." 

In  connection  with  the  measurement  of  time  a  "  Permanent 
International  Commission  of  Chronometry "  was  instituted  in  1900. 
An  "  International  Conference  for  the  Choice  of  a  First  Meridian"  in- 
troduced in  1 884  the  system  of  horary  spindles  which  is  now  adopted 
nearly  everywhere.  Other  bodies  led  to  the  creation  of  special  com- 
missions, especially  that  of  photometrical  unity,  and  an  international 
standard  of  candle-power,  the  units  of  electricity  sanctioned  by  many 
national  legislations,  and  the  uniform  standardising  of  thermometers. 

The  terrestrial  globe  has  also  attracted  the  international  attention 
of  scholars  from  various  points  of  view.  The  geological  study  of  it, 
in  the  first  place,  has  occupied  the  debates  of  the  International 
Geological  Congresses,  which  meet  every  three  years,  since  1878. 
These  Congresses  have  organised  international  commissions  with  the 
charge  of  unifying  the  figures  and  terms  used  in  geology,  as  well 
as  commissions  of  stratigraphy,  petrography,  palaeontology,  and 
geothermics.  There  has  also  been  established  an  "  International 
Glacial  Association  "  and  an  "  International  Volcanic  Institute." 

Hydrology,  climatology,  and  meteorology  are  the  subject  of 
regular  international  congresses.  An  "  International  Meteorological 
Committee"  has  been  at  work  since  1873,  and  has  set  up  various 
special  commissions  within  its  department.  An  understanding  has 
been  arrived  at  for  the  purpose  of  securing  uniformity  in  meteoro- 
logical observations  at  sea  and  in  the  polar  regions.  There  is  also 
an  understanding  in  regard  to  the  systematic  exploration  of  the 
atmosphere  by  means  of  balloons. 

Passing  from  the  earth  to  its  inhabitants,  we  notice  that  for  a  long 
time  back,  since  1865,  anthropological  and  prehistoric  questions  have 
given  occasion  for  many  important  gatherings,  among  which  those 


248  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

of  the  Orientalists  and  Americanists  have  attracted  a  good  deal  of 
attention. 

In  connection  with  the  earth  and  its  inhabitants,  we  may  note  the 
"  International  Congresses  of  Geography,"  which  have  been  held  since 
1871.  To  their  initiative  is  due  the  creation  of  a  map  of  the  earth 
on  the  scale  I  :  1,000,000.  The  "  International  Polar  Commission  " 
belongs  to  the  same  department. 

What  are  commonly  called  the  natural  sciences  have  also  inspired 
a  number  of  international  congresses.  The  Botanical  Congresses, 
which  began  in  1861,  gave  birth  to  the  "  International  Commission  of 
Botanical  Nomenclature "  and  the  "  International  Association  of 
Botanists."  The  Zoological  Congresses  began  in  1889,  and  led  to  the 
adoption  of  a  uniform  procedure  in  the  naming  of  species  and  the 
representation  of  figures.  There  has  also  been  established  an  "  Inter- 
national Ornithological  Committee."  Physiologists  have,  besides 
their  triennial  congress,  two  international  laboratories  for  research, 
the  "  Institut  Marey,"  and  the  "  Monte  Rosa  Laboratory."  The 
anatomists  have  formed  an  international  association,  and  have  also 
established  an  "  International  Committee  for  the  Study  of  the  Brain." 

Chemists  also  have  international  meetings,  both  from  the  purely 
scientific  point  of  view,  and  in  connection  with  the  various  industrial 
applications  of  chemical  science.1  On  their  initiative  there  have  been 
formed  international  commissions  for  the  unification  of  the  methods 
of  analysing  food-stuffs  and  petroleum. 

Finally,  the  highest  scientific  authorities  of  the  world  have  founded 
the  "  International  Association  of  Academies."  This  Association 
chiefly  lends  its  patronage  or  approval  to  autonomous  institutions 
such  as  the  Institut  Marey  and  the  International  Polar  Commission, 
or  to  enterprises  of  universal  import  such  as  the  Catalogue  of  Scientific 
Publications,  the  reprinting  of  the  works  of  Leibnitz,  and  the  critical 
edition  of  the  Mahabharata.  It  has  also  interested  itself  in  the 
international  loan  of  manuscripts. 

If  we  now  turn  to  the  applied  sciences,  we  find  that  the  movement 
in  the  direction  of  an  international  understanding  is,  perhaps,  keener 
in  this  department  than  in  that  of  the  pure  sciences. 

Among  the  more  important  meetings  of  this  kind  we  may  quote 
the  "  International  Congresses  of  Medical  Science,"  which  go  back  to 
1 867,  and  always  have  very  crowded  gatherings.  Besides  these  general 
congresses  there  is  quite  a  number  of  congresses  in  special  branches 
of  medicine.  Thus  the  homeopathists  meet  regularly  since  1876,  the 
dermatologists  since  1889,  the  neurologists  since  1885,  the  alienists 
since  1889,  and  the  surgeons,  who  have  had  meetings  since  1888, 
formed  in  1905  an  "  International  Society  of  Surgery."  The  inter- 
1  The  last  Congress,  held  at  London  in  1909,  was  attended  by  3,000  members. 


FOURTH   SESSION  249 

national  congresses  of  dentists,  which  are  almost  as  important  as  those 
of  the  medical  men,  have  been  held  regularly  since  1889.  The 
ophthalmologists  were  among  the  first  to  hold  international  congresses. 
Their  first  meeting  was  in  1857.  The  otologists  and  laryngologists 
have  assembled  regularly  since  1889,  and  the  gynecologists  since 
1892.  Lastly,  the  veterinary  surgeons,  whose  congresses  also  are  of 
great  importance,  began  to  hold  meetings  in  1862. 

With  medical  questions  are  closely  connected  those  relating  to 
therapeutics.  The  pharmacists  met  for  their  first  international  con- 
gress at  Brunswick  in  1865,  and  their  tenth  congress  was  held  at 
Brussels  in  1910.  Their  discussions  are  chiefly  occupied  with  the 
unification  of  pharmacopseias. 

Vaccination  has  led  to  stirring  congresses  of  anti-vaccinators. 
Physicotherapeutics,  the  applications  of  which  became  more  and  more 
numerous  in  our  time,  has  had  congresses  of  recent  years  ;  the  first 
was  held  at  Liege  in  1905,  and  the  fourth  will  be  held  at  Berlin  in 
1912.  Thalassotherapeutics,  one  of  the  most  ancient  forms  of  physico- 
therapeutics,  has  been  discussed  at  numbers  of  international  meetings, 
the  first  of  which  was  held  in  1894.  Electrotherapeutics  and  radi- 
ology have  been  the  subjects  of  several  congresses,  the  first  of  which 
met  at  Como  in  1 899.  Experimental  hypnotism  has  been  the  subject 
of  international  congresses  since  1889. 

Finally,  certain  particular  maladies — insomnia,  cancer,  leprosy,  and 
especially  tuberculosis — have  attracted  the  attention  of  specialists  of 
all  countries,  and  led  them  to  hold  international  meetings. 

There  is  also  an  "  International  Association  of  the  Medical 
Press,"  and  an  "  International  Committee  of  Medical  Teaching"  was 
established  in  1910. 

In  the  department  of  technology  the  engineers  and  industrial 
workers  have  long  felt  the  need  of  international  meetings.  As  early 
as  1878  the  civil  engineers  held  their  first  international  congress  at 
Paris.  The  electricians  in  turn  assembled  in  the  same  city  in  1881, 
and  in  1902  they  established  an  "  International  Union  of  Electrical 
Stations,"  which  has  held  annual  meetings  since  that  date.  The 
international  congresses  of  mines  and  metallurgy,  which  have  been 
held  regularly  since  1889,  are  amongst  the  most  important  in  technical 
matters.  Technical  workers  have  also  held  international  meetings  in 
connection  with  the  unification  of  the  standards  of  assaying  material, 
the  mechanical  and  hygienic  improvement  of  workshops,  and  the 
supervision  and  safety  of  steam-driven  machinery. 

The  technique  of  private  industry  has  also  been  the  occasion  of 
international  meetings.  Brewers,  distillers,  bakers,  confectioners, 
workers  in  petroleum,  acetylene  gas,  cement,  and  paper,  and  cotton- 
spinners,  have  regular  international  meetings.  In  connection  with 


250  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

spinning,  we  have  also  the  question  of  international  uniformity  in  the 
numbering  of  threads,  which  has  been  dealt  with  in  international 
congresses. 

Agriculturists  have  had  international  meetings  since  1848,  and  their 
Congresses  have  been  held  regularly  since  1889.  With  these  we  may 
connect  the  special  meetings  devoted  to  agricultural  associations,  agri- 
cultural education,  colonial  agronomics,  the  unification  of  the  methods 
of  analysing  manures  and  cattle-foods,  and  agricultural  mechanics. 

The  importance  of  the  cultivation  of  certain  products  has  led  to 
the  holding  of  special  congresses.  We  find  congresses  that  have  been 
held  to  discuss  the  cultivation  of  rice,  viticulture,  sylviculture  and 
horticulture.  In  the  same  group  we  may  place  all  the  meetings  in 
relation  to  zootechnics,  especially  the  international  congresses  for  the 
rational  feeding  of  cattle,  and  the  congresses  of  aviculture,  and  apicul- 
ture. Dairymen  have  held  bi-annual  congresses  since  1903. 

Lastly,  questions  of  hunting  and  fishing  have  also  engaged  the 
attention  of  specialists  of  all  countries,  especially  questions  relating  to 
sea  fisheries. 

The  juridical  sciences  have  inspired  very  important  international 
associations,  which  are  of  world-wide  repute,  and  of  quite  preponderant 
authority.  These  are  the  "  Association  for  the  Reform  and  Codifica- 
tion of  the  Law  of  Nations,"  which  is  now  known  under  the  title  of  the 
"  International  Law  Association,"  and  the  "  Institute  of  International 
Law  and  Comparative  Legislation." 

Questions  of  special  law  have,  on  the  other  hand,  led  to  the 
establishment  of  important  international  bodies.  One  of  the  most 
important  is  the  "  International  Union  of  Penal  Law,"  which  has  held 
regular  meetings  since  1889.  The  International  Penitentiary  Con- 
gresses are  almost  equally  important.  The  first  was  held  in  1846, 
and  was  one  of  the  first  international  congresses  to  take  place  any- 
where. With  this  twofold  organisation  of  penal  law  we  must  connect 
the  international  congresses  of  criminal  anthropology,  which  has  been 
held  since  1885. 

Among  questions  of  private  law  those  in  regard  to  industrial, 
literary,  and  artistic  proprietorship  have  led  to  the  formation  of  two 
vast  associations,  whose  meetings  have  had  a  decisive  influence  on 
the  intergovernmental  conventions  which  control  patent  rights,  trade- 
marks, and  the  rights  of  authors.  There  is  also  an  "  International 
Maritime  Commission,"  the  influence  of  which  on  international  legis- 
lation concerning  the  boarding  and  salving  of  vessels  has  just  led  to 
the  adoption  of  an  intergovernmental  convention  of  great  importance. 
The  unification  of  commercial  law  has  also  been  the  subject  of  many 
international  congresses,  which  have  especially  discussed  the  simplifi- 
cation and  unification  of  the  rules  relating  to  letters  of  exchange. 


FOURTH   SESSION  251 

Finally,  administrative  law  has  recently  given  birth  to  a 
"  Permanent  Commission  of  the  International  Congresses  of  the 
Administrative  Sciences." 

In  the  department  of  philosophy,  religion,  and  morals,  there  have 
also  been  established  certain  important  international  bodies.  In  the 
first  place  we  must  quote  the  international  congresses  of  philosophy 
and  psychology;  then  the  "  International  Union  of  Ethical  Societies." 
The  Churches  themselves  constitute  vast  international  associations, 
and  their  councils  and  conventions  are  real  international  meetings. 
The  successful  attempt  at  Chicago  in  1893  to  hold  a  "World's 
Parliament  of  Religions "  will  be  remembered.  Since  that  time 
there  have  been  international  meetings  for  discussing  the  history  of 
religion  every  four  years. 

Some  of  the  religious  bodies  have  organised  international 
congresses,  such  as  the  Eucharistic  Congresses,  those  of  the  Old 
Catholics,  and  those  of  Liberal  Christianity,  the  Baptists,  and  the 
Universal  Evangelical  Alliance.  We  must  mention,  too,  the  "  Sal- 
vation Army,"  which  has  more  than  100,000  members  scattered 
throughout  the  world,  the  "  International  Federation  of  Free- 
thinkers," and  "  Universal  Freemasonry." 

The  pacifist  movement  is  bound  up  in  some  of  its  aspects  with 
the  political  and  juridical  life  of  nations ;  but  it  must  also  find  a  place 
here  on  account  of  its  lofty  moral  purpose.  The  movement  began 
in  1815.  The  annual  congresses  it  has  held  since  1889  attract  in- 
creasing attention,  and  have  the  support  of  innumerable  societies  in 
every  country  of  the  world,  which  are  grouped  round  the  "  Inter- 
national Permanent  Peace  Bureau "  at  Berne.  Some  of  these 
societies  have  themselves  an  international  character,  such  as  the 
"  International  Peace  Institute,"  the  "  International  Conciliation," 
the  "  International  League  of  Peace  and  Liberty,"  and  the  "  Inter- 
national Museum  of  War  and  Peace." 

Two  of  the  most  important  international  establishments,  the  Nobel 
Institute  and  the  recent  Carnegie  Institution,  are  associated  with  this 
movement.  It  is,  perhaps,  interesting  to  note  that  the  first  pacifist 
congress,  which  met  in  London  in  1843,  was  the  first  manifestation  of 
the  international  spirit  which  is  spreading  so  rapidly  in  our  own  time. 

Education,  in  every  aspect  and  degree,  has  been  the  subject  of 
numbers  of  international  discussions.  Besides  the  congresses  which 
have  discussed  education  in  general,  some  have  been  devoted  to 
primary,  secondary,  and  higher  education,  popular  education,  family 
education,  and  moral  education.  International  organisations  have 
been  formed,  as  we  stated  previously,  for  the  promotion  of  mathe- 
matical and  medical  education.  Others  have  been  created  to  pro- 
mote commercial  education  and  the  teaching  of  living  tongues. 


252  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

The  internationalisation  of  studies  has  led  numbers  of  students  to 
travel,  and  of  late  years  we  have  witnessed  an  active  exchange  of  pro- 
fessors between  different  countries.  This  has  led  in  turn  to  the 
establishment  in  many  universities  of  cosmopolitan  clubs,  which  have 
been  united  in  an  international  association  since  1907.  The  students 
have  further  established  the  vast  federation  of  the  "  Corda  Fratres," 
and  other  more  exclusive  federations,  such  as  those  of  the  Christian 
students,  the  Catholic  students,  and  the  Socialist  students.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  professors  of  primary  education  have  gathered  round 
the  "  International  Bureau  of  Federations  of  Teachers." 

An  effort  is  being  made  at  the  present  time  to  attain  an  "  equiva- 
lence of  diplomas,"1  and  to  establish  an  "International  Pedagogical 
Centre."  There  are  also  in  many  countries  institutes  of  higher 
studies,  which  are  the  embryos  of  real  international  schools,  and  the 
idea  has  arisen  of  uniting  them  in  a  larger  organisation,  which  would 
be  the  "  International  University,"  or  rather,  the  "  World-School."2 
We  must  also  call  attention  to  the  project  of  establishing  an 
"  International  Bureau  of  Universities,"  and  to  the  growth  in  recent 
years  of  inter-scholastic  correspondence. 

With  the  question  of  education  we  may  connect  the  idea  of 
choosing  a  universal  language.  Annual  congresses  have,  since  1906, 
brought  together  in  large  numbers  the  admirers  of  the  Esperanto 
language.  On  the  other  hand,  an  "  International  Delegation  for  the 
adoption  of  a  Universal  Language"  was  established  in  1901.  In 
the  department  of  languages  we  must  also  notice  the  existence  of  an 
"  International  Phonetic  Association,"  an  "  International  Federation 
for  the  Extension  and  Cultivation  of  the  French  Language,"  and  the 
"  International  Society  of  Romance  Dialectology." 

The  long  and  somewhat  fastidious  enumeration  which  we  have 
been  compelled  to  make  was  necessary  in  order  to  give  some 
approximate  idea  of  the  proportions  of  the  spirit  which  is  seeking 
to  organise  the  world  on  international  lines.  Nevertheless,  to  com- 
plete the  story,  we  ought  further  to  have  spoken  of  bodies  of  the 
greatest  importance  such  as  the  "  International  Union  of  Press 
Associations,"  the  "  International  Institute  of  Sociology,"  the 
"  International  Institute  of  Statistics,"  the  "  International  Colonial 
Institute,"  the  "  International  Economic  Union,"  the  "  Permanent 
Committee  of  Chambers  of  Commerce,"  the  "  International  Council 
of  Women,"  and  the  "  International  Association  of  Cold." 

We  ought  also  to  trace  the  history  of  the  Universal  Exhibitions, 
of  which  no  one  now  questions  the  great  influence  on  civilisation.  As 

1  This  equivalence  has  been  conventionally  admitted  by  the  American  Conference 
of  1902. 

1  There  has  been  some  question  of  founding  such  a  school  in  Belgium. 


FOURTH   SESSION  253 

is  known,  an  "  International  Federation  of  Permanent  Exhibition 
Committees  "  forms  a  connecting  link  between  them,  and  endeavours 
to  give  them  an  increasingly  synthetic  organisation.  There  is  also 
some  attempt  to  follow  up  the  exhibitions  of  things  with  exhibitions 
of  ideas.  Even  in  1878,  1889,  and  1900  the  organisation  of  inter- 
national congresses  was  centralised  at  Paris  ;  but  it  was  at  Saint  Louis 
in  1904  that  the  "  International  Congress  of  Science  and  Art"  realised 
most  effectively  a  genuinely  encyclopaedic  and  universal  programme. 

We  ought  also  to  have  spoken  of  the  arts,  which  have  inspired  a 
number  of  gatherings :  architecture,  music,  public  art,  and  photo- 
graphy have  been  the  subjects  of  many  important  congresses.  Even 
sport,  which  plays  a  considerable  part  in  the  international  relations  of 
our  time,  would  deserve  our  attention.  The  "  International  Olympic 
Committee"  and  the  "International  League  of  Tourist  Associations  " 
are  the  most  influential  bodies  in  this  field  ;  and  to  them  we  must  add 
bodies  which  are  occupied  with  particular  sports,  such  as  cycling, 
motoring,  aeronautics,  gymnastics,  skating,  or  Alpine  sports. 

We  cannot,  however,  conclude  our  condensed  account  of  the 
present  state  of  international  activity  without  devoting  a  few  lines  to 
the  work  done  by  those  who  are  seeking  to  make  an  intellectual 
inventory  of  the  world.  Various  Governments  have  already  agreed 
to  subsidise  the  "  International  Catalogue  of  Scientific  Literature," 
which  has  been  undertaken  by  the  Royal  Society  of  London  with 
the  assistance  of  regional  centres.  But  the  "  International  Institute 
of  Bibliography  and  Documentation  "  has  confronted  the  problem  in 
all  its  magnitude.  The  work  that  it  has  imposed  on  itself  consisted 
at  first  in  collecting  and  methodically  classifying  the  titles  of  all  the 
works  that  have  ever  been  written  and  published,  but  it  has  had 
gradually  to  enlarge  its  scheme  and  endeavour  to  bring  together 
the  works  and  publications  themselves,  and  make  summaries  of  them, 
which  constitute  so  many  chapters  and  paragraphs  in  the  "  Universal 
Book."  The  ambition  of  the  promoters  of  this  work  is  to  summarise 
this  great  book,  and  thus  raise  a  monument  to  human  thought  which 
will  constitute  the  "  Universal  and  Perpetual  Encyclopaedia."  This 
encyclopaedia  will  have  as  its  collaborators  the  thinkers  of  every  age 
and  country.  It  will  represent  the  "  Sum  Total  "  of  the  intellectual 
achievements  of  the  ages. 

Such,  in  broad  outline,  is  the  immense  labour  that  is  being 
accomplished  by  men  of  every  nation  and  religion,  every  race  and 
all  shades  of  opinion.  They  recognise  no  frontiers  :  their  country  is 
a  province  of  the  world- wide  empire  of  which  they  are  fellow-citizens. 
Sometimes,  indeed,  they  have  no  clear  perception  of  the  fact ;  they 
are  not  conscious  that  they  are  working  together  for  the  realisation  of 
international  life.  To  enkindle  this  consciousness,  to  materialise  in 


254  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

some  measure  the  movement  which  is  bearing  humanity  onward  to  a 
condition  of  harmony,  a  mutual  understanding,  and  a  closer  co- 
operation in  every  country,  is  the  aim  of  the  founders  of  the  "  Central 
Office  of  International  Institutions."  They  believe  that,  besides  the 
problems  that  are  peculiar  to  each  branch  of  human  knowledge,  there 
are  interests  of  a  universal  order  which  it  is  important  to  examine 
and  study  in  common,  and  that  there  are  certain  general  services  to 
be  rendered  and  organised.  On  that  account  they  invited  all  who 
are  entrusted  with  the  direction  of  international  bodies  to  take  part 
in  the  "  World-Congress  of  International  Associations."  At  its  first 
sittings  *  the  Congress  discussed  the  following  questions :  the  inter- 
national juridical  status  of  international  associations,  the  establish- 
ment of  international  systems  of  unity  in  science  and  technics,  the 
international  organisation  of  documentation,  scientific  and  technical 
language,  and  the  organisation  of  co-operative  action  between  inter- 
national institutions.  The  Central  Office  of  International  Institu- 
tions was 2  selected  by  the  Congress  as  its  permanent  organ. 

There  is  now,  therefore,  a  centre  of  attraction  round  which, 
following  the  hierarchy  of  the  sciences,  the  various  international 
bodies  may  be  grouped,  and  discharge  in  harmony  their  share  in  the 
elaboration  and  diffusion  of  knowledge.  A  voluntary  undertaking, 
dependent  on  free  co-operation,  it  will  be  at  once  the  most  eloquent 
symbol  and  the  most  patent  proof  of  the  unity  of  races. 
\Paper  submitted  in  French.] 


THE   INTERNATIONAL   INSTITUTE   OF 
AGRICULTURE    AT   ROME 

By  DAVID  LUBIN, 
United  States  Delegate  to  the  International  Institute  of  Agriculture. 

"  The  wolf  also  shall  dwell  with  the  lamb,  and  the  leopard  shall  lie  down  with 
the  kid,  and  the  calf  and  the  young  lion  and  the  falling  together,  and  a  little 
child  shall  lead  them." 

"  And  He  shall  judge  among  the  nations,  and  shall  rebuke  many  people  ;  and 
they  shall  beat  their  swords  into  ploughshares,  and  their  spears  into  pruning- 
hooks;  nation  shall  not  lift  up  sword  against  nation,  neither  shall  they  learn  war 
any  more." 

THE  International  Institute  of  Agriculture  may  be  deemed  a  step  in 
evolutionary  development,  development  in  the  field  of  economics.     It 

1  The  Congress  was  held  at  Brussels  from  the  gth  to  the  nth  of  May,  1910  ;  one 
hundred  and  thirty-two  international  associations  were  represented  at  it. 

*  On  this  body  see  the  pamphlet  which  deals  specially  with  it,  Office  Central  ties 
Institutions  Internationales,  rue  de  la  Regence,  3bis  ;  8°,  32  pp.,  I  franc. 


FOURTH   SESSION  255 

is  substantially  a  world  co-operative  institution,  a  world  clearing- 
house of  economic  information.  It  is,  in  fact,  the  first  permanent 
international  parliament,  a  permanent  parliament  for  economic 
betterment. 

The  initiative  toward  founding  this  Institute  was  taken  by  His 
Majesty  the  King  of  Italy,  who  called  a  Conference  of  the  Govern- 
ments for  this  purpose.  This  Conference  met  in  Rome  in  May-June, 
1905,  and  formulated  a  Treaty  for  the  establishment  of  the  Institute. 
This  Treaty  was  ratified  by  forty-seven  Governments,  and  the 
adhering  countries  now  embrace  98  per  cent,  of  the  population 
and  95  per  cent,  of  all  the  land  of  the  world. 

When  the  Treaty  had  been  duly  ratified  by  the  adhering  Govern- 
ments, a  building  was  erected  for  the  Institute  in  the  grounds  of  the 
Villa  Borghese,  in  Rome,  at  the  expense  of  His  Majesty  the  King  of 
Italy,  who,  in  addition  to  this,  munificently  endowed  the  Institute 
with  an  income  of  60,000  dollars  a  year. 

Each  of  the  nations  adhering  to  the  Institute  is  classed  in  one  of 
five  groups,  which  contribute  to  the  support  of  the  Institute  in  accord- 
ance with  a  ratio  fixed  for  each  group  by  the  Treaty. 

The  supreme  direction  and  control  of  the  Institute  is  in  the  hands 
of  the  General  Assembly,  consisting  of  delegates  appointed  by  the 
adhering  Governments.  The  General  Assembly  is  empowered, 
under  Article  5  of  the  Treaty,  to  submit  for  the  approval  of  the 
adhering  Governments  proposals  for  an  enlargement  of  the  functions 
of  the  Institute. 

The  administration  of  the  Institute  is  entrusted  to  the  Permanent 
Committee,  composed  of  forty-seven  delegates  each  representing  one  of 
the  adhering  countries.  These  delegates  reside  permanently  in  Rome. 
The  executive  officers  are  the  President,  Marquis  Cappelli,  delegate 
of  Italy  ;  the  Vice-President,  Mr.  Louis  Dop,  delegate  of  France  ; 
and  the  Secretary-General,  Professor  P.  Jannaccone.  At  present  the 
staff  consists  of  eighty-two  employees  of  different  nationalities. 

The  functions  of  the  Institute  are  defined  in  Article  9  of  the 
Treaty,1  and  the  work  has  been  divided  between  four  bureaus  : 

1  ARTICLE  9. — The  Institute,  confining  its  operations  within  an  international 
sphere,  shall — 

(a)  Collect,  study,  and  publish  as  promptly  as  possible  statistical,  technical,  or 
economic  information  concerning  farming,  both  vegetable  and  animal  products,  the 
commerce  in  agricultural  products,  and  the  prices  prevailing  in  the  various  markets  ; 

(6)  Communicate  to  parties  interested,  also  as  promptly  as  possible,  all  the  informa- 
tion just  referred  to  ; 

(c)  Indicate  the  wages  paid  for  farm  work  ; 

(d)  Make  known  the  new    diseases    of    vegetables  which    may    appear    in  any 
part  of  the  world,  showing  the  territories  infected,  the  progress  of  the  disease,  and, 
if  possible,  the  remedies  which  are  effective  in  combating  them. 

(e)  Study  questions    concerning  agricultural   co-operation,   insurance,   and   credit 
in  all  their  aspects ;  collect  and  publish  information  which  might  be  useful  in  the 


256  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

1.  The  administrative  bureau  ; 

2.  The  bureau  of  crop-reporting  and  agricultural  statistics  ; 

3.  The  bureau  of  agricultural  intelligence  and  diseases  of  plants  ; 

4.  The  bureau  of  economic  and  social  institutions  (agricultural 

co-operation,  insurance,  and  credit). 

The  main  service  of  the  Institute  is  crop-reporting,  the  importance 
of  which  will  be  made  manifest  by  what  follows. 

The  world's  price  of  the  staples  of  agriculture  has  a  direct  bearing 
on  the  home  price,  and  the  home  price  of  the  staples  determines  the 
status  of  the  capital  and  labour  of  the  farm,  also  the  status  of  the 
capital  and  labour  of  the  factory  (for  the  staples  of  agriculture  are 
the  raw  material  of  the  manufacturer).  Therefore,  the  price  of  the 
staples  of  agriculture  influences  the  economic  condition  of  all  the 
people. 

Now,  the  knowledge  of  the  world's  summary  of  the  stocks  on 
hand  and  the  condition  of  the  growing  crops  are  the  basis  for  the 
formation  of  the  world's  price,  and,  consequently,  of  the  home  price 
of  the  staples  of  agriculture.  It  is,  therefore,  of  primary  importance 
that  such  world  summary  be  official  and  authoritative. 

But,  previous  to  the  establishment  of  the  International  Institute 
of  Agriculture,  the  dissemination  of  this  summary  was  done  by 
private,  and  therefore  interested,  concerns  ;  it  reached  the  public  in 
the  form  of  several  and  divergent  statements,  and  was  consequently 
the  cause  of  unnecessary  and  oft-times  violent  fluctuations  in  the 
price  of  the  staples,  thereby  unsettling  the  economic  condition  of  all 
the  people. 

The  chief  purpose  of  the  International  Institute  of  Agriculture  is 
to  remove  the  cause  of  these  fluctuations,  to  remove  the  obstacles 
which  impede  the  operation  of  the  law  of  supply  and  demand  in  the 
formation  of  the  prices  of  the  staples  of  agriculture.  And  this  the 
Institute  does  by  supplying  all  concerned  with  an  official  and 
authoritative  summary  of  the  condition  of  the  growing  crops  and 
the  world's  supply. 

Accordingly,  each  of  the  adhering  Governments  supplies  the 
Institute  with  its  own  crop-reporting  data,  relating  (a)  to  the  condi- 
tion of  the  growing  crops,  and  (b),  to  harvest  yields  in  each  country. 

various  countries  in  the  organisation  of  works  connected  with  agricultural  co-operation, 
insurance,  and  credit ; 

(/)  Submit  to  the  approval  of  the  Governments,  if  there  is  occasion  for  it,  measures 
for  the  protection  of  the  common  interests  of  farmers  and  for  the  improvement 
of  their  condition,  after  having  utilised  all  the  necessary  sources  of  information, 
such  as  the  wishes  expressed  by  international  or  other  agricultural  congresses  or 
congresses  of  sciences  applied  to  agriculture,  agricultural  societies,  academies,  learned 
bodies,  &c. 

All  questions  concerning  the  economic  interests,  the  legislation,  and  the  adminis- 
tration of  a  particular  nation  shall  be  excluded  from  the  consideration  of  the  Institute. 


FOURTH   SESSION  257 

This  is  done  on  a  uniform  plan  adopted  by  the  General  Assembly  in 
1909.  The  Statistical  Bureau  of  the  Institute  employs  this  data 
in  its  mathematical  calculations,  deducing,  in  the  form  of  a  "  Single 
Numerical  Statement"  the  summary  for  the  world,  thus  :  100  being 
taken  as  a  normal,  when  the  Institute  reports  101  it  indicates  that 
the  condition  or  yield  of  the  world's  crop  is  I  per  cent  above  the 
normal ;  when  the  Institute  reports  99  it  means  that  it  is  I  per  cent, 
below  the  normal,  and  so  forth.  This  is  the  method  employed  by 
the  American  Department  of  Agriculture  for  reporting  crop  condi- 
tions and  yields  in  the  United  States,  and  it  has  been  adopted  by 
the  Institute  for  reporting  crop  conditions  and  yields  for  the  world. 

The  effect  of  the  Institute's  reports,  expressed  in  the  Single 
Numerical  Statement  for  the  world,  disseminated  each  month  tele- 
graphically and  by  printed  bulletins,  was  apparent  almost  from  the 
start.  The  volume  of  wheat  production  for  1910  was  very  unevenly 
distributed  ;  some  countries  having  deficits  and  others  large  surpluses 
as  compared  to  the  production  for  the  previous  year.  The  imme- 
diate effect  of  a  knowledge  of  local  conditions  in  each  of  these 
countries  was  to  unsettle  prices,  with  a  tendency  to  undue  depression 
or  inflation  as  the  unusual  surplus  or  deficit  became  known.  But 
the  Institute's  reports,  giving  simultaneously  the  figures  for  all  the 
countries,  and  drawing  therefrom  the  total  for  the  world  in  the  form 
of  a  Single  Numerical  Statement,  showed  that  the  deficits  were 
amply  balanced  by  the  surpluses,  and  that  the  world,  as  a  whole,  had 
produced  substantially  the  same  amount  as  the  previous  year.  The 
effect  of  this  was  to  steady  the  market  and  maintain  normal  prices, 
preventing  the  bearing  down  of  the  price  in  countries  where  the 
product  was  unusually  abundant,  and  unjustifiable  advances  in 
countries  where  there  was  a  deficit  in  the  crop.  Thus  the  Institute 
acts  as  an  instrument  towards  making  equity  in  exchange. 

What  has  thus  far  been  set  forth  is  but  a  mere  outline  of  some 
phases  of  the  work  done  by  the  Institute.  The  limited  space  at  my 
command  does  not  permit  further  detail.  This  must  be  left  for  the 
discussion  promised  on  the  subjects  to  be  brought  up  at  this  Congress. 

Substantially,  then,  the  International  Institute  of  Agriculture  is 
to  provide  the  world  with  a  new  measure ;  a  measure  of  the  world's 
supply  of  the  staples  of  agriculture ;  a  measure  as  important  in 
economic  well-being  as  is  the  "  dry  measure,"  the  "  liquid  measure," 
or  the  "time  measure."  And  since  the  surest  criterion  between  a 
lower  and  a  higher  civilisation  is  the  comparative  perfection  of 
weights  and  measures,  and  their  just  application,  it  must  follow  that 
the  Institute  in  this  work  is  destined  to  serve  as  one  of  the  rungs  in 
the  evolutionary  ladder  of  civilisation. 

We  talk  of  the  Flag,  of  Liberty,  of  Freedom,  but  in  the  100  cents  of 


258  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

a  dollar,  is  not  each  cent  a  measure  of  liberty,  a  measure  of  freedom  ? 
Has  not  its  owner  the  liberty  to  exchange  each  cent  for  a  certain 
measure  of  goods  or  for  a  certain  measure  of  leisure?  Hence  it  must 
follow  that  a  cause  which  robs  the  cent  of  its  purchasing  power  robs 
its  owner  of  a  like  measure  of  liberty  and  freedom. 

It  was  to  prevent  this  universal,  this  international,  robbery  that 
the  nations  ratified  the  treaty  establishing  this  Institute. 

But  a  most  important  function  of  the  Institute  has  yet  to  be 
stated  :  the  International  Institute  of  Agriculture  is  destined  to 
become  the  world's  temple  of  peace. 

And  on  this  head  let  me  quote  what  Professor  Carver  of  Harvard 
University  says : — 

I  am  particularly  interested  in  the  possibilities  of  the  Institute  as  a  factor  in 
international  peace.  If  the  leading  nations  can  be  brought  together  in  any  kind 
of  co-operative  work  for  the  general  good  of  the  civilised  world,  such  as  your 
system  of  crop-reporting,  the  very  fact  of  working  together  will  tend  to  produce 
friendship,  and  to  make  war  hereafter  impossible.  It  is  probable  that  inter- 
national unity  will  never  come  about  by  merely  saying  "  Go  to  now,  let  us  be 
united,"  but  it  will  come  about  by  just  this  form  of  co-operative  work  for  a 
useful  purpose,  without  much  immediate  thought  as  to  its  future  reactions  in 
the  field  of  international  friendship. 

The  sages  and  prophets  of  our  day  find  their  task  easier  than 
of  yore,  for  the  time  has  at  last  come  when  it  is  beginning  to  be 
understood  that  robbery,  covetous  greed,  or  disorder  is  not  nearly 
as  profitable  as  Equity,  Service,  and  Order.  It  is  now  beginning 
to  be  understood  that  the  economic  gloom  of  one  country  casts 
its  dark  shadow  of  loss  and  suffering  on  all  other  countries,  and 
that  the  sun  of  prosperity  which  shines  in  one  country  sheds  its 
beneficent  rays  abroad,  blessing  all  the  other  countries. 

And  what  mode  is  there  for  the  surer  and  quicker  realisation 
of  International  Equity,  of  International  Service,  and  of  International 
Order  than  through  an  International  Parliament? 

But  Parliaments,  and  above  all  International  Parliaments,  do 
not  come,  nor  would  they  endure,  without  a  struggle.  And  this 
applies  particularly  to  this  first  international  economic  parliament, 
the  International  Institute  of  Agriculture.  The  forces  which  find 
it  in  their  interest  to  disintegrate  its  structure  are  among  the 
most  crafty  and  powerful  in  the  world,  and  they  have  a  reach 
which  goes  direct  to  the  heart  of  Governments. 

Those,  therefore,  who  champion  the  cause  of  international  amity, 
should  be  among  the  first  to  take  up  an  unmistakable  stand  in 
relation  to  this  beginning  of  international  parliamentary  life ;  they 
may  justify  their  activity  in  this  field  of  service  in  behalf  of  peace 
by  their  support  of  the  International  Institute  of  Agriculture 
and  there  can  be  no  place  or  occasion  better  suited  towards  this 
appeal  than  this  first  Universal  Races  Congress. 
[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


FOURTH   SESSION  259 

-T3o    ;  7<i  nif>nV>  lt»o  haliiso  n^ixf  ?,fifi  /how  airfT 

THE    BATAK    INSTITUTE   AT    LEYDEN 

By  Dr.  A.  W.  NIEUWENHUIS, 
Professor  of  Ethnography  in  the  University  of  Ley  den. 

THE  considerations  that  led  to  the  establishment  of  the  Batak 
Institute  at  Leyden  (1908)  are  as  follows.  Colonial  Powers  know, 
as  a  rule,  far  too  little  of  the  peoples  of  different  races  under  their 
sway  to  be  able  to  maintain  an  intercourse  with  them  that  may  be 
called  rational  in  all  respects  or  to  establish  a  rule  in  harmony  with 
the  opinions  of  the  subject-race  and  the  popular  institutions  based 
on  them.  By  the  word  "rule"  we  must  not  chiefly  understand 
administration  and  legislation,  and  certainly  not  these  alone,  but, 
first  and  foremost,  the  guidance  of  a  people  along  paths  that  may 
lead  to  a  healthy  elevation  of  the  standard  of  the  whole  of  their 
social,  economic,  intellectual,  and  ethical  life  in  harmony  with  their 
physical  and  psychical  capabilities. 

In  order  to  acquire  the  knowledge  that  is  indispensable  for  the 
accomplishment  of  this  purpose  in  colonies  as  extensive  as  the  Dutch 
Indies,  it  seems  necessary  that  the  first  steps  should  be  taken  by 
private  initiative,  which  is  freer  in  its  movements  than  Government, 
and  that  these  early  attempts  should  be  focussed  on  a  carefully 
chosen  and  sharply  defined  sphere.  In  this  manner,  hints  may  be 
collected  for  the  Government  as  to  the  general  policy  which  it 
should  pursue,  and  an  example  may  be  set  of  intercourse  between  a 
Western  and  an  Eastern  race  that  is  equally  beneficial  to  both  parties. 

It  was  partly  the  influence  of  existing  circumstances,  partly 
personal  reasons,  that  made  the  choice  for  a  first  attempt  in  this 
direction  fall  on  the  Batak,  a  tribe  inhabiting  the  central  mountain 
regions  and  plateaux  of  the  northern  part  of  Sumatra  between  the 
Menanghabau  countries  in  the  south  and  Acheh  (Acheen)  in  the  north. 

After  a  careful  preparation  which  began  in  1905,  after  obtaining 
information  from  officials  as  well  as  from  private  persons,  and  after 
consultation  with  various  Departments  of  State,  scientific  associations, 
and  missionary  societies,  the  following  method  of  setting  to  work 
was  decided  upon  : — 

(i)  To  bring  together  in  a  separate  library  as  complete  a  collection  as 
possible  of  the  extant  literature  (including  records,  archives,  and  other  reports). 
(2)  To  publish  a  survey  (bibliography)  of  this  collection.  (3)  To  enter  into 
personal  relations  with  officials  and  private  persons  living  in  the  country  and  to 
ensure  their  co-operation  for  the  future,  which  is  necessary  for  the  acquisition 
and  extension  of  our  knowledge  of  local  conditions,  wants,  and  circumstances. 
(4)  To  compose  a  simple  collective  work,  after  the  example  of  the  Anglo-Indian 
District  Gazetteers,  which  will  give  a  summary  account  of  what  we  know  and 
what  we  do  not  know  about  the  region  under  discussion. 


26o  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

This  work  has  been  carried  out  (from  1905  to  1911)  by  a  per- 
manent official,  under  the  superintendence  and  guidance  of  the 
"  directorium,"  who,  having  spent  several  years  in  a  special  part  of 
the  country  of  the  Batak,  and  from  the  nature  of  his  profession  had 
had  an  opportunity  of  obtaining  considerable  knowledge  of  both 
people  and  country. 

This  work,  however  necessary  as  a  preparation,  is,  if  not  wholly, 
at  least  chiefly,  theoretical,  and  will  have  to  be  followed  by  practical 
measures,  which  will  be  much  more  expensive.  The  Institute  has 
already  made  a  beginning  with  this  second  task.  Some  time  ago 
attention  was  directed  to  the  exploitation  (probably  for  the  greater 
part  through  irrigation)  of  a  fairly  extensive  plateau  (the  plateau  of 
Sibolangit)  situated  in  the  higher  parts  of  Deli  and  inhabited  by 
Batak.  Moreover,  encouragement  is  given  to  the  spreading  of  the 
Dutch  language  among  the  Batak  who  wish  to  learn  it.  Lastly,  the 
Institute  undertook  to  send  out  (February,  1911)  an  agriculturist 
with  good  practical  and  theoretical  knowledge,  who  is  at  the  same 
time  no  stranger  in  the  department  of  commerce.  His  destination 
was  the  Karo  plateau  in  the  highlands,  far  inland,  in  the  district  of 
the  east  coast  of  Sumatra,  which  is  rich  in  plantations.  The  purpose 
of  this  mission  was  to  bring  the  natives,  especially  through  practical 
demonstration,  to  a  wiser  conduct  of  their  principal  branch  of  cultiva- 
tion, viz.,  of  rice,  and  to  the  growing  of  such  produce  as  is  likely, to 
find  a  favourable  market  in  the  lowlands — in  Deli  first  of  all,  perhaps 
afterwards  also  in  the  Straits  Settlements. 

If  this  attempt  proves  successful  it  will,  on  the  one  hand,  promote 
the  economic  progress  of  the  natives  and,  on  the  other  hand,  attract 
the  interest  of  the  European  colonists  to  the  Batak  and  their  country. 

Already  a  "  Batak  Society  "  has  been  established  at  Medan  (1909), 
and  it  proposes  to  support  the  measures  taken  in  the  interests  of  the 
Batak  and  their  country. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


FIFTH    SESSION 

THE  MODERN  CONSCIENCE  IN  RELATION  TO 
RACIAL   QUESTIONS  (GENERAL) 


THE    FUNDAMENTAL   PRINCIPLE    OF    INTER 
RACIAL    ETHICS,    AND    SOME    PRACTICAL 
APPLICATIONS   OF    IT 

By  Dr.  FELIX  ABLER, 
Professor  of  Social  Ethics  in  Columbia  University,  New   York. 

IN  so  brief  a  paper  on  so  large  a  subject,  a  bare  indication  of 
certain  principal  ideas  must  needs  suffice.  The  first  thought  to 
be  mentioned  is  the  indispensableness  of  more  explicit  conceptions 
of  the  ideal  to  be  realised  in  international  relations.  This  Congress 
is  devoted  to  the  promotion  of  right  international  relations.  Right 
relations  are  essentially  ideal  relations.  The  unethical  conditions 
now  prevailing  between  the  different  national  and  racial  groups  are 
due,  in  no  small  degree,  to  false  ideals.  False  ideals  can  only  be 
met  and  overcome  by  true.  But  what  are  the  true  ideals  ?  Looking 
forward  to  the  future  of  humanity,  what  sort  of  relations  between 
its  different  components  should  we  consider  satisfactory?  This 
question,  surely,  cannot  be  evaded. 

In  regard  to  the  goal  ahead,  two  errors  are  often  committed. 
The  one  is  illustrated  by  the  use  made  of  the  phrase,  "The 
parliament  of  man  and  the  federation  of  the  world."  A  parliament, 
a  political  device  or  instrument  intended,  in  a  general  way,  to  secure 
beneficent  ends,  and  admittedly  securing  them  most  imperfectly,  is 
presented  to  the  imagination  as  the  terminus  ad  quem  of  international 
progress ;  and  this  instead  of  a  distinct  statement  of  the  ends  them- 
selves towards  which  international  progress  is  to  be  directed.  It 
seems  to  be  the  opinion  of  those  who  take  this  poetic  phrase  more 

261 


262  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

or  less  literally  that  if  only,  in  some  capitol  of  the  whole  earth, 
a  parliament  could  be  got  together  representing  all  the  different 
terrestrial  interests,  the  welfare  of  mankind  would  be  assured. 

It  is  forgotten  that  no  parliament  ever  yet  existed  which  has 
learned  to  do  justice  even  to  the  narrower  set  of  interests  confided 
to  it ;  that  no  parliament  has  as  yet  been  free  from  the  taint  of  class 
legislation  and  favouritism.  And  whether  a  parliament  having  for  its 
constituency  all  the  populations  of  the  earth  would  be  a  manageable 
institution,  and  whether,  if  it  could  be  set  to  work,  it  would  operate 
more  equably  for  the  benefit  of  all  than  the  present  national 
parliaments,  is,  at  least,  an  open  question.1  The  second  and  more 
common  error  is  to  dismiss  as  visionary  all  thought  of  the  ultimate 
goal,  and  to  concentrate  effort  on  the  next  step  to  be  taken  (without 
regard  to  whither  it  may  ultimately  lead)  :  the  next  step  being  relief 
from  the  pressure  of  present  evils.  The  international  situation  is 
full  of  menace  and  cause  for  the  gravest  anxiety.  What  are  we 
coming  to,  with  all  these  incessant  warlike  preparations,  this  strain 
upon  the  economic  resources  of  the  civilised  nations,  the  new  peril 
due  to  the  closer  approach — with  all  the  possibilities  of  friction 
involved — of  the  Occidental  and  Oriental  peoples?  The  human 
race  has  run  into  a  kind  of  blind  alley,  from  which,  by  merely  going 
on  as  heretofore,  there  is  no  escape.  It  must  in  some  fashion 
retrace  its  steps  and  proceed  in  a  new  direction.  We  have  plunged 
into  a  kind  of  morass.  Should  it  not  be  our  first  and  exclusive 
concern,  it  is  said — our  next  step — to  try  to  extricate  ourselves 
from  this  marsh  ;  to  put  terra  firma  under  our  feet ;  in  other  words, 
by  means  of  arbitration  treaties,  international  courts,  and  the  like,  to 
secure  peace  ? 

But  what  is  it  that  has  brought  us  to  such  a  pass?  Is  it  not  false 
ideals — false  military  ideals,  false  ideals  of  national  prestige  and  of 
material  aggrandisement?  And  by  what  psychological  and  moral 
enginery  shall  we  be  lifted  out  of  the  marsh,  if  not  by  that  of  better 
and  sounder  ideals  ?  Peace  itself  is  only  a  means,  not  an  end.  To 
what  end,  then,  do  we  desire  peace  ?  This  is  the  most  pertinent 
question  of  all.  Is  it  for  the  multiplication  of  the  sources  of  material 
enjoyment?  Is  it  for  the  development  of  culture? — and  if  so,  is  it 
for  the  development  of  a  single  type  of  civilisation — Western 
civilisation,  for  instance?  And  is  this  to  be  extended  universally, 
suppressing  every  other  type  ?  Whatever  the  end,  let  it  be  defined  ; 

1  This  is  not  intended  to  discredit  the  idea  of  such  an  Amphyctionic  council,  or  of  a 
veritable  parliament  of  nations,  but  to  draw  attention  to  the  fact  that  a  parliament 
is  a  means  to  an  end  ;  that  the  means  cannot  work  successfully  without  a  clear  and 
just  conception  of  the  end  to  be  promoted.  This,  indeed,  is  lacking  as  yet  within  the 
field  of  national  politics,  and  clarification  as  to  the  international  ideals  would  have 
a  retro-active  effect  upon  national  ideals  as  well. 


FIFTH   SESSION 

let  it  be  put  into  the  foreground ;  let  it  be  envisaged  in  distinct 
outline.1 

The  appeal  to  sympathy  alone  will  not  suffice.  We  have  in 
modern  times,  it  is  true,  become  more  sensitive  to  pain  ;  and  the 
horrors  of  war,  when  depicted  by  graphic  pens,  evoke  temporarily 
a  profound  revulsion.  But  sympathy  is  in  its  nature  fluctuating,  and 
in  larger  groups  of  men,  as  well  as  in  individuals,  it  is  apt  to  alternate 
with  the  hardest  kind  of  selfishness.  Nor  will  the  waste  of  war  and 
the  impoverishment  that  follows  in  its  train  serve  as  a  deterrent.  In 
moments  of  passion,  a  kind  of  frenzy  is  apt  to  be  generated ;  all 
considerations  of  advantage  are  apt  to  be  thrown  to  the  winds  ;  and 
all  the  arguments  that  an  enlightened  selfishness  can  produce  are 
addressed  to  deaf  ears.  Nor  will  the  growth  of  democracy  prove 
a  sufficient  safeguard  against  the  plague  of  war.  On  the  contrary,  a 
novel  peril  appears  in  the  contagious  rapidity  with  which  emotional 
excitement  is  propagated  among  crowds  ;  and  democracies,  as  ex- 
perience has  shown,  are  quite  as  ready  to  kindle  at  the  thought  of 
conquest  and  are  quite  as  likely  to  become  delirious  at  the  bare 
suspicion  of  an  affront  to  national  honour  as  single  rulers  or  aris- 
tocracies. A  stronger  motive  is  needed  ;  one  that  will  appeal,  not  so 
much  to  ephemeral  feeling  or  to  the  baser  selfish  instincts  as  to  the 
most  permanent  and  the  loftiest  of  human  interests,  if,  in  the 
long  run,  the  objects  which  the  peace  movement  has  in  view  are 
to  be  achieved.  Not  peace  itself,  but  the  ends  which  peace  is  to 
subserve,  should  be  held  up  to  view.  As  Anaxagoras  observed  to 
Pericles,  "  They  who  desire  the  lamp,  will  feed  the  oil "  :  they  who 
desire  the  lamp  and  light  of  ultimate  right  international  relations, 
will  be  the  most  effective  workers  for  the  peace  which  is  the  sine  qua 
non  of  such  relations. 

The  purpose  of  this  paper  is  really  fulfilled  in  what  has  already 
been  said.  What  remains  is  a  short  statement,  intended  to  serve,  by 
way  of  illustration,  of  the  ideal  principle  as  apprehended  by  the 
writer.  This  principle  is  that  of  the  organisation  of  humanity.  It 
is  sometimes  hastily  assumed  that  society  is  actually  an  organism.2 

1  The  above  remarks  are  not  intended  to  encourage  the  construction  of  Utopias, 
although  even  these  have  their  value  ;  yet  it  is  impossible  to  look  ahead  far  enough  to 
elaborate  in  detail  the  picture  of  a  desirable  condition  of  human  life  in  the  distant 
future.  This  will  depend  on  conditions  and  changes  in  condition  which  no  one  can 
now  forecast.  It  is  possible,  however,  to  formulate  a  point  of  view,  a  principle,  and 
a  rule  of  conduct  which  shall  determine  the  actions  of  men  in  the  effort  to  secure  the 
desirable  future.  Attempts  at  such  formulations  within  the  narrower  political  circum- 
scription of  the  State  have  not  been  wanting.  It  is  the  plea  of  this  paper  that  they 
should  be  more  bravely  applied  to  the  relations  of  State  with  State,  and  that  the 
problems  of  international  ethics,  as  distinct  from  international  law,  should  be  more 
vigorously  attacked. 

*  The  word  "  organism"  in  the  above  is  used  for  lack  of  a  better.  In  reality,  a  new 
coinage  is  needed.  A  term  like  "  met-organic,1'  formed  on  the  analogy  of  met-empirical, 


264  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

This  is  far  from  being  the  case.  But  the  goal  to  be  kept  in  view, 
the  directive  principle,  is  that  of  the  progressive  organisation  of  the 
relations  between  peoples  and  racial  groups. 

And  in  the  concept  "  organisation  "  are  involved  two  postulates. 
One  is  the  obligation  to  promote  the  utmost  differentiation  of  the 
types  of  culture,  the  utmost  variety  and  richness  in  the  expression  of 
the  fundamental  human  faculties.  The  garden  of  humanity  should 
present  the  spectacle  of  flowers  infinitely  varied  in  hue  and  fragrance. 
The  human  orchard  should  include  trees  bearing  the  most  diverse 
fruit  It  has  often  been  said  that  greed  and  the  lust  of  dominion  are 
the  principal  causes  of  strife  among  nations.  But  it  is  certain  that 
conceit  in  regard  to  one's  own  type  of  culture  is  equally  one  of 
the  great  contributing  causes  of  war.  This  sort  of  conceit  was 
characteristic  of  the  ancients — Greeks,  Romans,  Hebrews,  &c. — but 
it  is  no  less  conspicuous  at  the  present  time,  especially  among  those 
who  prefix  the  syllable  "  pan  "  to  their  racial  designations — the  Pan- 
Slavists,  the  Pan-Teutons,  and  those  who  believe  in  extending  the 
predominance  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  over  the  whole  globe,  &c. 

Even  some  of  the  wisest  of  philosophers  have  fallen  a  prey  to 
this  delusion,  this  species  of  conceit.  A  man  like  Fichte,  for 
instance,  who  is  particularly  esteemed  on  account  of  his  ethical 
sensitiveness,  represents  his  own  people,  the  Germans,  as  the  elect 
priesthood  of  culture,  the  torch-bearers  from  whom  all  others  are 
to  receive  their  light.  It  may  be  remarked  by  the  way  that  this 
curious  spiritual  arrogance,  this  over-straining  of  claims,  is  probably 

might  be  more  suitable.  Such  words  as  "  organism  "  and  "  organisation  "  suggest  the 
animal  organism  as  a  prototype  to  be  copied  ;  but  wherever  the  notion  of  organism 
has  been  restricted  to  this  prototype  the  results  have  been  ethically  undesirable.  For, 
in  the  animal  as  in  the  plant,  there  is  ever  some  one  pre-eminent  organ  or  organs 
in  which  the  significance  of  the  whole  is  emphasised  and  to  which  the  other 
organs  and  their  functions  are  subordinated  ;  hence,  when  biological  analogies  are 
pressed,  when  the  animal  organism  is  taken  as  the  pattern  on  which  the  human  world 
is  to  be  fashioned,  the  resulting  social  systems  are  of  an  aristocratic  or  monarchical 
character — some  one  function,  like  the  military  or  the  priestly,  being  assigned  the 
role  of  expressing  the  life  and  purpose  of  the  society  as  a  whole,  and  all  other  social 
functions  and  those  who  perform  them  being  treated  as  subservient.  It  is  for  this 
reason  that  the  organic  theory  of  the  State  has,  in  modern  times,  become  suspect,  as 
associated  with  reactionary  tendencies. 

The  met-organic  idea,  on  the  other  hand,  is  spiritual,  and  not  animal,  in  derivation. 
Its  distinguishing  feature  is  that  it  excludes  the  notion  of  menial  functions  and 
functionaries.  The  distinction  between  high  and  low  is  empirical  and  based  on  the 
consideration  of  value.  The  spiritual  view  is  based  on  the  consideration  of  worth. 
And  worth  resides  in  every  member  of  the  social  body,  no  matter  how  humble  the 
station  he  occupies,  in  so  far,  namely,  as  he  discharges  his  particular  function  with 
the  whole  in  mind,  that  is  to  say,  with  a  view  of  so  fulfilling  his  function  as  to 
promote  thereby  the  reciprocally  stimulative  interplay  of  the  whole  system  of 
functions. 

On  this  point  a  bare  allusion  must  here  suffice,  to  prevent  confusion  of  the  term 
used  with  the  current  biological  conceptions.  A  (fuller  statement  will  be  attempted 
elsewhere. 


FIFTH    SESSION  265 

due  to  the  absence,  as  yet,  of  assured  recognition  for  national  claims, 
however  just.  The  bellum  omnium  contra  omnes  still  looms  up  as  a 
constantly  menacing  possibility  in  international  affairs  ;  and  hence 
any  people  with  a  literature  of  its  own,  an  art  of  its  own,  legal 
and  religious  institutions  that  correspond  to  its  Volksgeist — any 
people,  in  a  word,  that  has  created  a  specific  culture-type,  and 
rightly  cherishes  it,  is  still  compelled  to  face  the  eventuality  of 
hostile  neighbours  attacking  and  destroying  the  spiritual  fruitage 
it  has  produced.  But  whatever  the  cause,  it  is  certain  that  pride 
of  culture — t.e.t  of  one's  own  specific  culture,  as  superior  to  every  other 
— is  one  of  the  chief  elements  of  danger  in  the  international  situation. 

The  principle  of  organisation  is  designed  to  procure  a  modifi- 
cation, in  this  respect,  of  the  opinion  of  the  educated  classes  in  all 
countries — for  the  educated  classes  are,  after  all,  the  leaders  of  the 
uneducated,  and  there  is  reason  to  hope  that  if  a  less  provincial  con- 
ception of  culture  shall  have  gained  ground  among  the  former,  it  will 
gradually  be  extended  to  the  latter.  At  any  rate,  we  must  depend 
for  the  peace  and  progress  of  the  world  upon  the  formation  of  a 
horizontal  upper  layer  of  cultured  persons  among  all  the  more 
civilised  peoples — a  cross-section,  as  it  were,  of  the  nations,  whose 
convictions  and  sentiments  shall  supply  the  moral  force  on  which 
international  arbitration  courts  and  similar  agencies  will  have  to 
depend. 

The  one  postulate,  then,  of  the  principle  we  are  discussing  is 
that  variety  of  the  types  of  civilisation  among  mankind — rather 
than  the  universal  prevalence  of  a  single  type,  the  others  being 
suppressed — is  desirable,  and  not  only  desirable,  but  the  ethical 
aim  towards  which  the  efforts  of  the  genuine  lovers  of  progress 
should  be  bent.  It  may  seem  strange  that  a  proposition  of  this 
kind  requires  to  be  emphasised ;  and  yet  this  is  undoubtedly 
necessary  in  view  of  the  tendencies  now  clearly  prevailing  in  the 
opposite  direction.  Surely  the  interdependence  of  the  different 
species  of  culture  is  a  patent  fact.  Surely  the  reciprocal  influence 
of  French,  Italian,  English,  German  culture  on  each  other  is 
obvious  to  the  most  casual  student  of  history.  Surely  the  educated 
Englishman  of  to-day  would  have,  as  it  were,  a  limb  of  his  own 
intellectual  life  amputated,  would  be  seriously  impoverished  in  his 
own  spiritual  being,  if  Germany  and  German  civilisation  were  to  be 
obliterated,  or  their  further  growth  violently  checked,  and  conversely  ; 
and  so  of  all  the  rest.  It  is  often  said  that  the  financial  and  economic 
interests  of  different  nations  are  now  so  intimately  bound  up  with  one 
another  that  war  is  becoming  foolish,  because  after  a  victorious  war 
the  conqueror  would  find  himself  worse  off  economically,  on  account 
of  the  destruction  of  capital  which  he  has  inflicted  on  the  conquered. 


266  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

But  if  this  be  true  of  material  interests,  how  much  more  is  it  true  of 
spiritual  interests  ! 

The  second  postulate  involved  in  the  principle  of  organisation 
is  that  any  particular  culture-type  is  not  only  stimulated  and  enriched 
by  the  absorption  of  elements  derived  from  elsewhere,  but  that  the 
flaws,  as  well  as  the  excellent  features  of  any  type  of  culture,  may  be 
best  detected  in  the  effect  it  produces  on  other  types.  Of  us  as 
individuals  it  may  be  said  that  we  live  in  our  radiations  ;  that  the 
kind  of  influence  we  exert  upon  those  with  whom  we  come  in  con- 
tact is  the  truest  measure  of  the  degree  of  perfection  or  imperfection 
inherent  in  us.  And  the  same  is  true  of  the  larger  collective  groups 
of  men.  The  qualities  and  defects  of  Occidental  civilisation,  for 
instance,  nowhere  appear  so  strikingly  as  in  the  effect  we  have  pro- 
duced on  Oriental  peoples.  In  some  respects  this  effect  has  been 
palpably  beneficial.  The  mechanical  inventions,  the  science,  the 
educational  methods  of  the  West  have  been  imported  into  the 
East,  and  in  countries  like  Japan,  and  to  some  extent  in  China, 
are  being  rapidly  assimilated.  On  the  other  hand,  we  have  inflicted 
incalculable  spiritual  harm  upon  the  nations  of  the  East  by  under- 
mining the  religious  foundations  upon  which  their  civilisation  has 
rested,  and  by  failing  to  replace  adequately  the  supports  which  we  are 
breaking  down.  One  of  the  profoundest  problems  of  the  world  to-day 
is  here  apparent — the  problem  of  what  is  ultimately  to  be  the  result 
of  the  intrusion  of  Western  thought,  Western  science,  Western  forms  of 
government,  upon  great  populations  whose  Volksgeist  rejects  Western 
agnosticism,  and  who  have  shown  but  a  limited  degree  of  receptivity 
to  Western  forms  of  religion.  And  the  ill  effects  which  we  have 
wrought,  and  which  it  is  to  be  feared  our  influence  may  further  oper- 
ate in  the  future — do  they  not  reveal  in  glaring  fashion  the  dis- 
harmonies that  exist  within  our  own  Western  civilisation,  the  broken 
unity  of  life  from  which  we  ourselves  suffer,  the  onesidedness  and 
unsatisfactoriness  of  the  type  of  culture  by  which  we  attempt  to  live  ? 

The  thought  I  am  aiming  to  express  is  that  the  give-and-take 
relation  between  the  culture-types  (and  the  more  numerous  and 
varied  they  are,  the  better)  not  only  serves  the  purpose  of  enrich- 
ment, not  only  serves  to  prevent  ossification  and  decay,  but  also 
serves  to  expose  the  weak  points  at  which  radical  efforts  at  recupera- 
tion and  improvement  are  requisite.  If  humanity  is  ever  to  become  a 
corpus  organicum  spirituale — and  that  is  the  aim — then  a  conception 
based  on  reciprocity  of  cultural  influence,  favourable  to  the  greatest 
possible  variety  of  types,  and  assuring  to  the  different  groups  of  man- 
kind their  integrity  as  distinct  members,  in  order  that  they  may 
make  manifest  the  distinctive  gifts  with  which  Nature  has  endowed 
them,  seems  unavoidable. 


FIFTH   SESSION  267 

It  has  been  said  of  late  that,  however  moral  considerations  may 
prevail  between  individuals,  the  rule  upon  which  nations  must  act  is 
the  rule  of  selfishness.  If  we  are  ever  to  get  beyond  this  barbarous 
view,  it  must  be  with  the  help  of  an  ideal  principle  which  shall  teach 
the  wiser  national  self-love  as  against  this  crude  national  selfishness, 
and  which  shall  make  it  plain  that  the  ends  of  the  wiser  self-love  are 
only  to  be  attained  by  fostering  the  seemingly  alien  ends  of  others. 

The  space  at  my  command  does  not  permit  more  than  this  short 
sketch ;  nor  is  it  possible  to  do  more  than  state  two  practical 
objects  upon  which,  in  obedience  to  the  considerations  here  presented, 
our  endeavours  might  be  concentrated.  The  one  relates  to  our 
dealings  with  the  uncivilised  races.  To  them  should  be  applied 
what  may  be  called  the  "  methods  of  race  pedagogy."  Close  atten- 
tion should  be  paid  to  any  experiments  that  have  up  to  now  been 
conducted  in  the  schooling  of  primitive  communities;  the  conditions 
of  success,  where  a  measure  of  success  has  been  achieved,  should  be 
noted,  and  new  experiments  of  this  kind  should  be  undertaken  on  a 
large  scale.  Systematic  agricultural  and  industrial  training  seem, 
perhaps,  to  promise,  in  the  case  of  the  backward  races,  the  best  results. 
But  no  efforts  of  this  kind  can  be  considered  exemplary  which  are  not 
animated  by  a  disinterested  desire  to  benefit  the  people  to  be  educated. 
With  some  fine  exceptions,  we  have  had,  until  now,  chiefly  exploita- 
tion of  the  backward  races  :  on  the  one  hand,  inhumane  exploitation 
for  the  sole  benefit  of  the  exploiters;  and  then,  again,  humane  treat- 
ment of  the  backward  races,  but  still  for  the  benefit  of  the  exploiters, 
on  the  assumption  that  kindness  and  patience  in  the  long  run  pay 
best.  What  is  now  needed  is  humane  treatment  of  the  backward 
races  for  the  benefit  of  those  races  themselves — that  is,  in  the  long 
run  for  the  benefit  of  humanity  in  general 

And  the  second  practical  object  to  which  attention  should  be 
devoted  relates  to  the  intellectual  and  moral  equipment  of  colonial 
administrators  and  members  of  the  diplomatic  service.  If  the  ethical 
conception  here  presented  be  valid,  the  greatest  stress  should  be 
laid,  in  the  case  of  those  who  come  into  direct  influential  contact  with 
foreign  groups,  on  a  detailed  study  by  them  of  the  people  to  whom 
they  are  sent — of  their  customs,  manners,  laws,  literature,  religion,  and 
art  And  it  should  be  the  aim  of  those  who  direct  such  studies  to 
engender  in  the  students  a  generous  appreciation  of  all  that  is  fine 
and  worthy  in  the  character  and  culture  of  the  alien  people.  For 
only  friendliness  will  secure  a  hearing,  and  only  those  who  sincerely 
appreciate  the  excellent  qualities  of  foreigners  can  help  them  over- 
come their  deficiencies  and  lead  them  along  the  path  of  further 
progressive  development. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


268  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

THE   JEWISH    RACE 
By   ISRAEL  ZANGWILL,  London. 

To  sum  up  in  a  few  thousand  words  a  race  which  has  energised  for 
four  thousand  years  is  a  task  which  can  only  be  executed,  if  at  all, 
by  confining  oneself  to  elementals.  And  of  these  elementals  the  first 
and  most  important  is  the  soul  of  the  people.  The  soul  of  the  Jewish 
race  is  best  seen  in  the  Bible,  saturated  from  the  first  page  of  the  Old 
Testament  to  the  last  page  of  the  New  with  the  aspiration  for  a 
righteous  social  order,  and  an  ultimate  unification  of  mankind  of 
which,  in  all  specifically  Jewish  literature,  the  Jewish  race  is  to  be 
the  medium  and  missionary.  Wild  and  rude  as  were  the  beginnings 
of  this  race,  frequent  as  were  its  backslidings,  and  great  as  were — 
and  are — its  faults,  this  aspiration  is  continuous  in  its  literature  even 
up  to  the  present  day.  There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the 
historic  texts  of  the  Old  Testament  were  redacted  in  the  interests  of 
this  philosophy  of  history,  but  this  pious  falsification  is  very  different 
from  the  self-glorification  of  all  other  epics.  Israel  appears  through- 
out not  as  a  hero,  but  as  a  sinner  who  cannot  rise  to  his  r61e  of 
redeemer,  of  "  servant  of  the  Lord " — that  r61e  of  service,  not 
dominance,  for  which  his  people  was  "chosen."  The  Talmud,  the 
innumerable  volumes  of  saintly  Hebrew  thought,  the  Jewish  liturgy, 
whether  in  its  ancient  or  its  mediaeval  strata,  the  "  modernist  "  plat- 
forms of  reformed  American  synagogues,  all  echo  and  re-echo  this 
conception  of  "  the  Jewish  mission."  Among  the  masses  it  naturally 
transformed  itself  into  nationalism,  but  even  this  narrower  concept  of 
"  the  chosen  people  "  found  poetic  expression  as  a  tender  intimacy 
between  God  and  Israel.  "  With  everlasting  love  hast  Thou  loved 
the  house  of  Israel,  Thy  people ;  a  Law  and  commandments,  statutes 
and  judgments,  hast  Thou  taught  us.  ...  Blessed  art  Thou,  O  Lord, 
who  lovest  Thy  people,  Israel."  Such  is  the  evening  benediction  still 
uttered  by  millions  of  Hebrew  lips. 

And  the  performance  of  this  Law  and  these  commandments, 
statutes,  and  judgments,  covering  as  they  did  the  whole  of  life,  pro- 
duced— despite  the  tendency  of  all  law  to  over-formality — a  domestic 
ritual  of  singular  beauty  and  poetry,  a  strenuous  dietary  and  religious 
regime,  and  tender  and  self-controlling  traits  of  character,  which  have 
combined  to  make  the  Jewish  masses  as  far  above  their  non-Jewish 
environment  as  the  Jewish  wealthier  classes  are  below  theirs.  No 
demos  in  the  world  is  so  saturated  with  idealism  and  domestic  virtue, 
and  when  it  is  compared  with  the  yet  uncivilised  and  brutalised 
masses  of  Europe,  when,  for  example,  the  lowness  of  its  infantile 
mortality  or  the  healthiness  of  its  school  children  is  contrasted  with 


FIFTH   SESSION  269 

the  appalling  statistics  of  its  neighbours,  there  is  sound  scientific 
warrant  for  endorsing  even  in  its  narrowest  form  its  claim  to  be  "  a 
chosen  people." 

This  extraordinary  race  arose  as  a  pastoral  clan  in  Mesopotamia, 
roved  to  Palestine,  thence  to  Egypt,  and  after  a  period  of  slavery 
returned  to  Palestine  as  conquerors  and  agriculturists,  there  to 
practise  the  theocratic  code  imposed  by  Moses  (perhaps  the  noblest 
figure  in  all  history),  and  to  evolve  in  the  course  of  the  ages  a  poetic 
and  prophetic  literature  of  unparalleled  sublimity.  That  union  of 
spirituality,  intellectuality,  and  fighting-power  in  the  breed,  which 
raised  it  above  all  ancient  races  except  the  Greek,  was  paid  for  by  an 
excessive  individualism  which  distracted  and  divided  the  State. 
Jerusalem  fell  before  the  legions  of  Titus.  But  half  a  century  before 
it  fell  it  had  produced  Christianity,  and  thus  entered  on  a  new 
career  of  world-conquest.  And  five  centuries  after  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem,  its  wandering  scions  had  impregnated  Mohammed  with 
the  ideas  of  Islam.  Half  the  world  was  thus  won  for  Hebraism  in 
some  form  or  other  and  the  notion  of  "  the  Jewish  mission  "  trium- 
phantly vindicated.  A  nucleus  of  the  race,  however,  still  persisted, 
partly  by  nationalist  instinct,  partly  by  the  faith  that  its  doctrines 
had  been  adulterated  by  illegitimate  elements  and  its  mission  was 
still  unaccomplished  ;  and  it  is  this  persistence  to-day  of  a  Hebrew 
population  of  twelve  millions — a  Jewdom  larger  than  any  that  its 
ancient  conquerors  had  ever  boasted  of  crushing — which  constitutes 
the  much-discussed  Jewish  problem. 

But  there  was  a  Jewish  diaspora  even  before  Jerusalem  fell — 
settlements  of  Jews  all  round  the  Mediterranean,  looking,  however, 
to  Jerusalem  as  a  national  and  religious  centre.  The  Book  of  Esther 
is  historically  dubious,  but  it  contains  one  passage  which  is  a  summary 
of  Jewish  history:  "And  Haman  said  unto  King  Ahasuerus,  There 
is  a  certain  people  scattered  abroad  and  dispersed  among  the  people 
in  all  the  provinces  of  thy  kingdom,  and  their  laws  are  diverse  from 
all  people  ;  neither  keep  they  the  King's  laws  :  therefore  it  is  not  for 
the  King's  profit  to  suffer  them.  If  it  please  the  King,  let  it  be 
written  that  they  may  be  destroyed."  The  Jewish  problem  in  fact, 
from  the  Gentile  point  of  view,  is  entirely  artificial.  It  springs 
exclusively  from  Christian  or  heathen  injustice  and  intolerance,  from 
the  oppression  of  minorities,  from  the  universal  law  of  dislike  for  the 
unlike.  In  Russia,  which  harbours  nearly  half  of  his  race,  the  Jew 
is  confined  to  a  Pale  and  forbidden  the  villages  even  of  that  Pale,  he 
is  cramped  and  crippled  at  every  phase  of  his  existence,  he  must 
fight  for  Russia  but  cannot  advance  in  the  Army  or  the  Navy  or  the 
Government  service,  except  at  the  price  of  baptism.  Occasionally 
bands  of  Black  Hundreds  are  loosed  upon  him  in  bloody  pogroms, 


270  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

but  his  everyday  existence  has  not  even  this  tragic  dignity.  It  is  a 
sordid  story  of  economic  oppression  designed  to  keep  this  mere  4  per 
cent,  of  the  population  from  dominating  Holy  Russia.  Ten  years 
ago  Count  Pahlen's  Commission  reported  that  "  90  per  cent,  of  the 
Jews  in  the  Pale  have  no  staple  occupation,"  and  if  the  Government 
enforces  the  Sunday  Law  recently  passed  by  the  Duma,  it  means 
that  they  will  in  many  cases  be  forced  to  choose  between  their  own 
Sabbath  and  semi-starvation.  Already  the  ancient  hope  and  virtue 
of  the  most  cheerful  of  races  are  slowly  asphyxiating  in  the  never- 
lifting  fog  of  poverty  and  persecution.  A  similar  situation  in 
Roumania,  if  on  a  smaller  scale  as  affecting  only  a  quarter  of  a 
million  of  Jews,  is  accentuated  in  bitterness  by  Roumania's  refusal  to 
fulfil  the  obligation  of  equal  treatment  she  undertook  at  the  Berlin 
Congress,  and  the  passivity  of  the  Powers  in  presence  of  violated 
treaties  adds  to  the  Jewish  tragedy  the  tragedy  of  a  world  grown 
callous  of  its  own  spiritual  interests.  The  Jews,  whose  connection 
with  Roumania  is  at  least  fifteen  centuries  old,  are  not  even  classed 
as  citizens.  They  are  "  vagabonds."  In  Morocco  the  situation  of  the 
Jews  is  one  of  unspeakable  humiliation.  They  are  confined  to  a 
Mellah,  and,  as  the  Moroccan  proverb  puts  it,  "One  may  kill  as 
many  as  seven  Jews  without  being  punished."  The  Jews  have  even 
to  pickle  the  heads  of  decapitated  rebels.  Tested  by  the  Judaeo- 
meter,  Germany  herself  is  still  uncivilised,  for  if  she  has  had  no 
Dreyfus  case,  it  is  perhaps  because  no  Jew  is  permitted  military  rank. 
Even  in  America,  with  its  lip-formula  of  brotherhood,  a  gateless 
Ghetto  has  been  created  by  the  isolation  of  the  Jews  from  the 
general  social  life. 

But  if  from  the  Gentile  point  of  view  the  Jewish  problem  is  an 
artificial  creation,  there  is  a  very  real  Jewish  problem  from  the  Jewish 
point  of  view — a  problem  which  grows  in  exact  proportion  to  the 
diminution  of  the  artificial  problem.  Orthodox  Judaism  in  the 
diaspora  cannot  exist  except  in  a  Ghetto,  whether  imposed  from 
without  or  evolved  from  within.  Rigidly  professing  Jews  cannot 
enter  the  general  social  life  and  the  professions.  Jews  qua  Jews 
were  better  off  in  the  Dark  Ages,  living  as  chattels  of  the  King 
under  his  personal  protection  and  to  his  private  profit,  or  in  the  ages 
when  they  were  confined  in  Ghettos.  Even  in  the  Russian  Pale  a 
certain  measure  of  autonomy  still  exists.  It  is  emancipation  that 
brings  the  Jewish  "Jewish  problem."  It  is  precisely  in  Italy  with  its 
Jewish  Prime  Minister  and  its  Jewish  Syndic  of  Rome  that  this 
problem  is  most  acute.  The  Saturday  Sabbath  imposes  economic 
limitations  even  when  the  State  has  abolished  them.  As  Shylock 
pointed  out,  his  race  cannot  eat  or  drink  with  the  Gentile.  Indeed, 
social  intercourse  would  lead  to  intermarriage.  Unless  Judaism  is 


FIFTH    SESSION  271 

reformed  it  is,  in  the  language  of  Heine,  a  misfortune,  and  if  it  is 
reformed,  it  cannot  logically  confine  its  teachings  to  the  Hebrew  race, 
which,  lacking  the  normal  protection  of  a  territory,  must  be  swallowed 
up  by  its  proselytes. 

The  comedy  and  tragedy  of  Jewish  existence  to-day  derive 
primarily  from  this  absence  of  a  territory  in  which  the  race  could 
live  its  own  life.  For  the  religion  which  has  preserved  it  through  the 
long  dark  centuries  of  dispersion  has  also  preserved  its  territorial 
traditions  in  an  almost  indissoluble  amalgam  of  religion  and  history. 
Palestine  soil  clings  all  about  the  roots  of  the  religion,  which  has, 
however,  only  been  transplanted  at  the  cost  of  fossilisation.  The  old 
agricultural  festivals  are  observed  at  seasons  with  which,  in  many 
lands  of  the  exile,  they  have  no  natural  connection.  The  last 
national  victory  celebrated — that  of  Judas  Maccabaeus — is  two 
thousand  years  old  ;  the  last  popular  fast  dates  from  the  first 
century  of  the  Christian  era.  The  Jew  agonising  in  the  Russian 
Pale  rejoices  automatically  in  his  Passover  of  Freedom,  in  his 
exodus  from  Egypt.  Even  while  the  tribal  traits  had  still  the 
potential  fluidity  of  life,  neither  Greeks  nor  Romans  could  change 
this  tenacious  race.  Its  dispersion  from  Palestine  merely  indurated 
its  traditions  by  freeing  them  from  the  possibility  of  common  develop- 
ment. The  religious  customs  defended  by  Josephus  against  Apion 
are  still  the  rule  of  the  majority.  Even  new  traits  superimposed  by 
their  history  upon  fractions  of  the  race  are  conserved  with  equal 
tenacity.  The  Jews  expelled  from  Spain  in  1492  still  retain  a 
sub-loyalty  to  the  King  of  Spain  and  speak  a  Spanish  idiom, 
printed  in  Hebrew  characters,  which  preserves  in  the  Orient  words 
vanished  from  the  lips  of  actual  Spaniards  and  to  be  found  only 
in  Cervantes. 

This  impotency  to  create  afresh — which  is  the  negative  aspect 
of  conservatism — translated  itself,  after  the  final  revolt  of  Bar  Cochba 
against  the  Romans  early  in  the  second  century,  into  a  pious  resig- 
nation. The  Jewish  exile  was  declared  to  be  the  will  of  God,  which 
it  was  even  blasphemous  to  struggle  against,  and  the  Jews,  in  a 
strange  and  unique  congruity  with  the  teachings  of  the  prophet  they 
rejected,  turned  the  other  cheek  to  the  smiter  and  left  to  Caesar  the 
things  that  were  Caesar's,  concentrating  themselves  in  every  land 
of  the  exile  upon  industry,  domesticity,  and  a  transmuted  religion, 
in  which  realities  were  desiccated  into  metaphors,  and  the  Temple 
sacrifices  sublimated  into  prayers.  Rabbinic  opportunism,  while  on 
the  one  hand  keeping  alive  the  hope  that  these  realities,  however 
gross,  would  come  back  in  God's  good  time,  went  so  far  in  the  other 
direction  as  to  lay  it  down  that  the  law  of  the  land  was  the  law 
of  the  Jews.  Everything  in  short — in  this  transitional  period  between 


272  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

the  ancient  glory  and  the  Messianic  era  to  come — was  sacrificed 
to  the  ideal  of  mere  survival.  The  mediaeval  teacher  Maimonides 
laid  it  down  that  to  preserve  life  even  Judaism  might  be  abandoned 
in  all  but  its  holiest  minimum.  Thus — under  the  standing  menace 
of  massacre  and  spoliation — arose  Crypto-Jews  or  Marranos,  who, 
frequently  at  the  risk  of  the  stake  or  sword,  carried  on  their  Judaism 
in  secret.  Catholics  in  Spain  and  Portugal,  Protestants  in  England, 
they  were  in  Egypt  or  Turkey  Mohammedans.  Indeed,  the  Donmeh 
still  flourish  in  Salonika  and  provide  the  Young  Turks  with  states- 
men ;  the  Balearic  Islands  still  shelter  the  Chuetas,  and  only  half 
a  century  ago  persecution  produced  the  Yedil-al-Islam  in  Central 
Asia.  Russia  must  be  full  of  Greek  Christians  who  have  remained 
Jewish  at  heart.  Last  year  a  number  of  Russian  Jews,  shut  out 
from  a  University  career  and  seeking  the  lesser  apostasy,  became 
Mohammedans,  only  to  find  that  for  them  the  Trinity  was  the  sole 
avenue  to  educational  and  social  salvation. 

Where  existence  could  be  achieved  legally,  yet  not  without  social 
inferiority,  a  minor  form  of  Crypto-Judaism  was  begotten,  which 
prevails  to-day  in  most  lands  of  Jewish  emancipation,  among  its 
symptoms  being  change  of  names,  accentuated  local  patriotism, 
accentuated  abstention  from  Jewish  affairs,  and  even  anti-Semitism 
mimetically  absorbed  from  the  environment.  Indeed,  Marranoism, 
both  in  its  major  and  minor  forms,  may  be  regarded  as  an  exemplifi- 
cation of  the  Darwinian  theory  of  protective  colouring.  This 
pervasive  assimilating  force  acts  even  upon  the  most  faithful, 
undermining  more  subtly  than  persecution  the  life-conceptions  so 
tenaciously  perpetuated. 

Nor  is  there  anywhere  in  the  Jewish  world  of  to-day  any  centri- 
petal force  to  counteract  these  universal  tendencies  to  dissipation. 
The  religion  is  shattered  into  as  many  fragments  as  the  race.  After 
the  fall  of  Jerusalem  the  Academy  of  Jabneh  carried  on  the  authori- 
tative tradition  of  the  Sanhedrin.  In  the  Middle  Ages  there  was  the 
Asefah  or  Synod  to  unify  Jews  under  Judaism.  From  the  middle  of 
the  sixteenth  to  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  Waad 
or  Council  of  Four  Lands  legislated  almost  autonomously  in  those 
central  European  regions  where  the  mass  of  the  Jews  of  the  world 
was  then  congregated.  To-day  there  is  no  centre  of  authority, 
whether  religious  or  political.  Reform  itself  is  infinitely  individual, 
and  nothing  remains  outside  a  few  centres  of  congestion  but  a  chaos 
of  dissolving  views  and  dissolving  communities,  saved  from  utter 
disappearance  by  persecution  and  racial  sympathy.  The  notion  that 
Jewish  interests  are  Jesuitically  federated  or  that  Jewish  financiers 
use  their  power  for  Jewish  ends  is  one  of  the  most  ironic  of  myths. 
No  Jewish  people  or  nation  now  exists,  no  Jews  even  as  sectarians  of 


FIFTH   SESSION  273 

a  specific  faith  with  a  specific  centre  of  authority  such  as  Catholics 
or  Wesleyans  possess  ;  nothing  but  a  multitude  of  individuals,  a  mob 
hopelessly  amorphous,  divided  alike  in  religion  and  political  destiny. 
There  is  no  common  platform  from  which  the  Jews  can  be  addressed, 
no  common  council  to  which  any  appeal  can  be  made.  Their  only 
unity  is  negative — that  unity  imposed  by  the  hostile  hereditary 
vision  of  the  ubiquitous  Haman.  They  live  in  what  scientists  call 
symbiosis  with  every  other  people,  each  group  surrendered  to  its 
own  local  fortunes.  This  habit  of  dispersed  and  dependent  existence 
has  become  second  nature,  and  the  Jews  are  the  first  to  doubt 
whether  they  could  now  form  a  polity  of  their  own.  Like  Aunt 
Judy  in  John  Bults  Other  Island^  who  declined  to  breakfast  out 
of  doors  because  the  open  air  was  "  not  natural,"  the  bulk  of  the 
Jews  consider  a  Jewish  State  as  a  political  perversion.  There  are  no 
subjects  more  zealous  for  their  adopted  fatherlands ;  indeed,  they 
are  only  too  patriotic.  There  are  no  Ottomans  so  Young-Turkish 
as  the  Turkish  Jews,  no  Americans  so  spread-eagle  as  the  American 
Jews,  no  section  of  Britain  so  Jingo  as  Anglo-Jewry,  which  even 
converts  the  Chanukah  Celebration  of  Maccabsean  valour  into  a 
British  military  festival.  Of  the  two  British  spies  now  confined 
in  German  fortresses  one  is  a  Jew.  The  French  Jewry  and  the 
German  reproduce  in  miniature  the  Franco-German  rivalries,  and 
the  latter  even  apes  the  aggressive  Welt-Politik.  All  this  ultra- 
patriotism  is  probably  due  to  Jews  feeling  consciously  what  the 
other  citizens  take  subconsciously  as  a  matter  of  course ;  doubtless, 
too,  a  certain  measure  of  Marranoism  or  protective  mimicry  enters 
into  the  ostentation.  At  any  rate,  each  section  of  Jewry,  wherever  it 
is  permitted  entrance  into  the  general  life,  invariably  evolves  a  some- 
what overcoloured  version  of  the  life  in  which  it  finds  itself  embedded, 
and  fortunate  must  be  accounted  the  peoples  which  have  at  hand  so 
gifted  and  serviceable  a  race,  proud  to  wear  their  livery. 

What  wonder  that  Jews  are  the  chief  ornaments  of  the  stage,  that 
this  chameleon  quality  finds  its  profit  in  artistic  mimicry  as  well  as 
in  biological.  Rachel,  the  child  of  a  foreign  pedlar  in  a  Paris  slum, 
teaches  purity  of  diction  to  the  Faubourg  St.  Germain  ;  Sarah 
Bernhardt,  the  daughter  of  Dutch  Jews,  carries  the  triumph  of 
French  acting  across  the  Atlantic.  A  Hungarian  Jew,  Ludwig 
Barnay,  played  a  leading  role  in  the  theatrical  history  of  Germany, 
and  another,  von  Sonnenthal,  in  that  of  Austria.  For  if,  like  all 
other  peoples,  the  Jews  can  only  show  a  few  individuals  of  creative 
genius — a  Heine,  a  Spinoza,  a  Josef  Israels,  a  Mendelssohn,  &c. — 
they  flourish  in  all  the  interpretative  arts  out  of  all  proportion  to 
their  numbers.  They  flood  the  concert-platforms — whether  as  con- 
ductors, singers,  or  performers.  As  composers  they  are  more 

T 


274  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

melodious  than  epoch-making.  Till  recently  unpractised  in  paint- 
ing and  sculpture,  they  are  now  copiously  represented  in  every 
gallery  and  movement,  though  only  rarely  as  initiators.  Indeed, 
the  Jew  is  a  born  intermediary,  and  every  form  of  artistic  and 
commercial  agency  falls  naturally  into  his  hands.  He  is  the  con- 
noisseur par  excellence,  the  universal  art-dealer.  His  gift  of  tongues, 
his  relationship  with  all  the  lands  of  the  exile,  mark  him  out  for 
success  in  commerce  and  finance,  in  journalism  and  criticism,  in 
scholarship  and  travel.  It  was  by  their  linguistic  talents  that  the 
adventurous  journeys  of  Arminius  Vambe>y  and  Emin  Pasha  were 
made  possible.  If  a  Russian  Jew,  Berenson,  is  the  chief  authority  on 
Italian  art,  and  George  Brandes,  the  Dane,  is  Europe's  greatest 
critic,  if  Reuter  initiated  telegraphic  news  and  Blowitz  was  the  prince 
of  foreign  correspondents,  if  the  Jewish  Bank  of  Amsterdam  founded 
modern  finance  and  Charles  Frohman  is  the  world's  greatest 
entrepreneur,  all  these  phenomena  find  their  explanation  in  the 
cosmopolitanism  of  the  wandering  Jew.  Lifted  to  the  plane  of 
idealism,  this  cosmopolitan  habit  of  mind  creates  Socialism  through 
Karl  Marx  and  Lassalle,  an  international  language  through  Dr. 
Zamenhof,  the  inventor  of  Esperanto,  a  prophecy  of  the  end  of  war 
through  Jean  de  Bloch,  an  International  Institute  of  Agriculture 
through  David  Lubin,  and  a  Race  Congress  through  Dr.  Felix  Adler. 
For  when  the  Jew  grows  out  of  his  own  Ghetto  without  narrowing 
into  his  neighbour's,  he  must  necessarily  possess  a  superior  sense 
of  perspective. 

As  a  physician  the  Jew's  fame  dates  from  the  Middle  Ages, 
when  he  was  the  bearer  of  Arabian  science,  and  the  tradition  that 
Kings  shall  always  have  Jewish  physicians  is  still  unbroken.  Dr. 
Ehrlich's  recent  discovery  of  "606,"  the  cure  for  syphilis,  and  Dr. 
Haffkine's  inoculation  against  the  plague  in  India,  are  but  links  in 
a  long  chain  of  Jewish  contributions  to  medicine.  Nor  would  it  be 
possible  to  mention  any  other  science,  whether  natural  or  philological, 
to  which  Jewish  professors  have  not  contributed  revolutionising 
ideas.  The  names  of  Lombroso  for  criminology,  Freud  for  psychology, 
Benfey  for  Sanscrit,  Jules  Oppert  for  Assyriology,  Sylvester  and 
Georg  Cantor  for  Mathematics,  and  Mendeleieff  for  Chemistry  (the 
"  Periodic  Law ")  must  suffice  as  examples. 

In  law,  mathematics,  and  philosophy  the  Jew  is  peculiarly  at 
home,  especially  as  an  expounder.  In  chess  he  literally  sweeps 
the  board.  There  is  never  a  contest  for  the  championship  of  the 
world  in  which  both  rivals  are  not  Jews.  Even  the  first  man  to 
fly  (and  die)  was  the  Jew,  Lilienthal. 

But  to  gauge  the  contribution  of  the  Jew  to  the  world's  activity 
is  impossible  here.  To  mention  only  living  Jews,  one  thinks  at 


FIFTH    SESSION  275 

random  of  the  Rothschilds  with  their  ubiquitous  financial  and 
philanthropic  activity,  Sir  Ernest  Cassel  financing  the  irrigation  of 
Egypt,  Mr.  Jacob  Schiff  financing  the  Japanese  war  against 
Russia  and  building  up  the  American  Jewry,  Herr  Ballin  creating 
the  Hamburg  American  Line,  Maximilian  Harden's  bold  political 
journalism,  the  Dutch  jurist  Asser  at  the  Hague  Conference,  or 
the  American  statesman  and  peace-lover,  Oscar  Straus,  the  French 
plays  of  Bernstein  or  the  German  plays  of  Ludwig  Fulda,  or  the 
Dutch  plays  of  Heijermans  or  the  Austrian  plays  of  Schnitzler, 
the  trenchant  writings  of  Max  Nordau,  the  paintings  of  Solomon 
and  Rothenstein,  of  Jules  Adler  and  Max  Liebermann,  the 
archaeological  excavations  of  Waldstein,  Hammerstein  building  the 
English  Opera  House,  Imre  Kiralfy  organising  our  exhibitions; 
Sidney  Lee  editing  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  Sir  Matthew 
Nathan  managing  the  Post  Office,  Meldola  investigating  coal-tar 
dyes,  the  operas  of  Goldmark,  the  music-plays  of  Herr  Oscar  Straus 
and  Humperdinck  (Frau  Max  Bernstein),  the  learned  synopses  of 
Salomon  Reinach,  the  sculpture  of  Antokolsky,  Mischa  Elman  and 
his  violin,  Sir  Rufus  Isaacs  pleading  on  behalf  of  the  Crown,  Signor 
Nathan  polemising  with  the  Pope,  Dr.  Frederick  Cowen  conducting 
one  of  his  own  symphonies,  Michelson  measuring  the  velocity  of 
light,  Lippmann  developing  colour-photography,  Henri  Bergson 
giving  pause  to  Materialism  with  his  new  philosophy  of  Creative 
Evolution,  Br£al  expounding  the  science  of  Semantics,  or  Hermann 
Cohen  his  neo-Kantism,  and  one  wonders  what  the  tale  would  be  both 
for  yesterday  and  to-day  if  every  Jew  wore  a  yellow  badge  and  every 
Crypto-Jew  came  out  into  the  open,  and  every  half-Jew  were  as 
discoverable  as  Montaigne  or  the  composer  of  "  The  Mikado."  The 
Church  could  not  even  write  its  own  history :  that  was  left  for  the 
Jew,  Neander.  To  the  Gentile  the  true  Jewish  problem  should  rather 
be  how  to  keep  the  Jew  in  his  midst — this  rare  I  per  cent,  of  mankind. 
The  elimination  of  all  this  genius  and  geniality  would  surely  not 
enhance  the  gaiety  of  nations.  Without  Disraeli  would  not  England 
lose  her  only  Saint's  Day  ? 

But  the  miracle  remains  that  the  Gentile  world  has  never  yet  seen 
a  Jew,  for  behind  all  these  cosmopolitan  types  which  obsess  its  vision 
stand  inexhaustible  reserves  of  Jewish  Jews — and  the  Talmudic 
mystic,  the  Hebrew-speaking  sage,  remains  as  unknown  to  the 
Western  world  as  though  he  were  hidden  in  the  fastnesses  of  Tibet. 
A  series  of  great  scholars — Geiger,  Zunz,  Steinschneider,  Schechter — 
has  studied  the  immense  Hebrew  literature  produced  from  age  to  age 
in  these  obscure  Jewries.  But  there  is  a  modern  Hebrew  literature, 
too,  a  new  galaxy  of  poets  and  novelists,  philosophers  and  humanists, 
who  express  in  the  ancient  tongue  the  subtlest  shades  of  the  thought 


276  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

of  to-day.  And  there  is  a  still  more  copious  literature  in  Yiddish,  no 
less  rich  in  men  of  talent  and  even  genius,  whose  names  have  rarely 
reached  the  outside  world. 

And  if  the  Jew,  with  that  strange  polarity  which  his  historian 
Graetz  remarked  in  him,  displays  simultaneously  with  the  most  tena- 
cious preservation  of  his  past  the  swiftest  surrender  of  it  that  the 
planet  has  ever  witnessed,  if  we  find  him  entering  with  such  passion- 
ate patriotism  into  almost  every  life  on  earth  but  his  own,  may  not 
even  the  Jewish  patriot  draw  the  compensating  conclusion  that  the 
Jew  therein  demonstrates  the  comparative  superficiality  of  all  these 
human  differences  ?  Like  the  Colonel's  lady  and  Judy  O'Grady,  all 
these  peoples  are  the  same  under  their  skins — as  even  Bismarck  was 
once  constrained  to  remark  when  he  saw  Prussians  and  Frenchmen 
lying  side  by  side  in  the  community  of  death.  Could  Jews  so  readily 
assimilate  to  all  these  types,  were  these  types  fundamentally 
different  ?  The  primitive  notion  of  the  abysmal  separateness  of 
races  can  scarcely  survive  under  Darwinism.  Every  race  is  really 
akin  to  every  other.  Imagine  a  Canine  Congress  debating  if  all 
those  glaring  differences  of  form,  size,  and  colour  could  possibly 
consist  with  an  underlying  and  essential  dogginess. 

Not  only  is  every  race  akin  to  every  other,  but  every  people  is  a 
hotch-potch  of  races.  The  Jews,  though  mainly  a  white  people,  are 
not  even  devoid  of  a  coloured  fringe,  black,  brown,  or  yellow.  There 
are  the  Beni-Israel  of  India,  the  Falashas  of  Abyssinia,  the  dis- 
appearing Chinese  colony  of  Kai-Fung-Foo,  the  Judeos  of  Loango, 
the  black  Jews  of  Cochin,  the  negro  Jews  of  Fernando  Po,  Jamaica, 
Surinam,  &c.,  the  Daggatuns  and  other  warlike  nomads  of  the  North 
African  deserts,  who  remind  us  what  the  conquerors  of  the  Philistines 
were  like.  If  the  Jews  are  in  no  metaphorical  sense  brothers  of  all 
these  peoples,  then  all  these  peoples  are  brothers  of  one  another.  If 
the  Jew  has  been  able  to  enter  into  all  incarnations  of  humanity  and 
to  be  at  home  in  every  environment,  it  is  because  he  is  a  common 
measure  of  humanity.  He  is  the  pioneer  by  which  the  true  race 
theory  has  been  experimentally  demonstrated.  Given  a  white  child, 
it  is  the  geographical  and  spiritual  heritage — the  national  autocosm, 
as  I  have  called  it — into  which  the  child  is  born  that  makes  out 
of  the  common  human  element  the  specific  Frenchman,  American, 
or  Dutchman.  And  even  the  colour  is  not  an  unbridgeable  and 
elemental  distinction. 

Nor  is  it  only  with  living  races  that  the  Jew  has  manifested  his 
and  their  mutual  affinity  :  he  brings  home  to  us  his  brotherhood  and 
ours  with  the  peoples  that  are  dead,  the  Medes,  the  Babylonians, 
the  Assyrians.  If  the  Jew  Paul  proved  that  the  Hebrew  Word  was 
universal,  the  Jews  who  rejected  his  teaching  have  proved  the  univer- 


FIFTH   SESSION  277 

sality  of  the  Hebrew  race.     One  touch  of  Jewry  makes  the  whole 
world  kin. 

The  labours  of  Hercules  sink  into  child's  play  beside  the  task  the 
late  Dr.  Herzl  set  himself  in  offering  to  this  flotsam  and  jetsam 
of  history  the  project  of  political  reorganisation  on  a  single  soil. 
But  even  had  this  dauntless  idealist  secured  co-operation  instead  of 
bitter  hostility  from  the  denaturalised  leaders  of  all  these  Jewries,  the 
attempt  to  acquire  Palestine  would  have  had  the  opposition  of 
Turkey  and  of  the  600,000  Arabs  in  possession.  It  is  little  wonder 
that  since  the  great  leader's  lamentable  death  Zionism — again  with 
that  idealisation  of  impotence — has  sunk  back  into  a  cultural  move- 
ment which,  instead  of  ending  the  exile,  is  to  unify  it  through  the 
Hebrew  tongue  and  nationalist  sentiment.  But  for  such  unification  a 
religious  revival  would  have  been  infinitely  more  efficacious  :  race 
alone  cannot  survive  the  pressure  of  so  many  hostile  milieux — or  still 
more  parlous,  so  many  friendly.  The  Territorial  movement,  repre- 
senting the  original  nucleus  of  the  Herzlian  idea,  is  still  searching  for 
a  real  and  not  a  metaphorical  soil,  its  latest  negotiation  being  with  the 
West  Australian  Government. 

But  if  the  prospect  of  a  territorial  solution  of  the  Jewish  question, 
whether  in  Palestine  or  in  the  New  World,  appears  remote,  it  must 
be  admitted  that  the  Jewish  race,  in  abandoning  before  the  legions  of 
Rome  the  struggle  for  independent  political  existence  in  favour  of 
spiritual  isolation  and  economic  symbiosis,  discovered  the  secret  of 
immortality,  if  also  of  perpetual  motion.  In  the  diaspora  Anti- 
Semitism  will  always  be  the  shadow  of  Semitism.  The  law  of  dislike 
for  the  unlike  will  always  prevail.  And  whereas  the  unlike  is  nor- 
mally situated  at  a  safe  distance,  the  Jews  bring  the  unlike  into  the 
heart  of  every  milieu,  and  must  thus  defend  a  frontier-line  as  large  as 
the  world.  The  fortunes  of  war  vary  in  every  country,  but  there  is  a 
perpetual  tension  and  friction  even  at  the  most  peaceful  points,  which 
tend  to  throw  back  the  race  on  itself.  The  drastic  method  of  love — 
the  only  human  dissolvent — has  never  been  tried  upon  the  Jew  as  a 
whole,  and  Russia  carefully  conserves — even  by  a  ring-fence — the 
breed  she  designs  to  destroy.  But  whether  persecution  extirpates  or 
brotherhood  melts,  hate  or  love  can  never  be  simultaneous  through- 
out the  diaspora,  and  so  there  will  probably  always  be  a  nucleus  from 
which  to  re-stock  this  eternal  type.  But  what  a  melancholy  immor- 
tality !  "  To  be  and  not  to  be  " — that  is  a  question  beside  which 
Hamlet's  alternative  is  crude. 

It  only  remains  to  consider  what  part  the  world  should  be  called 
upon  to  play  in  the  solution  of  this  tragic  problem.  To  preserve  the 
Jews,  whether  as  a  race  or  as  a  religious  community,  is  no  part  of  the 
world's  duty,  nor  would  artificial  preservation  preserve  anything  of 


278  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

value.  Their  salvation  must  come  from  themselves,  though  they  may 
well  expect  at  least  such  sympathy  and  help  as  Italy  and  Greece  found 
in  their  struggles  for  regeneration.  The  world's  duty  is  only  to  pre- 
serve the  ethical  ideals  it  has  so  slowly  and  laboriously  evolved, 
largely  under  Jewish  inspiration.  Civilisation  is  not  called  upon  to 
save  the  Jews,  but  it  is  called  upon  to  save  itself.  And  by  its  treat- 
ment of  the  Jews  it  is  destroying  itself.  If  there  is  no  justice  in 
Venice  for  Shylock,  then  alas  for  Venice ! 

"  If  you  deny  me,  fie  upon  your  law  I 
There  is  no  force  in  the  decrees  of  Venice." 

Even  from  the  economic  standpoint  Russia,  with  her  vast  popula- 
tion of  half-starved  peasants,  is  wasting  one  of  her  most  valuable 
assets  by  crippling  Jewish  activity,  both  industrially  and  geographi- 
cally. In  insisting  that  Russia  abolish  the  Jewish  Pale  I  am  pleading 
for  the  regeneration  of  Russia,  not  of  the  Russian  Jew.  A  first-class 
ballet  is  not  sufficient  to  constitute  a  first-class  people.  Very  truly 
said  Roditchev,  one  of  the  Cadet  leaders,  "  Russia  cannot  enter  the 
Temple  of  Freedom  as  long  as  there  exists  a  Pale  of  Settlement  for  the 
Jews."  But  abolition  of  the  Pale  and  the  introduction  of  Jewish 
equality  will  be  the  deadliest  blow  ever  aimed  at  Jewish  nationality. 
Very  soon  a  fervid  Russian  patriotism  will  reign  in  every  Ghetto,  and 
the  melting-up  of  the  race  begin.  But  this  absorption  of  the  five  or  six 
million  Jews  into  the  other  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  Russia  con- 
stitutes the  Jewish  half  of  the  problem.  It  is  the  affair  of  the  Jews. 

That  the  preservation  of  the  Jewish  race  or  religion  is  no  concern  of 
the  world's  is  a  conclusion  which  saves  the  honest  Jew  from  the  indignity 
of  appealing  to  it.  For  with  what  face  can  the  Jew  appeal  ad  miseri- 
cordiam  before  he  has  made  the  effort  to  solve  his  own  problem  ? 
There  is  no  reason  why  a  race  any  more  than  a  man  should  be  safe- 
guarded against  its  own  unwisdom  and  its  own  flabbiness.  No  race 
can  persist  as  an  entity  that  is  not  ready  to  pay  the  price  of  persist- 
ence. Other  peoples  are  led  by  their  best  and  strongest.  But  the 
best  and  strongest  in  Israel  are  absorbed  by  the  superior  careers  and 
pleasures  of  the  environment — even  in  Russia  there  is  a  career  for  the 
renegade,  even  in  Roumania  for  the  rich — and  the  few  who  remain 
to  lead,  lead  for  the  most  part  to  destroy.  If,  however,  we  are 
tempted  to  say,  "  Then  let  this  people  agonise  as  it  deserves,"  we  must 
remember  that  the  first  to  suffer  are  not  the  powerful,  but  the  poor. 
It  is  the  masses  who  bear  almost  the  entire  brunt  of  Alien  Bills  and 
massacres  and  economic  oppression.  While  to  the  philosopher  the 
absorption  of  the  Jews  may  be  as  desirable  as  their  regeneration,  in 
practice  the  solution  by  dissolution  presses  most  heavily  upon  the 
weakest.  The  dissolution  invariably  begins  from  above,  leaving  the 
lower  classes  denuded  of  a  people's  natural  defences,  the  upper 


FIFTH   SESSION  279 

classes.  Moreover,  while,  as  already  pointed  out,  the  Jewish  upper 
classes  are,  if  anything,  inferior  to  the  classes  into  which  they  are 
absorbed,  the  marked  superiority  of  the  Jewish  masses  to  their 
environment,  especially  in  Russia,  would  render  their  absorption  a 
tragic  degeneration. 

But  if  dissolution  would  bring  degeneracy  and  emancipation 
dissolution,  the  only  issue  from  this  dilemma  is  the  creation  of  a 
Jewish  State,  or  at  least  a  Jewish  land  of  refuge  upon  a  basis  of  local 
autonomy,  to  which,  in  the  course  of  the  centuries,  all  that  was  truly 
Jewish  would  gravitate.  And  if  the  world  has  no  ethical  duty  to  take 
the  lead  in  this  creation,  it  may  yet  find  its  profit  in  getting  rid  of  the 
Jewish  problem.  Many  regions  of  the  New  World,  whether  in 
America  or  Australia,  would  moreover  be  enriched  and  consolidated 
by  the  accession  of  a  great  Jewish  colony,  while  to  the  Old  World  its 
political  blessing  might  be  many-sided.  A  host  of  political  rivalries, 
perilous  to  the  world's  peace,  centre  round  Palestine,  while  in  the  still 
more  dangerous  quarter  of  Mesopotamia,  a  co-operation  of  England 
and  Germany  in  making  a  home  under  the  Turkish  flag  for  the  Jew 
in  his  original  birthplace  would  reduce  Anglo-German  friction,  foster 
world-peace,  and  establish  in  the  heart  of  the  Old  World  a  bridge  of 
civilisation  between  the  East  and  the  West  and  a  symbol  of  hope  for 
the  future  of  mankind. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 

v-jiinq  innrnmoh  r>  pnitidtdx**  rforry  sfeO£Bte  •H^rf*  rJgiioirit  Jnj>mqoi?v->i> 
;>m;     .-I}? ••ic:-\'..-->    io -.vailon   K   .'noiJKoifrmtx:?  lo  vsiJoq    g — 

THE  MODERN  CONSCIENCE  IN  RELATION 
TO  THE  TREATMENT  OF  DEPENDENT 
PEOPLES  AND  COMMUNITIES 

By  Sir  CHARLES  BRUCE,  G.C.M.G., 
Late  Governor  of  Mauritius,  Author  of  "  The  Broad  Stone  of  Empire? 

:>*fcTf!<;     iff*.'.;     i    ,-tu     :K      •    h-j.J'^fn  ?.i   *p<.ar  ••<•-.<  >'  >    :>!i1    ri>Tly<    ? 

I. 

BY  conscience  I  mean  an  inherent  mental  faculty  which  enables  a 
man  to  judge  and  to  appreciate  the  judgment  of  others  on  the  con- 
sequences of  his  actions.  It  is  the  function  of  this  faculty  to  control 
his  physical  instincts,  which  have  their  roots  deepest  in  human  nature; 
the  lust  of  the  flesh,  which  secures  the  continuity  of  his  family,  and 
the  pride  of  life,  which  prompts  him  to  labour  for  the  necessities, 
comfort,  and  luxury  of  his  family  and  their  multiplied  descendants. 
Both  of  these  instincts  are  subject  to  the  law  of  human  nature  that  a 
man  will,  if  he  can,  take  from  others  anything  they  have  which  he 
desires.  On  the  other  hand,  conscience  is  itself  controlled  by  two 


280  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

forces.  Darwin  says :  "At  a  moment  of  action  man  will,  no 
doubt,  be  apt  to  follow  the  strongest  impulse,  and  though  this  may 
occasionally  prompt  him  to  the  noblest  deeds,  it  will  more  commonly 
lead  him  to  gratify  his  own  desires  at  the  expense  of  other  men. 
But  after  their  gratification,  when  past  and  weaker  impressions  are 
judged  by  the  ever-enduring  social  instinct  and  by  his  deep  regard 
for  the  good  opinion  of  his  fellows,  retribution  will  surely  come.  He 
will  then  feel  remorse,  repentance,  regret,  or  shame  ;  this  latter  feeling, 
however,  relates  almost  exclusively  to  the  judgment  of  others.  He 
will  consequently  resolve  more  or  less  firmly  to  act  differently  for  the 
future,  and  this  is  conscience." 

I  define  this  rather  as  one  of  the  forces  that  control  conscience, 
and  express  it  in  the  phrase,  "  man's  conception  of  his  duty  to  his 
neighbour."  The  other  force  is  the  influence  of  man's  belief  in 
supernatural  agencies,  expressed  in  the  phrase,  "  man's  conception  of 
his  duty  to  God." 

Man's  conception  of  his  duty  to  his  neighbour  has  been  modified 
by  three  relations  of  affinity — race,  creed,  and  colour  ;  and  each  of 
these  affinities  has  been  the  motive  of  conflict  between  the  com- 
munities it  has  included  and  those  it  has  excluded. 

The  history  of  civilisation  is  the  history  of  the  evolution  of  con- 
science in  controlling  the  policy  of  the  included  to  the  excluded 
communities  in  these  conflicts.  It  presents  an  orderly  process  of 
development  through  three  stages,  each  exhibiting  a  dominant  policy 
— a  policy  of  extermination,  a  policy  of  servitude,  and  a  policy 
of  amalgamation.  By  amalgamation  I  mean  union  in  the  same 
community  as  masters  and  servants,  as  fellow-labourers,  as  fellow- 
citizens,  and,  if  possible,  but  not  necessarily,  as  connected  by 
intermarriage. 

For  the  purposes  of  this  paper  I  accept  the  ethnologic  distri- 
bution of  mankind  into  three  primary  groups  of  races,  Caucasian, 
Mongolian,  and  ./Ethiopic  or  Negro ;  and,  bearing  in  mind  the  broad 
issues  which  the  Congress  is  invited  to  discuss,  I  use  the  phrase 
modern  conscience  in  the  sense  of  the  conscience  of  the  white  races 
of  the  Caucasian  group  professing  the  creed  of  Christianity,  in  what- 
ever part  of  the  world  they  may  have  established  themselves  on 
a  common  territory  under  a  common  government. 

Adopting  the  pragmatic  method  of  interpreting  a  conception  by 
illustrating  its  practical  consequences,  I  propose,  after  briefly  tracing 
the  evolution  of  this  conscience  in  the  area  of  origin,  to  consider  its 
influence,  first,  on  the  treatment  of  the  Semitic  and  Indian  races  of 
the  Caucasian  group,  and  then  on  typical  races  of  the  Mongolian  and 
Negro  groups.  I  may  add  that,  in  considering  the  treatment  of 
dependent  peoples  and  communities,  I  embrace  in  the  term  servitude 


FIFTH    SESSION  281 

exclusion   from  civic  rights  ;    in  the   term  amalgamation  I  include 
treatment  as  potential  citizens  with  a  view  to  amalgamation. 

II. 

Western  civilisation  is  the  product  of  three  civilisations,  Grecian, 
Roman,  and  Teutonic,  superimposed  by  racial  forces,  and  welded 
into  unity  by  Christianity.  Each  of  the  earlier  civilisations  estab- 
lished and  maintained  itself  by  the  tyranny  of  a  race  claiming  an 
inherent  monopoly  of  a  capacity  of  self-government,  and  asserting 
the  corollary  claim  of  a  monopoly  of  capacity  to  govern  others 
grouped  under  the  designation  of  barbarians  or  inferior  races.  In 
turn  each  was  displaced  by  the  inferior  races  revolting  against  the 
methods  by  which  the  claim  of  superiority  was  enforced,  and  sub- 
stituting a  new  civilisation  based  on  the  same  claim  and  enforced  by 
the  same  methods.  But  each  of  these  civilisations,  in  superimposing 
itself,  chose  and  assimilated  what  it  considered  best  among  the 
institutions  of  the  earlier  deposits.  The  fundamental  principle  of 
Grecian  civilisation  was  the  cult  of  purity  of  race  as  an  instrument 
of  physical  and  intellectual  superiority  ;  to  this  the  West  owes  all 
that  it  can  claim  of  originality  in  philosophy,  literature,  and  art  To 
Roman  civilisation  the  West  owes  the  spirit  of  legality  and  municipal 
association  under  a  common  code  of  laws  supported  by  the  discipline 
of  a  common  military  system.  To  Teutonic  civilisation  the  West 
owes  the  spirit  of  liberty — the  liberty  that  allows  the  individual  to  be 
master  of  himself,  his  actions,  and  his  fate,  so  long  as  he  does  not 
interfere  with  the  liberty  of  others.  Each  of  the  earlier  civilisations 
had  established  and  sought  to  maintain  itself  by  concentration  of 
power  and  the  liberty  to  exercise  it  in  the  hands  of  a  small  privileged 
class.  In  each  the  policy  of  the  included  class  offered  to  the 
excluded  masses  the  alternative  of  extermination  or  servitude. 
The  policy  of  Greece  was  expressed  by  their  poet  Euripides  at 
a  period  of  the  short-lived  empire  of  Athens,  when  the  area  of 
recognised  purity  of  descent  and  the  privileges  of  citizenship  were 
practically  limited  to  a  few  thousand  residents  within  a  radius  of 
a  few  miles  from  the  Acropolis  : — 

"  flapflapwv    cT'EXXf/yac  eip^etv    fiKog,  dXX*  ov  fiapflapovc, 
fj.rjTEp,   'EXXr/vwv  •  TO  fjiiv  yap   %ov\ov   ol   S'iXevdepoi,'* 

freely  interpreted,  "It  is  fit  that  Greeks  should  govern  the  inferior 
races,  but  not  that  inferior  races  should  govern  Greeks — for  they  are 
slaves  and  we  are  free." 

The  alternative  of  extermination  was  exhibited  when  after  the 
revolt  of  Lesbos,  an  ^Eolian  colony,  in  spirit  more  Athenian  than  the 
Athenians,  sentence  of  death  was  passed  on  the  whole  male  popula- 
tion, though  revised  for  reasons  of  expediency. 


282  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

The   policy  of  Rome  was  expressed   by  Virgil   in  the  famous 

lines — 

"Tu  regere  imperio  populos,  Romane,  memento, 
Parcere  subjectis  et  debellare  superbos," 

interpreted,  in  practice,  "  Make  slaves  of  all  who  submit,  and  exter- 
minate all  who  resist."  In  pursuance  of  this  policy,  while  the  fiction 
of  citizenship  was  being  constantly  extended,  the  privileges  of  citizen- 
ship were  being  constantly  restricted,  until  the  destinies  and  fortunes 
of  millions  fell  under  the  absolute  command  of  a  few  thousands 
concentrated  in  the  capital.  Concentration  so  compact,  power  so 
colossal,  monopoly  so  exclusive,  luxury  so  frantic,  the  world  had 
never  seen.  Meanwhile  the  provinces  were  ruined  by  a  system  of 
tribute  expressly  designed  to  cripple  their  resources  and  their  power 
of  resistance.  What  the  tribute  left  became  the  easy  plunder  of 
corrupt  governors,  rapacious  officials,  commercial  adventurers,  and 
usurers  associated  in  the  disastrous  system  which  entrusted  adminis- 
tration and  commercial  exploitation  to  the  same  hands.  The  alter- 
native to  submission  was  declared  in  the  historic  phrase  attributed  to 
a  British  chieftain  :  "  Ubi  solitudinem  faciunt pacem  appellant" 

The  revolt  of  the  inferior  races  grouped  as  Northern  barbarians, 
and  the  assertion  by  the  Teutonic  race  of  the  principle  of  liberty — 
that  government  by  an  alien  power  is  no  government  at  all — was 
followed  by  the  fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  in  the  West  and  the 
disintegration  of  its  constituent  parts.  The  period  of  chaos  known 
as  the  Middle  Ages  witnessed  a  resettlement  of  Europe  by  a  process 
of  distribution  into  separate  and  independent  principalities,  united  by 
geographical  and  political  affinity  and  governed  by  leaders  who 
owed  their  elevation  to  the  elective  principle  of  choice  by  their  fellow- 
warriors.  It  was  during  this  chaos,  justly  called  the  seed-time  of  the 
modern  world,  that  Christianity  and  civilisation  became  interchange- 
able terms  in  Europe,  and  in  the  expansion  of  Europe  which  resulted 
from  the  discovery  of  America  and  the  oversea  route  to  Asia.  The 
empires  of  Greece  and  Rome  had  been  really  agglomerations  of  tribes. 
Christianity  created  nations  by  making  religion  a  vital  part  of 
politics  and  making  a  common  creed  a  bond  of  union  superior  to  the 
disintegrating  forces  of  race. 

The  era  of  Christian  civilisation  has  been  marked  by  two  periods. 
In  the  first,  the  most  persecuted  of  creeds  sought  to  superimpose 
itself  on  the  creed  of  its  persecutors  by  the  same  methods  by  which 
races  held  to  be  most  inferior  had  superimposed  their  civilisation  on 
the  civilisations  they  supplanted — methods  in  direct  negation  of  its 
profession.  In  the  second  period,  Christianity  has  accommodated 
its  policy  to  its  profession  and  reconstructed  Western  civilisation  on 
the  principle  of  amalgamation,  interpreting  freedom  to  mean  liberty 


FIFTH   SESSION  283 

of  person  and  conscience  with  equality  of  opportunity  for  all  under 
a  settled  government. 

In  respect  of  the  ultimate  issue  of  amalgamation  by  inter- 
marriage during  this  era,  it  is  well  to  remember  that,  up  to  nearly 
the  close  of  the  eighteenthi  century,  it  remained  a  capital  crime 
for  a  priest  to  celebrate  marriage  between  a  Roman  Catholic  and 
a  Protestant. 

This  is  how  Guizot  in  an  often-quoted  passage  has  described  the 
social,  communal,  national,  and  international  relations  of  Western 
civilisation — 

"Toutes  formes,  tous  les  principes  d'organisation  sociale  y  co-existent,  les 
pouvoirs  spirituel  et  temporel,  les  elements  theocratique,  monarchique,  aristo- 
cratique,  democratique,  toutes  les  classes,  toutes  les  situations  sociales  se  melent, 
se  pressent,  il  y  a  des  degres  infinis  dans  la  liber te,  la  richesse,  1'influence." 

The  modern  conscience  demands  the  extension  of  the  principles 
which  have  established  this  civilisation  into  its  relations  with  the 

kastv:!K 

v,  III. 

The  fundamental  principle  of  Judaism  was  a  belief  that  the  Jews 
were  a  chosen  people  appointed  by  God  to  be  His  instruments  in 
working  out  His  plan  of  creation,  primarily  within  their  own  com- 
munity and  subsequently  in  the  relation  of  their  community  to  the 
whole  non-Jewish  world.  Under  the  influence  of  this  conception 
practically  every  event  that  happened  to  the  individual  or  to  the 
community,  every  vicissitude  of  personal  fortune,  every  variation  of 
public  prosperity  or  adversity,  in  health  or  disease,  in  abundant 
harvests  or  famines,  was  explained  as  a  direct  supernatural  judgment 
and  award,  not  as  a  consequence  of  natural  laws.  Consistent  with 
this  conviction  was  their  conception  of  a  future  state.  It  embraced 
no  idea  of  the  resurrection  of  the  individual  in  a  divided  spiritual 
form  in  another  world.  It  meant  the  continuation  of  the  community 
in  a  constantly  multiplied  posterity  which  was  in  time  to  people  the 
world  and  make  it  the  area  of  a  civilisation  of  which  they  should 
have  the  exclusive  monopoly.  The  means  by  which  this  end  was  to 
be  attained  was  a  policy  summarised  in  the  command  of  the  Lord  of 
Hosts  transmitted  to  Saul  through  the  prophet  Samuel :  "  Now  go 
and  smite  Amalek,  and  utterly  destroy  all  that  they  have  and  spare 
them  not ;  but  slay  both  men  and  women,  infant  and  suckling, 
camel  and  ass."  It  was,  in  short,  a  policy  of  extermination,  but  it 
was  of  the  very  essence  of  the  policy  that  in  proportion  as  it  enlarged 
the  area  of  its  activity  it  demanded  an  augmentation  of  its  agents. 
To  meet  this  the  natural  increase  of  heredity  multiplied  by  polygamy 
and  concubinage  had  to  be  further  fortified  by  the  adoption  of 
prisoners  of  war,  male  and  female,  into  the  community  under 


284  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

conditions  of  servitude.  Under  the  operation  of  the  cosmic  law 
of  action  and  reaction  the  policy  was  adopted  in  retaliation  by 
every  community  with  which  it  came  in  conflict  and  menaced  with 
destruction  or  servitude.  To  quote  the  words  of  an  illustrious 
member  of  their  race — 

"  The  attempt  to  extirpate  them  has  been  made  under  the  most  favourable 
auspices  and  on  the  largest  scale  ;  the  most  considerable  means  that  man  could 
command  have  been  pertinaciously  applied  to  this  object  for  the  longest  period 
of  recorded  time.  Egyptian  Pharaohs,  Assyrian  Kings,  Roman  Emperors, 
Scandinavian  Crusaders,  Gothic  Princes  and  holy  inquisitors  have  alike  devoted 
their  energies  to  the  fulfilment  of  this  common  purpose.  Expatriation,  exile, 
captivity,  confiscation,  torture  on  the  most  ingenious  and  massacres  on  the  most 
extensive  scale,  a  curious  system  of  degrading  customs  and  debasing  laws  which 
would  have  broken  the  heart  of  any  other  people,  have  been  tried  in  vain." 

The  exigencies  of  space  make  it  impossible  to  trace  the  process  of 
the  modern  conscience  in  substituting  for  this  policy  of  extermination, 
expulsion,  and  debasement  a  policy  of  amalgamation.  Within  the 
whole  area  of  Western  civilisation,  except  in  Russia  and  Roumania, 
the  Jews  enjoy  full  civil  and  political  rights,  and  there  is  no  country 
in  which  they  are  not  recognised  among  the  foremost  representatives 
of  art,  learning,  and  science.  In  social  life  they  enjoy  the  favour  of 
Courts,  and  their  alliance  in  marriage  is  sought  by  Christian  families 
who  within  the  last  century  would  have  considered  such  an  alliance 
a  social  crime  of  capital  magnitude.  The  most  persecuted  of  races 
has  now,  through  its  dominant  control  over  finance,  acquired  a 
practical  ascendancy  over  the  press  of  Europe,  and,  through  these 
combined  agencies,  a  large  measure  of  control  over  the  ultimate 
issue  of  peace  or  war.  Most  wonderful,  perhaps,  of  all,  in  the 
issue  of  war  a  Jew  has  by  common  consent  of  the  civilised  world 
been  chosen  as  President  of  the  International  Red  Cross  Society. 

IV. 

The  elements  of  conflict  in  Western  civilisation,  and  between 
Western  civilisation  and  Judaism,  have  been  race  and  creed.  The 
conflict  between  Western  civilisation  and  the  ethnologic  groups  that 
have  now  to  be  considered  is  exasperated  by  an  additional  element, 
the  conflict  of  colour.  The  question  that  concerns  us  is  whether  the 
modern  conscience,  which,  in  the  relations  between  white  races  divided 
by  differences  of  race  and  creed  has  substituted  a  constructive  policy 
of  amalgamation  for  a  policy  of  extermination  or  servitude,  is  to 
prolong  its  activity  into  territories  where  social  groups  are  divided  by 
differences  of  race,  creed,  and  colour,  or  whether  in  such  territories 
the  policy  of  an  earlier  conscience  is  to  be  revived.  I  deal  first  with 
the  evolution  of  the  modern  conscience  in  relation  to  the  coloured 
races  of  India.  In  prehistoric  times,  the  autochthonous  races  of  India 


FIFTH    SESSION  285 

were  displaced  by  a  Dravidian  population,  which,  in  turn,  at  a  period 
nearly  coincident  with  the  earliest  records  of  history,  was  crowded 
out  or  subjugated  and  assimilated  by  an  Aryan  invasion  of  Hindus 
from  Central  Asia.  Under  the  dominion  of  Hinduism  there  was 
established  a  political  system  of  three  estates,  a  sacerdotal  caste  of 
priests  and  lawgivers,  a  military  caste,  and  a  civil  population  engaged 
in  industry  and  commerce.  Its  strength  lay  in  the  co-operation 
of  the  spiritual  and  intellectual  forces  of  priests  and  lawgivers  with 
the  physical  force  of  the  military,  its  weakness  in  the  revolt  of  the 
civil  population  against  the  tyranny  thus  generated.  In  time  this 
revolt  led  to  the  establishment  of  Buddhism,  a  system  standing  in 
much  the  same  relation  to  Hinduism  as  Protestantism  to  Roman 
Catholicism.  After  a  thousand  years  of  domination  Buddhism  had 
to  make  way  for  a  reformed  system  of  Hinduism  modified  by  the 
influences  that  had  established  Buddhism.  The  new  system  main- 
tained itself  for  about  five  hundred  years — a  period  of  extraordinary 
social  splendour  and  distinction  in  the  arts  of  civilisation,  for  it 
concentrated  the  results  of  a  succession  of  civilisations  superimposed 
by  races  who  in  religion  and  law,  in  language  and  literature,  in  art 
and  science,  were  the  originators  of  conceptions  which  have  been 
transubstantiated  into  the  life  of  Western  civilisation.  The  period 
closed,  in  accordance  with  the  universal  law  that  has  controlled  the 
evolution  of  empires,  when  all  the  arts  of  civilisation  were  made  con- 
tributory to  the  luxury  and  lust  of  a  restricted  governing  class  at  the 
cost  of  the  governed.  In  the  general  demoralisation  that  followed, 
Central  Asia  supplied  the  forces  of  a  fresh  invasion,  and  substituted 
for  the  Hindu  system  of  a  sacerdotal  and  military  supremacy  the 
Mohammedan  system  of  despotic  power  exercised  by  a  democracy 
under  the  influence  of  religious  enthusiasm,  swayed  by  self-appointed 
rulers  who  claimed  civil  and  military  obedience  as  the  agents  and 
oracles  of  God.  In  turn  the  Mohammedan  dominion  was  terminated 
by  the  revolt  of  the  Mahrattas,  a  political  body  organised,  in 
adaptation  of  the  Mohammedan  system,  by  a  coalition  of  the  highest 
and  the  lowest  Hindu  castes.  They  failed  to  establish  a  settled 
government  of  adequate  power  to  control  the  disintegrating  forces 
latent  in  the  surviving  elements  of  a  succession  of  conquered 
dynasties  and  peoples.  The  consequence  was  a  chaos  analogous  to 
the  segregation  of  State  units  in  Europe  following  the  fall  of  the 
Roman  Empire.  India  became  the  loot  of  princes  and  powers, 
supported  by  Pindarries  and  other  organised  bandits  always  ready 
to  play  the  part  of  the  condottieri  of  mediaeval  Europe.  It  was 
during  this  period  of  struggle  for  the  fragments  of  the  broken  empire, 
when  every  province  was  disturbed  by  petty  wars  or  groaning  under 
the  oppression  of  chieftains  pursuing  their  separate  schemes  of  rapine, 


286  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

that  Europe  was  brought  into  contact  with  India  by  the  sea-route, 
and  at  once  determined,  by  an  aggressive  policy  of  conquest 
and  subjugation,  to  superimpose  a  new  civilisation  and  appro- 
priate the  rich  accumulations  of  the  old.  It  does  not  lie  within 
my  purpose  to  trace  the  defeat  of  this  enterprise  by  the  East 
India  Company,  or  to  follow  the  steps  by  which  an  association  of 
private  traders  became  involved  in  political  complications,  and 
eventually  the  dominant  power  in  India.  I  am  concerned  only  with 
the  evolution  of  the  modern  conscience,  which  in  the  exercise  of  that 
power  substituted  for  a  policy  of  extermination  or  servitude  a  policy 
of  amalgamation. 

Pitt's  Act  of  1784  marked  the  first  stage  of  the  new  system  by 
a  declaration  that  schemes  of  conquest  were  repugnant  to  the 
wish,  the  honour,  and  the  policy  of  the  British  nation,  and  by 
provisions  designed  to  save  the  interests  of  India  from  being 
made  subservient  to  the  interests  of  political  parties  in  England, 
or  to  the  private  interests  of  the  Company's  agents  and  servants. 
In  1813  a  resolution  that  the  first  duty  of  Parliament  in  legislating 
for  India  was  to  promote  its  interests  was  proposed  and  lost. 
Nevertheless,  the  policy  of  the  administration  in  India  was  rapidly 
brought  to  conform  to  the  principles  of  this  resolution.  It  was 
concentrated  in  the  Government  of  India  Act,  1833,  and  set 
out  in  an  explanatory  despatch  of  the  Board  of  Directors, 
accompanying  the  Act.  It  consisted  in  respecting  the  beliefs 
of  others  without  weakness,  and  defending  them  without  brutality. 
It  virtually  established  a  protectorate,  a  relationship  which  was 
to  develop  into  an  internationally  recognised  system  and  to  play 
an  important  part  in  the  relations  of  Western  civilisation  to 
dependent  peoples.  It  undertook  the  protection  of  the  people 
against  foreign  aggression  and  in  the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs, 
while  within  the  limits  of  its  jurisdiction  it  declared  that  the 
people  should  be  protected  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  religion 
and  personal  law ;  that  the  fiscal  policy  should  be  controlled  by 
the  interests  of  India  ;  and  that  so  far  as  consistent  with  its  posi- 
tion as  an  umpire,  whose  duty  it  is  to  secure  equal  protection  to 
many  general  interests,  the  Government  should  admit  the  native 
population  to  offices  of  trust  and  emolument.  Its  avowed  purpose 
was  to  educate  the  conflicting  elements  of  the  population  by 
methods  which  it  was  believed  would  qualify  them,  though  probably 
at  a  remote  period,  for  a  political  union  to  be  established  on  the 
basis  of  personal  liberty  and  equality  of  opportunity,  under  a  settled 
government  of  their  own  election  and  responsible  to  themselves. 

But  the  most  resolute  advocates  of  this  policy  were  also  the 
most  resolute  in  declaring  that  premature  efforts  to  accelerate 


FIFTH   SESSION  287 

the  end  would  not  only  insure  the  immediate  downfall  of  British 
power,  but  would  replunge  the  people  of  India  into  a  state  of 
greater  anarchy  than  that  from  which  they  had  been  relieved. 
The  wisdom  of  this  reservation  was  soon  to  be  justified  by  the 
Mutiny  of  1857,  which  for  a  moment,  but  only  for  a  moment, 
arrested  the  activity  of  the  modern  conscience.  Nothing  in  its 
history  is  more  remarkable  than  the  rapidity  with  which  it 
asserted  itself  in  the  work  of  reconstruction  that  followed. 

Queen  Victoria's  Proclamation  to  the  Princes  and  Peoples  of 
India  in  1858  established  the  fundamental  principle  of  the  modern 
conscience  in  the  declaration  that  "  Her  Majesty  sought  her 
strength  in  the  prosperity  of  her  people,  -her  security  in  their 
contentment,  and  her  reward  in  their  gratitude" ;  and  the 
subsidiary  policy  in  the  declaration  that  "  No  native  shall,  by 
reason  only  of  his  religion,  place  of  birth,  descent,  colour,  or  any 
of  these  things,  be  disabled  from  holding  any  place,  office,  or 
employment  under  the  Government." 

I  need  not  dwell  on  the  measures  recently  taken  by  the 
Government,  in  the  direction  of  giving  the  natives  of  India  a  larger 
right  of  admission  to  high  posts  in  the  administration  and  in  the 
councils  of  the  Empire.  But  I  may  just  refer  to  a  subject  which 
will  be  treated  in  a  separate  paper,  the  extra-territorial  rights 
of  natives  of  India  migrating  under  indenture  into  British  Colonies. 
Underlying  a  variety  of  systems  there  is  established  the  fundamental 
condition  that  they  must  be  admitted  as  potential  citizens. 

A  word  remains  to  be  said  on  amalgamation  by  intermarriage 
between  Europeans  and  Indians.  Such  marriages  are  not  generally 
favoured  by  either  community,  and  at  present  the  tendency  is  for 
each  to  prefer  a  social  relation  which  has  been  justly  compared  to  the 
relation  of  the  fingers  to  each  other  and  to  the  hand. 

V. 

I  pass  from  the  coloured  races  of  the  Caucasian  group,  generally 
classed  as  brown,  to  the  coloured  races  of  the  Mongolian  group, 
generally  classed  as  yellow.  The  modern  conscience  had  hardly 
declared  itself  in  the  Proclamation  of  1858  to  the  Princes  and  Peoples 
of  India,  when  the  old  aggressive  barbarianism  of  Europe  reasserted 
itself.  Under  the  fiction  of  a  beneficent  partnership  between 
commerce  and  religion  for  the  civilisation  of  China,  the  Western 
Powers  associated  themselves  in  a  policy  of  invasion,  appropriation 
of  territory,  massacre,  rape,  plunder  and  sacrilege  hardly  paralleled 
in  history.  This  formidable  enterprise  served  as  a  warning  to  a 
kindred  race  in  the  little  empire  of  Japan.  At  the  time  so  little 
was  the  East  known  to  the  West  that  Professor  Charles  Pearson 


288  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

and  other  accepted  authorities,  engaged  in  forecasting  the  future 
of  the  coloured  races  in  cosmopolitan  civilisation,  failed  to  take 
Japan  into  account  In  1863  the  British  Minister,  in  a  report  on  the 
condition  of  Japan,  showed  that  under  a  system  of  self-government 
originated  and  administered  by  native  enterprise,  shut  out  from  all 
intercourse  with  the  rest  of  the  world,  the  Japanese  had  secured 
peace,  order,  and  the  material  prosperity  of  a  population  estimated  at 
some  thirty  millions  of  souls.  But  the  object-lesson  exhibited  in 
China  warned  them  to  anticipate  the  aggressive  expansion  of 
Western  civilisation.  They  determined,  therefore,  to  adapt  their 
own  ancient  civilisation  to  modern  circumstances.  They  recognised 
that  the  secret  of  Western  expansion  was  to  be  sought  neither  in  a 
monopoly  of  intellectual  capacity  inherent  in  a  race,  nor  in  a 
monopoly  of  moral  capacity  inherent  in  a  creed.  They  found  it  in  an 
acquired  monopoly  of  capacity  in  the  application  of  science  to 
industrial  uses,  in  the  development  of  natural  resources  by  scientific 
methods,  in  the  appropriation  of  the  profits  of  development  to  naval 
and  military  armaments  for  the  defence  of  territory  already  acquired 
by  conquest,  the  constant  expansion  of  the  area  of  acquisition,  and  a 
monopoly  of  all  sea-borne  commerce  by  sea  supremacy.  In  1868 
the  imperial  oath  of  accession  was  revised  in  the  formula  known  as 
the  Oath  of  the  Five  Articles.  After  a  vow  to  establish  the 
principles  of  constitutional  government,  it  gave  a  pledge  that 
knowledge  would  be  sought  throughout  the  whole  world  so  that  the 
welfare  of  the  empire  might  be  established. 

Within  forty  years  the  issue  of  the  war  between  Japan  and 
Russia  in  1904-5  had  given  proof  of  a  complete  mastery  of 
Western  methods  in  every  area  of  activity,  and  gained  Japan 
admittance  to  equality  of  rank  with  the  greatest  of  the  Great  Powers 
of  Western  civilisation.  Politically,  the  theory  of  a  monopoly  of 
capacity  inherent  in  a  trinity  of  race,  creed,  and  colour  peculiar  to 
the  West  was  destroyed.  The  moral  confidence  and  self-respect 
which  had  stimulated  aspirations  for  self-government  in  every 
community  of  the  East  within  the  sphere  of  Western  government, 
protection,  or  influence  were  confirmed  and  quickened.  The  economic 
results  were  even  more  far-reaching.  The  capacity  of  the  East  to 
organise  industry  in  the  development  of  local  resources,  and  to 
retain  for  local  uses  the  profits  of  production,  manufacture,  and 
distribution  by  land  and  sea,  and  thus  to  enter  into  commercial 
competition  with  the  West,  was  revealed.  And  no  time  has  been 
lost  in  demonstrating  the  extent  to  which  this  competition  is  likely  to 
contribute  to  the  wealth  and  independence  of  the  East  at  the  cost  of 
the  West. 

A  result  of  the  war  of  1904-5  is  worthy  of  special  mention  from 


FIFTH   SESSION  289 

the  point  of  view  of  the  process  of  the  modern  conscience  in  the 
East  as  well  as  in  the  West.  An  official  report  on  the  organisation 
and  resources  of  the  Red  Cross  Society  of  Japan  has  been  published 
and  circulated  among  the  branches  of  the  Society  in  Great  Britain 
as  a  model  scheme  superior  to  any  that  has  yet  been  organised  in 
the  West. 

I  will  add  only  a  word  on  the  subject  of  amalgamation  by 
intermarriage  between  Europeans  and  the  races  of  the  Mongolian 
group.  In  Asia  such  marriages  are  not  more  favoured  than 
marriages  between  the  European  and  Indian  communities.  In 
America  it  is  different.  The  evolution  of  the  modern  conscience  in 
the  relations  between  Europeans  and  the  American  races  of  the 
Mongolian  group  of  distinctive  colour,  generally  designated  as  red, 
has  been  of  particular  interest.  On  no  races  have  the  policies  of 
extinction  and  servitude  been  practised  with  more  relentless  severity. 
But  while  these  policies  have  resulted  in  the  practical  extermination 
of  the  race  in  North  America,  as  an  efficient  factor  in  civilisation,  in 
all  the  more  tropical  parts  of  Latin  America  the  autochthonus  races 
representing  the  survival  of  the  fittest  are  steadily  assimilating  the 
descendants  of  their  conquerors  and  producing  a  new  type — a  type 
admirably  endowed  with  the  qualities  which  constitute  a  capacity 
for  self-government  in  the  conditions  of  its  environment. 

lo  fb'/.-id  10  |fo;Jj  '.  D  MA  R  ybw.:*  ,':.-Jnir»:-,-..  f>',:in?i>o  rr     •'/.     .».ov*f«» 

VI. 

I  pass  to  the  function  of  the  modern  conscience  in  the  treatment 
of  the  negro.  The  negro  has  been  a  slave  in  Africa  and  Asia  from 
the  earliest  period  of  recorded  time  ;  in  Europe  and  America  from 
the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  when  the  discovery  of  a  sea  route  to 
the  East  first  brought  Western  civilisation  into  contact  with  him  on 
the  coasts  of  Africa  and  led  to  his  compulsory  migration  to  America. 
From  the  outset  the  methods  of  barbarism  applied  to  the  Jews  were 
resorted  to,  not  with  a  view  to  his  extermination,  but  to  ensure  the 
perpetuity  of  his  servitude.  Conscience  and  instinct  combined  for 
the  fulfilment  of  this  common  purpose.  The  ingenuity  of  physical 
torture  which  subjected  the  manhood  and  womanhood  of  his  race  to 
the  passions  of  greed,  cruelty,  and  lust  was  supplemented  by  moral 
torture  of  even  superior  ingenuity.  For  him  religion  was  limited  to 
the  doctrine  that  he  must  rely  on  submission  to  a  life  of  torment 
without  hope  on  earth  as  the  only  hope  of  salvation  from  an  eternity 
of  torment  in  hell. 

When  after  three  hundred  years  the  modern  conscience  bethought 
itself  to  bring  the  negro  within  the  area  of  activity  of  the  ethical 
process  of  humanity  that  had  reconstructed  Western  civilisation  on  a 
basis  of  liberty,  two  things  were  made  clear — the  strength  of  his 


290  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

racial  vitality  and  the  arrest  of  his  intellectual  development  by  disuse. 
Through  all  the  history  of  his  race  he  had  been  excluded  from  every 
influence  which  in  the  course  of  thousands  of  years  had  contributed 
to  give  the  faculty  of  conscience  of  the  white  man  mastery  over  his 
instincts.  Every  manifestation  of  the  existence  of  such  a  faculty  in 
the  negro  had  been  repressed  with  merciless  severity.  And  now  the 
modern  conscience  is  confronted  with  the  declaration,  on  the  part  of 
those  who  resist  it,  that  in  the  negro  no  such  faculty  exists,  and  that 
in  its  absence  he  is  organically  disqualified  from  admission  to  the 
rivalry  of  life  in  competition  with  races  of  the  Caucasian  type  on  a 
footing  of  equality  of  opportunity. 

The  reply  of  the  modern  conscience  is  an  appeal  to  the  experience 
of  the  brief  period  that  has  elapsed  since  the  negro  has  ceased  to  be  a 
slave,  in  the  sense  of  being  a  chattel  by  legislative  enactment.  It  is 
admitted  that,  when  the  French  Revolution  restored  the  rights  of 
humanity  to  the  white  man  and  to  the  negro,  both  adopted  the 
same  methods  of  revenge.  But  the  faculty  of  conscience  latent 
by  disuse  revealed  itself  when  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  declared  his  liberation,  in  a  manner  to  which  Western  civilisa- 
tion can  hardly  supply  a  parallel.  When  the  Southern  planters  were 
fighting  for  the  enslavement  of  the  negro  race,  they  went  off  to  the 
war  entrusting  their  wives  and  children  to  the  protection  of  their 
slaves.  Not  an  outrage  occurred,  scarcely  a  case  of  theft  or  breach  of 
trust  A  thousand  torches,  it  has  been  said,  would  have  disbanded 
the  Southern  Army — there  was  not  one.  Since  the  emancipation 
that  followed  the  civil  war  the  coloured  population  have  devoted 
themselves  to  redeem  the  consequences  of  arrested  development  by 
methods  expressed  in  the  formula  "  being  worked  means  degradation, 
working  means  civilisation."  In  the  Tuskegee  Industrial  University 
they  have  established  an  institution  which  has  sent  out  many 
thousands  of  graduates  instructed  in  the  application  of  scientific 
methods  to  every  branch  of  human  industry,  while  the  authorities  are 
able  to  declare  that  they  cannot  find  a  dozen  not  usefully  employed, 
nor  one  ever  convicted  of  crime.  Animated  by  this  spirit,  in  less  than 
half  a  century  the  coloured  population  of  some  ten  millions,  starting 
from  a  depth  of  poverty  and  ignorance  never  perhaps  reached  in  the 
history  of  any  people,  and  encountering  at  every  step  the  most 
formidable  opposition  that  the  forces  of  avarice,  jealousy,  hate,  and  fear 
have  been  able  to  command,  have  acquired  ownership  in  land  to  the 
extent  of  some  30,000  square  miles,  more  than  the  combined  area  of 
the  States  of  Belgium  and  Holland,  and  moveable  property  estimated 
by  hundreds  of  millions.  At  the  same  time  they  have  achieved 
distinction  not  only  in  industry  and  commerce,  but  in  the  learned 
professions  and  in  the  free  enterprises  of  art,  literature,  and  journalism. 


FIFTH   SESSION  291 

These  results  are  a  remarkable  proof  of  capacity  of  assimilation  to 
social  environment,  as  well  as  of  capacity  of  competition  on  a  footing 
of  equality  of  opportunity. 

The  whole  area  of  British  tropical  colonies  into  which  a  negro 
population  has  been  introduced  by  compulsory  migration  in  conditions 
of  servitude  exhibits  the  same  results.  And  these  colonies  supply 
data  for  a  much  more  reliable  estimate  of  the  future  possibilities  of 
amalgamation  by  intermarriage  than  any  supplied  by  the  United 
States  of  America.  They  show  the  steady  development  of  a  process 
which  is  reducing  the  populations  of  pure  European  and  pure 
African  descent,  and  substituting  for  them  a  new  type,  analogous 
to  the  type  produced  in  the  tropical  parts  of  Latin  America  by 
assimilation  of  the  white  and  so-called  red  autochthonous  races, 
and  like  that  type  remarkably  endowed  with  the  qualities  that 
constitute  a  capacity  for  self-government  in  the  conditions  of  its 
environment. 

Turning,  however,  to  the  country  of  origin  of  the  negro  races 
in  Africa,  we  find  the  modern  conscience  still  engaged  in  a  formid- 
able conflict  with  the  ancient  conscience  and  its  policy.  In  1842  the 
modern  conscience  declared  itself  in  a  Proclamation  of  Queen 
Victoria  which  gave  a  political  constitution  to  Natal  on  the  express 
condition  that  "  there  shall  not  be  in  the  eye  of  the  law  any  distinc- 
tion of  persons  or  disqualification  of  colour,  origin,  language,  or 
creed ;  but  the  protection  of  the  law  in  letter  and  in  substance  shall 
be  extended  to  all  alike."  In  1858  the  old  conscience  declared 
itself  in  the  Grondwet  (fundamental  law)  of  the  South  African 
Republic,  which  asserted  that  "  the  people  will  suffer  no  equality  of 
white  and  blacks  either  in  State  or  in  Church."  In  1898  the  British 
Empire  went  to  war  in  defence  of  the  modern  conscience,  and 
justified  it  at  the  cost  of  many  lives  and  many  millions  of  treasure. 
In  1908  the  Imperial  Parliament  by  the  Union  of  South  Africa  Act 
abandoned  it. 

This  result  has  determined  the  condition  of  conflict  between  the 
ancient  conscience  and  the  modern  in  three  areas  of  Africa.  Within 
the  Union  of  South  Africa  the  methods  of  the  old  conscience  are 
modified  by  the  influence  of  the  modern.  This  was  made  suffi- 
ciently clear  in  a  statement  by  a  leading  representative  of  the 
Union.  "  The  ideal  of  making  South  Africa  a  white  man's  country 
can  only  be  accomplished  by  a  general  displacement  of  the  natives 
through  a  large  employment  of  whites.  The  whites  must  rule,  but 
if  the  natives  were  educated  and  enfranchised,  that  would  mean 
the  replacement  of  the  whites  by  natives."  Outside  of  the  Union, 
within  the  area  of  the  Congo,  the  old  conscience  continued  to 
assert  its  ascendancy  by  the  old  methods  until  it  roused  the  modern 


292  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

conscience  to  revolt.  The  conflict  is  still  being  waged.  Within 
the  vast  areas  of  equatorial  Africa  contained  by  the  limits  of  the 
Crown  Colonies,  Dependencies  and  Protectorates,  the  modern  con- 
science expressed  in  the  terms  of  Queen  Victoria's  Proclamation 
of  1842  absolutely  controls  the  policy  of  government  and  ad- 
ministration. 

Attention  is  at  present  directed  to  a  race  of  the  Oceanic  division 
of  the  ^Ethiopic  group,  of  which  little  account  has  hitherto  been 
taken.  The  Papuans  have  proved  the  strength  of  their  racial 
vitality  in  surviving  the  methods  of  a  policy  which  has  nearly 
exterminated  allied  branches  of  their  race  in  Australia.  With  their 
racial  vitality  they  have  preserved  the  instincts  of  savagery  in  an  un- 
written code,  which  does  not  recognise  murder  as  a  crime,  but  some- 
times as  a  duty,  sometimes  as  a  necessary  part  of  social  etiquette, 
occasionally  as  a  manly  form  of  relaxation  and  sport.  The  treatment 
of  the  Papuans  under  a  judicial  system  administered  in  the  spirit  of 
the  modern  conscience  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  experiments  of 
the  century. 

VII. 

In  conclusion  it  is  submitted  that  in  the  treatment  of  dependent 
peoples  and  communities  the  modern  conscience  rejects  as  a  fallacy 
the  claim  of  Western  civilisation  to  a  monopoly  of  the  capacity  of 
self-government  based  on  an  indivisible  interrelation  between 
European  descent,  Christianity,  and  the  so-called  white  colour.  It 
recognises  that  while  this  interrelation  has  evolved  a  capacity  for 
self-government  in  an  appropriate  environment,  a  similar  capacity 
has  been  evolved  by  an  interrelation  of  other  races,  creeds  and 
colours  appropriate  to  other  environments.  It  maintains,  therefore, 
that  the  conflict  between  West  and  East  must  be  adjusted  on  the 
same  principle  that  has  adjusted  the  conflicts  of  race  and  creed  in  the 
West,  the  principle  of  freedom  interpreted  as  liberty  of  person  and 
conscience  and  equality  of  opportunity  for  all,  without  distinction  of 
race,  creed,  or  colour,  under  a  settled  government. 

History,  reason,  and  recent  experience  in  Japan  warn  us  that  the 
adjustment  must  be  made  not  in  the  spirit  of  the  popular  refrain, 
"  East  is  East  and  West  is  West ",  but  in  the  spirit  of  a  nobler  poetic 

formula — 

"  God's  is  the  Occident, 
God's  is  the  Orient." 

This  is  the  spirit  of  the  modern  conscience  in  the  treatment  of 
dependent  peoples  and  communities. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


FIFTH   SESSION  293 


By  Sir  SYDNEY  OLIVIER,  K.C.M.G., 
Governor  of  Jamaica. 

EVERY  nation  having  colonies  or  external  dependencies  acquires 
and  holds  them  for  the  sake  of  benefits  to  its  own  citizens,  whether 
as  settlers,  traders  or  investors  of  capital  in  those  territories,  and  in 
so  far  as  the  sovereign  nation  orders  the  government  of  its  colonies 
and  dependencies,  the  dominant  guiding  factor  in  its  policy  will 
be  the  promotion  of  those  ends.  The  policy  of  the  Government 
in  regard  to  native  races  is  secondary  and  subsidiary.  The  ex- 
ceptions to  this  rule  are  extremely  few  and  such  as  must  be 
considered  to  have  been  in  the  nature  of  accidents  in  the  history 
of  colonisation. 

The  methods  of  administration  adopted  vary,  being  prescribed 
by  the  special  circumstances  of  the  colony  or  dependency.  Where 
this  is  practically  a  self-governing  nation,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
greater  colonies  of  the  British  Empire — Canada,  the  Australian 
Commonwealth,  and  the  Union  of  Africa — the  mother  country 
scarcely  exhibits  any  policy  at  all  in  regard  to  its  government, 
beyond  doing  the  best  it  can  to  prevent  its  own  trade  with  and 
investments  in  that  colony  being  placed  at  a  disadvantage  as  com- 
pared with  those  of  other  nations.  Where  the  colony  or  depen- 
dency is  at  the  other  end  of  the  scale,  and  is  the  habitat  of  an 
uncivilised  nation  or  aggregate  of  alien  races,  the  government 
established  and  maintained  by  the  sovereign  nation  is  more  posi- 
tive in  its  methods  and  more  deliberately  adjusted  with  regard  to 
its  effect  on  the  lives  and  habits  of  the  native  people. 

In  relation  to  such  uncivilised  colonies  and  dependencies,  and  in 
relation  also  to  those  civilised  and  self-governing  colonies  and 
dependencies  in  which  there  survives  an  uncivilised  population  of 
alien  race,  the  methods  of  government  are  directed  and  influenced 
not  merely  by  considerations  of  the  commercial  benefit  of  the 
colonists  or  citizens  of  the  sovereign  nation,  but  also  by  considerations 
of  philanthropy  and  humanity,  and  to  a  certain  extent  by  the 
influence  of  a  missionary  purpose  aiming  at  imposing  upon  the 
uncivilised  and  alien  native  what  is  reputed  within  the  sovereign 
nation  to  be  a  morality,  a  religion,  and  a  social  order  superior  to  those 
which  he  has  himself  evolved.  The  desire  to  benefit  and  enlighten 
barbarous  peoples  has  not,  indeed,  served  as  a  sufficient  incentive  for 
the  establishment  of  sovereignty  over  colonies  or  dependencies.  The 


294  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

efficient  cause  is  always  economic  interest  or  Imperial  pride  ;  but  as 
soon  as  these  have  brought  about  annexation  or  settlement  other 
motives  and  influences,  expressing  the  uncommercial  will  of  the 
colonising  nation,  elements  of  the  craving  for  the  gratification  of  the 
reforming  impulse  and  the  compunction  of  the  humanitarian  con- 
science, come  also  into  play.  The  history  of  the  British  conquest  and 
the  theory  of  British  rule  in  India  may  be  studied  for  illustration. 

Owing  to  the  fact  that  the  colonies  and  dependencies  of  the 
colonising  nations  form  a  graduated  series,  ranging  from  the  prac- 
tically independent  democratic  community  of  civilised  people  to  the 
uncivilised  tract  inhabited  by  barbarous  tribes  whose  country  is 
opened  up  and  held  merely  for  mining  or  the  protection  of  trade 
routes,  and  as  a  means  for  the  investment  of  capital,  it  is  impossible 
to  offer  any  generalisation  that  shall  apply  equally  and  accurately  to 
the  government  of  all  colonies  and  dependencies  in  regard  to  the 
treatment  of  native  races  in  those  possessions. 

Moreover,  between  the  self-governing  colony  and  the  African 
territory  or  protectorate  there  intervenes  the  case  of  older  colonies, 
such  as  (among  the  British  Dominions)  the  West  Indies,  Mauritius, 
and  others  in  which  there  is  no  aboriginal  race  conducting  its  own 
life  and  its  own  customs,  but  a  large  population  of  alien  race,  and 
sometimes  of  various  alien  races,  African  or  Asiatic,  who  have  come 
there  as  slaves  or  labourers  for  hire,  and  who  form  a  transplanted 
proletariat  moulded  into  the  economic  and  social  forms  of  European 
civilisation  and  vastly  outnumbering  the  small  organising  class  of 
colonists  whose  race,  religion,  and  industrial  will  is  identical  with 
those  of  the  European  mother  country. 

Ins  In  the  British  Colonial  Office  List  there  are  enumerated,  out- 
side of  the  Australian  Colonies  and  New  Zealand  (with  whose 
native  policy  the  mother  country  has  long  ceased  to  concern 
herself),  some  twenty  colonies  and  dependencies  peopled  by  native 
races  not  introduced  as  slaves  or  labourers,  and  maintaining  in  a 
greater  or  less  degree  the  institutions  of  their  own  peculiar  civilisa- 
tions. The  relation  between  the  governing  race  and  the  governed  in 
these  communities  exhibits  a  most  intricate  variety,  differing  accord- 
ing to  the  periods  at  which  they  were  settled,  and  the  particular 
purposes  and  methods  for  which  they  were  settled ;  namely,  whether 
for  colonisation  by  planting  settlers  from  the  mother  country,  or  for 
mining  enterprise,  or  for  commerce  only,  or  with  the  aim  of  exclud- 
ing rival  nations  from  monopolising  a  possible  future  market,  or 
in  order  to  suppress  the  raids  and  disorders  of  the  savage  tribes 
which  occupy  them  upon  the  more  settled  districts  adjoining ;  or, 
as  has  occurred  in  a  very  few  cases  before  the  white  man  had  lost 
his  glamour,  by  the  voluntary  invitation  or  acceptance  of  the 


FIFTH   SESSION  295 

sovereignty  of  the  annexing  nation  by  the  native  peoples  for  their 
own  protection  and  out  of  appreciation  of  its  superior  institution  and 
civilisation. 

Turning  to  the  older  group  of  slave-settled  colonies,  we  again  find 
in  the  British  Colonial  Office  List  nearly  as  many  of  these,  all  of 
which,  to  those  familiar  with  them,  present  appreciable  differences  in 
the  adjustment  of  their  government  to  the  circumstances  offered  by 
the  existence  in  them  of  a  black  and  coloured  proletariat  under  the 
control  of  White  Power. 

The  most  difficult  and  controversial  questions  in  regard  to  the 
government  of  African  or  Asiatic  races  under  European  sovereignty 
may  be  said  to  have  risen  and  to  persist  in  the  British  Empire, 
notably  in  India  and  in  the  South  African  group  of  colonies.  I 
cannot  reasonably  nor  without  immodesty  attempt  to  deal  with  the 
case  of  India  in  this  paper.  It  is  probably  in  South  Africa  that  there 
have  been  developed  the  greatest  conflicts  of  opinion,  as  between  the 
efficient  class  of  colonists  in  those  lands  and  the  mother  country  in 
regard  to  the  principle  on  which  the  native  races  should  be  dealt 
with.  These  controversies  tend  to  be  disposed  of  as  the  colonies 
increase  in  wealth,  importance,  and  power  by  the  elimination  of  the 
control,  opinions,  and  influence  of  the  mother  country,  so  that  in  them 
the  question  of  the  government  of  native  races  tends  to  pass  out  of 
the  sphere  of  the  topic  of  this  paper,  which  is  that  of  the 
government  of  colonies  and  dependencies  by  a  sovereign  nation, 
and  to  become  a  domestic  problem  of  government  which  might  more 
accurately  be  styled  the  question  of  internal  government  in  a  com- 
munity of  mixed  races  and  semi-civilised  nations.  But  in  regard 
to  the  other  large  group  of  colonies,  namely,  the  slave-settled  colonies 
and  the  colonies  which  have  not  yet  produced  and  established  their 
own  independent  governments,  some  generalisation  is  possible  as  to 
the  prevalent  aims  of  the  sovereign  nation  in  government.  It  must 
suffice  for  me  to  attempt  to  review  these  principles  as  they  appear  in 
the  government  of  British  Colonies  and  Dependencies,  with  regard  to 
which  alone  I  can  presume  to  speak  with  sufficient  information.  ;;n 

In  the  slave-settled  colonies,  that  is  to  say,  the  West  Indian 
colonies,  Mauritius,  and  the  Seychelles,  there  survives  practically  no 
vestige  of  the  social  and  judicial  institutions  or  of  the  religious  organi- 
sation of  the  transplanted  alien  race.  The  Law,  the  Courts,  and  the 
Churches  are  European.  There  is  no  distinction  of  persons  before 
the  Civil  Law.  The  transplanted  proletariat,  mostly  of  African  race 
or  African  descent,  is  regarded  as  being  in  semi-tutelage  and  as  not 
fully  qualified  for  the  exercise  of  responsible  self-government  in 
democratic  institutions.  The  ultimate  guarantee  for  order  in  these 
communities  rests  with  the  mother  country,  and,  with  hardly  any 


296  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

exception,  legislative  authority  remains  as  a  last  resort  under  the 
control  of  the  representative  of  that  Power  in  the  Executive  Govern- 
ment. There  are  one  or  two  apparent  exceptions  to  this  generalisa- 
tion in  some  of  the  older  colonies  that  preserve  their  original 
constitutions ;  but  the  exception  is  hardly  a  real  one,  because  the 
government  and  control  of  these  communities,  although  ostensibly 
democratic,  really  remains  in  the  hands  of  the  white  section  of  the 
community  or  of  those  who  have  imbued  themselves  with  the 
civilisation  and  ideals  of  the  sovereign  nation. 

The  principle  on  which  the  government  in  relation  to  the  less 
advanced  race  is  based,  is  to  aim  at  an  education  and  evolution  in 
European  civilisation  and  political  methods.  This  education  is 
sought  to  be  obtained  by  the  maintenance  of  the  common  law  of 
the  mother  country,  guaranteed  by  a  high  standard  of  purity  in 
the  judicial  administration,  by  the  steady  extension  of  provision  for 
elementary  and  more  advanced  education,  both  literary  and  practical, 
and  by  the  privilege  and  responsibility  of  the  exercise  of  political 
franchise  in  the  election  of  members  of  the  legislative  council  and  of 
municipal  governing  bodies.  In  the  colonies  controlled  by  the 
Government  of  the  sovereign  nation,  as  distinct  from  the  self- 
governing  colonies,  no  special  civil  disability  is  imposed  in  any  respect 
upon  the  citizen  of  whatever  race  he  may  be  ;  all  subjects  have  the 
same  privileges  and  are  under  the  same  limitations.  The  limitations 
are  exclusively  political,  and  are  based  upon  recognition  and  ex- 
perience of  the  imperfect  political  capacities  of  the  transplanted  race, 
retaining  just  such  a  measure  of  political  power  to  the  representative 
of  the  sovereign  nation  (as  the  embodiment  of  the  spirit  of  the 
governing  race)  as  is  sufficient  to  maintain  stability  in  the  progres- 
sive social  order  ;  and  the  explicit  theory  of  all  these  communities  is 
that  such  political  limitations  are  provisional  and  are  subject  to 
relaxation  in  so  far  as  the  community  progresses  towards  greater 
capacity  for  self-government. 

With  regard  to  the  other  great  division  of  colonies  inhabited  by 
native  races,  in  reference  to  which  it  may  be  said  that  the  mother 
country  has  a  policy  of  governing  such  races,  the  aim  of  the  modern 
method  is  markedly  different. 

Most  of  these  dependencies  have  been  acquired  and  their  govern- 
ment organised  for  the  purpose  of  trade,  and  not  with  a  view  to  the 
European  colonists  themselves  becoming  workers  or  employers  of 
labour  in  agriculture.  Nor  has  the  colonising  country  imported  or 
created  the  population,  as  it  has  in  the  older  colonies.  The  colonists 
come  there  to  preserve  their  economic  interests  in  such  manner  as 
may  involve  them  in  the  least  possible  complications  with  the  natives. 
Where  they  live,  as  in  seacoast  settlements  and  towns,  in  close  con- 


FIFTH   SESSION  297 

tact  with  the  natives,  they  are  bound  for  the  sake  of  their  own  con- 
venience and  health  to  interfere  to  a  certain  extent  with  the  native 
customs  and  manners  of  life,  and,  for  example,  to  establish  municipal 
governments  for  sanitary  purposes  with  more  or  less  administrative 
control  vested  in  the  hands  of  the  governing  power.  But  beyond  this 
there  is  less  and  less  disposition  to  interfere  with  the  native  life  and 
activity,  and  more  and  more  to  confine  the  energy  of  government  to 
the  departments  of  military  and  police  protection,  to  the  improve- 
ment of  roads  and  other  means  of  communication,  and  to  the 
education  of  technical  capacity.  There  is  less  and  less  tendency 
to  regard  the  colonising  country  as  being  under  any  religious  obliga- 
tion to  interfere  with  polygamy,  or  other  such  native  customs 
repugnant  to  British  standards  of  civilisation  and  morality,  and  there 
is  more  and  more  a  tendency  to  maintain  and  reinforce  the  authority 
of  the  local  institutions  of  Government  and  Justice. 

Instead  of  introducing  and  proclaiming  British  law  as  paramount 
in  these  territories  and  compelling  all  the  inhabitants  to  conform  to 
that  law  and  to  sue  for  redress  in  its  courts,  the  principle  now 
generally  approved  and  pursued  is  that,  whilst  there  shall  be  a 
supreme  court  of  British  Justice  with  branches  available  to  all 
Europeans  and  to  such  natives  who  choose  to  appeal  to  it,  the  natives, 
in  matters  concerning  themselves  and  their  fellows  generally,  shall 
retain  the  right  to  be  tried  by  their  own  native  courts,  the  administra- 
tion of  justice  in  these  courts  being  regulated  and  purified  by  the 
countenance  and  authority  of  the  Supreme  Government.  Much  is  left 
to  the  chiefs,  but  the  chief  is  under  the  guidance  and  control  of  a 
magistrate  or  commissioner  representing  the  Government,  whose  duty 
it  is  to  take  care  that  the  chief  does  not  exceed  his  authority  or  oppress 
his  tribesmen  by  an  abuse  of  the  processes  of  native  law.  The 
enormous  territories  controlled  by  Great  Britain  in  West,  East,  and 
Central  Africa  are  all  of  them  now  being  governed  more  or  less 
in  accordance  with  these  principles. 

The  most  important  matter  in  regard  to  which  the  British 
Government  actively  interferes  with  the  native  economy  is  in 
regard  to  the  institution  of  slavery,  which  it  does  not  recognise 
and  which  it  insists  upon  abolishing.  But  apart  from  this,  it  may 
be  said  that  the  principal  aim  of  British  government  in  these 
territories  is  to  strengthen  and  stimulate  the  characteristic  native 
life  of  the  people,  whilst  at  the  same  time  creating  in  them  a  desire 
for  commodities  which  can  be  produced  by  the  mother  country, 
and  improving  their  efficiency  in  the  growth  and  preparation  of 
those  products,  such  as  oils,  grains,  cotton,  and  other  commodities, 
which  the  colonising  country  desires  as  raw  materials  for  its 
factories.  These  territories,  not  being  suited  to  Europeans  for 


298  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

personal  settlement,  will  not,  like  some  of  the  South  African 
colonies,  become  homes  for  a  large  white  population  engaged  in 
agriculture.  The  demand  for  native  labour  for  direct  employment 
at  wages  by  such  a  class  of  white  settlers — the  circumstance  which 
has  so  profoundly  affected  the  relations  of  the  races  in  South 
Africa — is  not  likely  to  arise  in  any  marked  degree  in  these 
territories,  although  it  may  possibly  do  so  in  some  of  those  districts 
in  East-Central  Africa  which  are  found  useful  for  European  coloni- 
sation. It  is  when  the  difficulties  of  labour  supply  become  pressing 
that  questions  of  land  settlement  and  native  privileges  tend  also 
to  become  urgent  When  these  difficulties  arise,  the  more  easy- 
going, non-interventionist  policy  which  is  convenient  for  the  wide 
territories  of  the  later  annexations  and  protectorates  tends  to 
become  obsolete,  and  a  more  frankly  self-interested  policy  is 
acknowledged  and  put  into  execution. 

As  I  have  indicated,  the  problem  then  tends  to  pass  from 
being  that  of  the  government  by  a  sovereign  European  nation  of 
dependencies  peopled  by  other  races — in  which  phase  the  aim  of 
government  is  simply,  as  a  rule,  to  promote  facilities  of  commerce 
which  can  best  be  effected  by  stimulating  the  vigour  and  self- 
conscious  activity  of  the  native  community — to  being  the  problem 
of  the  internal  government  of  a  state  in  which  both  European 
and  other  races  are  fellow-citizens  ;  and  when  that  phase  is  reached, 
the  policy  of  government  must  necessarily  become  rather  that  of 
developing  the  existence  of  a  state  suitable  for  the  social  life 
of  a  civilised  European  community.  In  such  circumstances  we 
almost  invariably  see  the  same  principles  of  government  tending 
to  be  introduced  as  are  established  in  the  older  slave-settled  colonies, 
namely,  a  supersession  of  native  institutions  and  customs  accom- 
panied by  a  practical  denial  of  equal  political  capacity  in  the  non- 
European  race,  and  the  adoption  of  a  policy  of  tutelage  and 
education  in  regard  to  it  before  admitting  it  to  complete  political 
franchise.  These  safeguards  against  political  incapacity  in  an 
ostensibly  democratic  State  are  provided  by  a  considerable  variety 
of  expedients. 

Further,  in  such  a  community  it  is  hardly  possible  to  avoid 
the  evolution  of  an  industrial  policy  tending  to  impose  the  European 
standard  of  industry  and  energy  upon  the  non-white  population, 
because,  whereas  the  requirements  of  an  aboriginal  population  can 
be  met  without  a  large  production  of  surplus  value  in  industry, 
the  requirements  of  a  civilised  state  cannot  be  so  met.  The  follow- 
ing illustration  may  suffice  to  indicate  what  I  mean.  The  un- 
civilised native  community  will  produce  sufficient  food,  clothing, 
and  housing  to  meet  the  requirements  of  its  own  social  system, 


FIFTH   SESSION  299 

but  when  it  is  sought  to  provide  it  with  clothes,  boots,  soap, 
churches,  schools,  police,  law-courts,  European  medicine  and 
surgery,  and  all  those  higher  instruments  of  civilisation  which 
require  professional  classes  who  must  be  highly  paid  in  money 
and  who  do  not  form  a  native  part  of  the  general  organisation 
which  is  producing  the  requirements  of  the  merely  nutritive  life, 
surplus  value  must  be  produced  by  the  proletariat,  both  for  their 
own  direct  payments  for  those  services  and  for  the  payment  of 
taxes  to  the  government  which  supplies  them  through  its  institu- 
tions. This  necessity  is  the  more  marked  because,  whereas  in  the 
old  civilised  nations  the  classes  who  supply  these  utilities  have 
been  gradually  evolved  during  centuries  of  national  life,  and  the 
root  system  of  their  economic  support  has  grown  with  the  rest 
of  the  social  organism  in  the  attempt  to  force  an  educational 
development  of  native  races  up  to  the  European  standard  in  a 
mixed  colony,  they  generally  have  to  be  introduced  by  the  govern- 
ment, whether  in  response  to  the  desires  of  the  colonists  themselves 
or  to  the  demands  of  humanitarianism  and  philanthropic  forces 
in  the  sovereign  nation ;  so  that  these  communities  are  required 
to  pass  immediately  from  a  system  of  no  education  to  a  system 
of  state  education,  from  a  system  of  customary  courts  judged 
by  the  chiefs  to  a  system  of  paid  judges,  lawyers,  registrars, 
documents,  processes,  and  stamps,  from  a  system  of  witchcraft 
and  simples  in  medicine  to  a  government  medical  service  with 
hospitals,  nurses,  surgical  instruments,  and  the  British  pharmacopoeia. 
It  is  the  same  with  all  the  institutions  of  the  State  which  the 
European  himself  requires  and  which,  in  a  mixed  community,  he 
either  deems  desirable  or  is  impelled  by  philanthropy  or  religion 
to  provide  for  the  less  advanced  race.  This  community  has  not 
evolved  an  organic  economic  support  for  them  because  as  a  whole 
it  has  not  learned  to  demand  them.  The  State,  or  Government, 
is  therefore  called  upon  to  provide  these  out  of  taxation.  The 
sovereign  nation  may  subsidise  the  dependency  for  a  time  by 
grants  from  its  exchequer,  but  it  soon  wearies  of  this  philanthropic 
exercise. 

For  all  these  services,  then,  the  produce  of  the  country  has 
to  pay,  and  it  cannot  provide  the  means  without  either  a  greater 
intensification  of  individual  labour,  or  the  improvement  of  its  pro- 
ductiveness by  capitalist  organisation,  or  the  development  of  an 
export  trade  whereby  to  induce  an  influx  of  imports  on  which 
customs  duties  can  be  levied.  So  that  it  comes  to  pass  that  the 
more  philanthropic  and  humanitarian  is  the  spirit  of  the  aims  of 
the  European  in  the  government  of  these  mixed  communities,  the 
more  is  it  necessary  in  order  to  pursue  those  aims  that  an  internal 


300  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

policy  should  be  adopted  which  will  stimulate  the  industry  and 
increase  the  exploitation  and  taxation  of  the  native  labourer.  This 
circumstance,  quite  as  much  as  any  individual  greed  on  the  part 
of  the  employers  of  labour,  lies  at  the  root  of  the  policy  of  self- 
governing  colonies  with  mixed  communities  with  regard  to  land 
and  industry.  If  the  native  populations  are  to  be  civilised,  they 
must  produce  enough  to  maintain  the  institutions  of  civilisation. 
It  is  a  very  difficult  thing  for  the  Government  of  any  tropical 
colony  to  raise  by  internal  tribute  (direct  taxation)  enough  means 
to  provide  for  the  maintenance  of  the  institutions  which  its  civilised 
aims  demand  ;  hence  the  constant  tendency  to  endeavour  to 
stimulate  trade  so  that  its  revenue  may  be  raised  indirectly  by 
taxes  on  that  trade,  which  taxes  the  native  does  not  feel  as 
onerous  and  can  hardly  attempt  to  evade.  Direct  taxation  in  any 
form  he  detests,  and  evades  if  possible  by  the  most  extravagant 
shifts. 

The  difficulty  is  less  strongly  felt  in  those  older  slave-settled 
colonies  to  which  I  have  referred  than  it  is  in  the  newer  colonies 
of  mixed  races  that  are  developing  their  own  government ;  because 
those  older  colonies  were  built  up  as  trading  colonies  specially 
supplying  tropical  produce  to  the  mother  country,  and  their  popu- 
lation was  imported  to  produce  staples  for  export,  so  that  in  the 
time  of  their  greater  prosperity  they  were  able  out  of  the  profits 
of  that  trade  to  establish  to  a  considerable  extent  the  institutions 
of  civilised  communities  demanded  by  their  European  settlers, 
and,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  employing  class  has  retained  under 
its  control  the  greater  part  of  the  land  from  which  internal  revenue 
can  be  raised.  In  the  invitation  which  was  addressed  to  me  to 
write  this  short  paper,  I  was  asked  to  offer  suggestions  of  how 
dependencies  of  mixed  races  should  be  governed.  I  fear  that  the 
expression  of  any  general  opinion  of  this  kind  would,  in  view  of  the 
great  diversity  of  the  circumstances  of  these  communities  of  which 
I  have  given  some  indication,  be  a  very  futile  attempt.  And  my 
postulate  of  what  is  desirable  would  doubtless  appear  individual 
and  arbitrary.  Every  colony  has  its  own  opinion  on  such  points, 
and  its  opinion  may  differ  from  that  of  the  sovereign  nation. 

Such  dependencies  can  only  be  governed  as  Europeans  would 
like  to  see  them  governed  when  the  native  races  that  inhabit  them 
have  become  what  Europeans  would  like  to  see  them  be  and  what 
they  are  not  now.  And  that  is  the  whole  difficulty  of  the  situation 
for  those  who  are  practically  engaged  in  the  problems  of  colonial 
government. 

I  have  personally  a  very  strong  opinion  that  whatever  may 
be  the  case  with  Asiatics,  African  peoples  generally  are  not  at 


FIFTH   SESSION  301 

all  suited  by  temperament  or  talent  for  that  kind  of  industrial 
position  as  wage-workers  under  capital  into  which  the  proletariats 
of  industrial  European  countries  have  come,  nor  does  it  appear 
to  me  at  all  desirable  that  they  should,  if  they  can  avoid  it,  pass 
into  that  position  or  acquire  in  all  respects  the  characteristics  of 
the  European  wage-worker ;  but  under  present  circumstances  it 
appears  that  their  powers  of  production  cannot  be  quickly  increased 
except  under  organised  education  by  employers  of  the  advanced 
or  industrial  race. 

Outside  of  this,  the  only  method  for  assisting  them  to  maintain 
those  services  which  they  are  being  more  and  more  taught  to 
require,  is  a  very  considerable  personal  education  in  agricultural 
and  technical  skill.  But  this  education  can  only  be  obtained  by 
an  industry  and  application  upon  their  part  which  it  is  very  difficult 
to  induce  them  voluntarily  to  undertake.  Under  the  European 
apprenticeship  system,  craftsmen  learned  their  trades  as  youths 
under  the  very  severe  dominion  of  a  skilled  master  who  controlled 
and,  if  necessary,  beat  them.  I  do  not  know  of  any  means  except 
compulsion  of  this  sort  or  stress  of  want  to  induce  the  steady 
industry  that  is  required  for  thoroughly  learning  a  trade  in  com- 
petition with  the  great  counter-attractions  of  indolence  and  sen- 
suality that  are  continually  pressing  upon  the  youth  of  all  tropical 
populations. 

The  European  wage-worker  is  not  so  free  as  the  tropical  native ; 
but  he  is  competent  because  he  is  trained  and  disciplined.  Unless 
the  natives  of  tropical  countries  will  voluntarily  undergo  industrial 
training  and  discipline,  the  requirements  of  a  civilised  state  cannot 
be  maintained  among  them  except  by  such  pressure  of  industrial 
necessity  as  has  been  evolved  in  civilised  European  countries,  or 
by  forced  labour  imposed  by  the  State.  Wherever  the  native  has 
unrestricted  access  to  land,  and  is  in  other  respects  free  from 
economic  compulsion,  all  that  a  progressive  government  imposed 
from  without  can  do  is  to  offer  him  and  coax  him  to  take  advantage 
of  the  opportunities  of  agricultural  and  technical  education,  and 
strive  by  every  possible  means  to  stimulate  and  train  his  intelligence 
to  perceive  their  advantages. 

This  is,  in  fact,  the  principal  aim  of  modern  progressive  states- 
manship in  all  colonies  and  dependencies  inhabited  by  a  mixture 
of  races.  Whether  the  social,  industrial,  and  religious  ideals  of 
those  nations  that  are  pursuing  this  aim  are  really  destined  to 
prove  suitable  to  the  best  development  of  the  races  to  whose 
moulding  they  are  being  applied,  the  future  alone  can  disclose. 
[Paper  submitted  in  English."] 


302 


THE    INFLUENCE   OF   MISSIONS 


By  ALFRED  CALDECOTT,  D.D.  (Cambridge},  D.Litt.  (London}, 
Professor  of  Moral  Philosophy,  King's  College,  University  of  London. 

IN  another  paper  Professor  Rhys  Davids  is  considering  the  influence 
of  Religion  generally  as  a  consolidating  and  separating  influence: 
my  task  is  to  call  attention  to  some  features  of  Religious  Missionary 
enterprise  in  this  respect. 

For  a  Religion  to  be  propagandist  the  first  condition  is  that  it 
must  believe  in  the  fundamental  unity  of  mankind.  A  Religion 
which  admits  raciality  as  an  article  of  its  creed  confines  itself  within 
the  limits  of  the  specified  race.  In  some  Religions  raciality  is,  even 
if  not  manifest  on  the  surface,  at  least  so  strong  an  undercurrent 
that  they  have  no  propagandist  force  :  of  living  Religions  I  take  it 
that  this  is  the  case  at  present  with  Judaism,  which  maintains  no 
propaganda  but  for  any  expansion  trusts  simply  to  diffusion  by 
contact.  Hinduism  contains  many  forms  so  much  localised  as  to 
be  untransferable,  and  even  the  fundamental  tenets  of  Brahmanism 
are  so  bound  up  with  raciality  that  the  diffusion  which  is  actually 
in  process  does  not  look  beyond  the  boundaries  of  the  Indian 
peninsula.  In  China  the  triplex  system  established  by  the  State  is 
not  conceived  as  transferable  either  as  a  whole  or  in  its  parts,  and  a 
parallel  statement  is  true  of  Japan.  Expansion  movement  in 
Religions  has  been  for  some  time  past,  and  is  at  the  present 
moment,  limited  to  Buddhism,  Islam,  and  Christianity. 

Buddhism  in  its  fundamentals  is  free  from  racial  limitations,  and 
its  history  has  shown  diffusion  from  race  to  race  on  a  large  scale. 
Islam  though  closely  associated  with  its  Founder  and  his  race  at 
once  went  forth  with  open  invitation,  and  though  never  successful 
in  Europe  had  great  successes  elsewhere,  and  in  Africa  it  is  expand- 
ing its  range  before  our  eyes.  Christianity  was  in  the  first  gene- 
ration seen  to  be  universalistic,  and  though  its  dominance  was 
transferred  from  Asia  into  Europe,  and  later  on  it  had  to  retreat 
before  Islam  in  West  Asia  and  North  Africa,  it  felt  this  as  a 
reproach,  and  in  the  Crusades  made  a  protest,  futile  though  it  proved 
to  be.  At  the  reopening  of  Asia  after  1492  and  the  discovery  of 
the  New  World,  Christianity  resumed  its  world-wide  prospect. 

I  suggest,  therefore,  that  at  a  gathering  of  the  Races  of  the  world 
we  do  well  to  note  that  the  three  propagandist  Religions  are  now 
definitely  and  explicitly  dissociated  from  race-privileges,  and  to 
proceed  to  hope  that  those  religions  which  are  still  closely  attached 
to  race-limitations  will,  when  brought  into  mutual  conference,  be 
affected  by  the  sentiment  of  unity,  and  consider  seriously  for  them- 


FIFTH   SESSION  303 

selves    the   possibility   of    a     new    valuation    of    their    separative 
features,  inu 

Of  the  multitudinous  forms  of  religion  among  the  races  of  lower 
culture  the  connection  with  raciality  in  its  minute  subdivisions  has 
been  too  close  to  permit  of  their  dissociation,  and  the  notion  of 
propaganda  does  not  come  into  sight. 

A.  (a)  In  studying  Religious  propaganda  I  can  only  select  some 
principal  features  :    I  will  take  first,   The  Association  with  Political 
Dominion.      A  religion  may  be  so  deeply  ingrained  in  a  Political 
system   that    wherever   that   polity   is   extended    that    religion    is 
carried  with  it  without  a  moment  of  questioning  on  the  part  either 
of  the  Nation  which  is  extending  or  of  the  people   who  are  sub- 
jugated, whether  these  latter  accept  the  religion  of  the  conquerors 
or  not.     Spanish  and  Portuguese  America  entered  at  once  formally 
into   Christendom   in   the   sixteenth   century   as    clearly   as   North 
Africa  passed   within    Islam    under   the   Arabs   and   Moors  in   the 
seventh  and  eighth ;  the  French  colonists  carried  their  Church  into 
Canada   as   the  Moslem  invaders  carried  theirs  to  Delhi.     But  in 
different  situations  very   different  degrees  of  success  attended  the 
endeavours  to  bring  the  Native  populations  effectively  within    the 
newly   presented  religions.      The  simple  expectations  of   the   first 
days    of  conquest   soon    faded   before    aboriginal   inability   or   un* 
willingness  to  accept  a  change,  and  both  in  the  New  World  and  the 
Old  very  limited  success  and  very  nominal  kinds  of  "  conversion  " 
were  accepted  as  time  went  on.     Within  the  empire  of  Britain  the 
religious  dissensions  at  home  gave  rise  to  a  great  variety  of  policy 
in    the    Colonies   and    Plantations.      The    New   England    colonies 
established   their  own  forms   of  Protestant   Christianity ;    Virginia 
and  the  West  Indian  colonies  established  the  Church  of  England  as 
at  home  ;  and  some  colonies  were  on  a  toleration  basis,  notably  Penn- 
sylvania, founded  by  the  Society  of  Friends.    Official  attention  to  the 
Red  Indians  soon  ceased,  and  indeed  was  replaced  over  large  areas 
by   a   long    period   of  hostilities :    but   some  voluntary   missionary 
efforts  were  put  forth,  though  not  in  any  considerable  volume.     In 
the  Southern  States  and  in  the  West  Indies  the  singular  transplan- 
tation of  large  numbers  of  Negroes  brought  them  within  Christen- 
dom nominally  only,  as  their  civil  status  was  so  widely  felt  to  be 
inconsistent  with   Christian  rights  that  their  admission  was  either 
ignored  or  positively  refused  for  many  years,  although  in  the  end 
the  result  has  been  the  enrolment  of  not  less  than  ten  millions  of 
people  of  West  African  descent  more  or  less  completely  within  the 
Christian  churches.     In  India  the  character  of  the  entry  of  British 
dominion   was   affected   by  its   being   the   affair    of  a   commercial 
Company,  and  religious  propaganda  was  wholly  separated  from  it. 


304  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

In  Australia  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  early  colonisation 
and  the  total  inability  to  appreciate  what  strains  of  promise  there 
might  be  in  the  unquestionably  low-grade  Aborigines,  left  these  in 
worse  than  neglect  for  many  years ;  in  New  Zealand  the  more 
enlightened  type  of  colonisation  and  the  superior  quality  of  the 
Maoris  led  to  a  close  alliance  of  State  action  with  Mission  work,  as 
illustrated  by  the  memorable  co-operation  of  Governor  Grey  and 
Bishop  Selwyn.  The  extension  of  the  Greek  Church  has  been  for 
a  long  time  limited  to  the  expansion  of  Russian  dominion,  which  it 
accompanies  as  a  matter  of  course  in  name,  though  in  Central 
Asia  Islam  has  not  been  officially  superseded. 

The  extension  of  Islam  has  always  included  some  conception  of 
the  extension  of  Dominion  on  the  part  of  the  successors  of 
Mohammed  in  the  Caliphate,  but  powerful  sovereigns  have  arisen 
with  not  even  nominal  allegiance  in  a  secular  sense,  near  the  centre, 
as  Persia,  and  remote,  as  Morocco.  But  recent  political  changes 
have  been  so  sweeping  that  it  is  estimated  by  good  authority  that 
of  some  230  millions  of  Moslems  170  millions  live  under  Christian 
rule  or  protection,  and  30  millions  under  other  non-Mohammedan 
rule,  leaving  only  30  millions  under  Moslem  political  jurisdiction. 

A.  (b)  The  Complete  Separation  of  Religious  Propaganda  from  Ex- 
tension of  Dominion. — This  separation  has  always  marked  Buddhism. 
As  it  spread  from  India  to  Tibet,  Siam,  China,  and  Japan,  it  moved 
as  a  purely  religious  change  effected  by  individual  monks,  teachers, 
and  pilgrims ;  and  even  in  India  its  diffusion  in  the  times  of  its 
success  was  not  by  political  means. 

In  Islam,  as  seen  above,  the  political  aspect  has  faded  as  expan- 
sion extended  to  remote  regions :  it  has  flowed  onward  as  a  religious 
system,  and  the  deference  paid  to  the  Successor  of  Mohammed  and 
the  Sheik-ul-Islam  now  takes  the  form  of  a  spiritual  allegiance, 
though  doubtless  in  many  minds  the  old  association  lingers  and 
might  again  assert  itself.  At  present  the  extension  over  Africa 
is  by  individual  missionaries  and  traders,  and  carries  with  it  no 
claim  for  political  allegiance. 

For  Christianity  even  in  the  days  of  the  close  association  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  with  the  States  a  non-political  character 
was  recognised  when  Roman  Catholic  missions  were  sent  to  China 
and  Japan  with  no  thought  of  interference  with  the  political  status 
of  those  countries.  In  the  Protestant  churches  there  soon  arose  a 
desire  to  extend  Christianity  by  private  enterprise,  and  missionary 
societies  of  a  purely  voluntary  kind  were  formed.  Beginning  at  first 
with  the  Natives  of  Colonies  and  dependencies  as  principal  concern 
(eg.,  the  New  England  Company  of  Cromwell  and  the  Gospel 
Propagation  Society  of  Queen  Anne)  the  close  of  the  eighteenth 


FIFTH   SESSION  305 

century  saw  the  institution  in  Great  Britain  of  several  Societies 
which  took  the  whole  world  into  view.  Similar  Societies  were 
formed  in  Germany,  Switzerland,  and  the  United  States  which 
were  necessarily  wholly  devoid  of  political  intention  as  they 
dealt  entirely  with  the  peoples  of  lands  outside  the  domains  of 
the  people  who  supported  them. 

Whilst  some  of  the  Missionary  Societies  undertook  the  task 
of  presenting  Christianity  to  the  civilised  nations,  India,  China, 
Japan,  with  some  endeavours  in  the  lands  under  Islam  also,  it 
is  not  surprising  that  the  greatest  mass  of  effective  work  was 
found  to  be  possible  among  the  peoples  of  lower  culture  and 
of  primitive  forms  of  religion.  In  South  and  West  Africa,  Mada- 
gascar, and  the  Pacific  Islands  the  romance  of  Missions,  both  Protes- 
tant and  Roman  Catholic,  presents  a  chapter  of  permanent  interest 
in  the  religious  history  of  mankind,  remarkable  alike  in  the  heroism 
of  the  messengers  and  in  the  degree  of  acceptance  of  the  message. 
In  this  non-political  work  the  Greek  Church  has  shared  by  means 
of  the  Russian  missions  to  China  and  Japan. 

What  I  think  this  gathering  of  representatives  of  the  different 
Races  is  concerned  to  note  is  that  in  the  propaganda  of  religion 
every  one  now  agrees  that  it  must  be  by  absolutely  voluntary 
effort :  that  by  Churches,  Societies,  or  individuals,  but  not  by 
Governments,  religions  may  be  proclaimed  all  over  the  world. 
Two  principles  may  well  be  asked  for : — 

That  no  Government  shall  disturb  the  political  situation 
by  including  in  its  programme  the  propagation  of  its  own 
religion,  as  distinguished  from  its  maintenance ; 

That  no  Government  shall  refuse  to  its  subjects  freedom  to 
hear  religious  messages,  or  prevent  them  from  accepting  them 
if  they  so  desire. 

These  principles  express  a  right  which  may  be  generally  ac- 
cepted as  lying  at  the  root  of  the  unification  of  mankind.  And 
we  may  find  ourselves  able  to  consider  together  what  cases  there 
may  still  be  in  which  these  principles  are  obstructed.  I  should  be 
extremely  sorry  to  introduce  any  cause  of  offence,  and  perhaps 
should  not  offer  any  particular  cases :  but  one  may  hope  that  in 
an  atmosphere  of  mutual  respect  the  representatives  of  these 
peoples  may  not  be  unwilling  to  state  their  views  and  to  take  counsel 
with  the  general  assemblage.  I  would  specify  the  following  :  the  need 
for  allowing  freedom  for  religious  missions  in  Spain  and  Russia  within 
Christendom  ;  in  Turkey  and  in  Persia  ;  and  in  French  Colonies 
Government  neutrality  as  in  the  French  Congo  rather  than 
the  adverse  attitude  even  to  long-established  missions  which 

x 


306  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

has  marked  a  considerable  period  of  the  regime  in  Madagascar. 
In  some  countries  it  is  the  missionaries  who  need  the  protec- 
tion of  the  Government,  in  others  it  is  the  religious  liberties 
of  the  people  which  are  restricted,  if  not  nominally,  in  fact. 
Of  course,  the  opposition  of  the  people  themselves  must  be  allowed 
for,  and  judiciously  treated,  e.g.,  in  Turkey,  Persia,  Afghanistan,  and 
Morocco,  where  resentment  and  alarm  enter  into  the  popular  mind. 
But  when  the  people  are  not  unwilling,  Governments  may  be  asked 
not  to  interfere,  and  even  where  the  people  are  alarmed,  Governments 
may  well  seek  to  reassure  them,  and  to  lead  them  towards  respect  for 
religious  freedom.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Missions  must  be  guided 
by  limitations  in  the  protection  they  ask  for.  In  this  connection  I 
would  assure  the  representatives  of  peoples  who  hesitate  to  trust  to  a 
wide  liberty  that  for  Christian  missions  at  least  the  future  will  be 
most  carefully  watched.  This  very  subject  engaged  close  attention  at 
the  "  World's  Missionary  Conference  "  at  Edinburgh  last  year,  which 
devoted  a  whole  section  of  its  proceedings  to  the  relations  of  Missions 
to  Governments :  its  decisions  are  marked  by  great  considerateness, 
and  Missionary  policy  is  sure  to  be  guided  by  them  in  the  future 
so  that  respect  for  Government,  loyalty,  and  patriotism  will  find  every 
support  from  the  missionaries  of  religion  in  whatever  land  they 
work. 

B.  I  will  take  as  my  second  theme  the  extent  to  which  religious 
propaganda  includes  moral  and  social  factors. 

(a)  First :  Religion  as  including  Cultus  to  a  Far-reaching  Extent : 
carrying  with  it  science,  literature,  technical  arts  (especially  medicine 
and  engineering),  methods  of  industry  and  trade,  education,  and  even 
domestic  life  and  social  institutions  generally. 

This  is,  of  course,  the  earlier  condition  of  religions.  In  Hinduism, 
for  example,  it  is  almost  impossible  to  distinguish  between  sacred  and 
secular  ;  and  Brahmanism  carries  a  cultus  with  it,  though  the  admis- 
sion of  new  castes  usually  involves  the  acceptance  of  some  modifica- 
tions. In  Christian  missions  of  the  modern  era  a  difference  was 
soon  perceived  between  missions  to  peoples  of  high  civilisation  and  to 
the  peoples  of  lower  culture.  A  transference  of  European  cultus  to 
India,  China,  or  Japan  was  seen  to  be  on  a  very  different  footing  from 
the  task  involved  in  presenting  Christianity  to  primitive  peoples.  In 
India  the  mark  made  by  the  separation  between  religion  and 
dominion  already  alluded  to  continued,  and  such  reforms  in  moral 
and  social  institutions  as  were  deemed  indispensable  were  reduced 
within  narrow  limits,  and  even  these  were  altogether  dissociated  from 
religious  sanctions,  though  some  of  them  were  undoubtedly  the  off- 
spring of  Christian  ethics.  In  China  and  Japan  a  standing  coolness 
between  many  of  the  European  residents  and  the  Christian  mission- 


FIFTH   SESSION  307 

aries  arose  in  consequence  of  attempts  of  the  latter  to  include  too 
much  of  social  reconstruction  in  their  programme. 

But  with  the  peoples  of  lower  culture  religious  enterprise  as  a 
vehicle  of  social  and  ethical  reforms  has  had  a  free  course :  it  has, 
indeed,  provided  the  motive  power  for  lifting  up  these  peoples 
towards  civilisation.  The  analysis  of  the  influence  of  the  Christian 
missionary  settled  with  an  African  tribe  or  on  a  Pacific  island  is 
replete  with  interest.  Over  and  over  again  a  single  individual  has 
meant  "civilisation"  as  well  as  the  Gospel  to  a  whole  community. 
From  him  have  flowed  influences  regenerating  every  part  of  their 
social  life.  From  one  man's  heart  and  brain  have  issued  not  only 
the  abolition  of  degrading  and  cruel  customs,  but  the  beginnings  of 
new  industrial  organisation,  glimpses  of  science  and  literature,  new 
forms  of  social  order.  And  when  he  has  been  accompanied  by  a 
household  a  new  type  of  domestic  life  has  been  exhibited  and  the 
family  set  in  a  new  light.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  that  the  future 
history  of  the  world  can  ever  again  show  example  after  example  of 
social  elevation  on  so  considerable  a  scale :  important  tribes  in  South 
Africa,  in  the  Pacific,  in  Madagascar,  and  New  Zealand,  among  the 
Red  Indians  of  the  North-West  and  the  remote  Esquimaux  of 
Greenland  and  Labrador,  have  come  to  a  new  birth.  So  clear  has 
been  the  elevation  that  for  many  of  them  it  has  meant  the  entry  into 
the  single  world-circle  now  approaching  completion,  though  for  the 
present  in  the  provisional  and  preparatory  stage  of  being  dependen- 
cies or  protectorates  of  European  empires.  Time  fails  for  particu- 
larising as  to  the  effects  of  Missionary  enterprise  among  these 
peoples.  From  a  world  point  of  view  we  see  how  it  has  preserved 
some  which  were  in  peril  of  perishing  as  the  stronger  races  spread 
over  the  globe  carrying  influences  which  threatened  to  be  fatal  to  the 
weaker.  Saved  by  the  infusion  of  the  counter-influences  of  religion, 
these  peoples  are  now  raising  their  heads  and  beginning  to  multiply 
again  in  the  vigour  of  a  recovered  life.  Too  late,  indeed,  for  some 
of  them,  as  the  pathetic  story  of  disappearing  and  vanished  races 
shows.  But  on  the  whole  we  may  claim  that  the  indigenous  inhabi- 
tants whom  Europe  found  in  tropical  and  subtropical  lands  have 
passed  through  the  valley  of  bitterness  and  are  now  entered  upon 
the  open  fields,  and  that  the  chief  instrument  of  their  salvation  in 
the  hour  of  peril  has  been  the  sympathetic  ardour  of  religion  which 
moved  messengers  to  devise  and  to  initiate  the  ethical  and  social 
reformation  which  stands  on  record. 

For  Islam  also  there  is  a  long  record  of  peoples  brought  within 
the  range  of  world-civilisation  in  recent  times,  over  a  large  part  of 
Africa  especially.  Important  moral  and  social  reforms  have  been 
adopted  by  virile  communities  under  powerful  native  rulers  :  some  of 


308  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

them  remain  independent,  others,  as  in  the  Soudan,  Zanzibar,  and  in 
Malaysia,  have  passed  under  European  protection  while  retaining 
their  allegiance  to  the  religion  which  first  linked  them  with  the  world 
at  large. 

(£)  Religion  as  dissociated  from  Secular  Culture.  —  Religion 
sometimes  regards  itself  as  other-worldly,  as  a  concern  of  men  in  their 
individuality,  as  appertaining  solely  to  the  inner  life,  leaving  external 
ranges  of  life  as  it  finds  them,  to  continue  or  to  reshape  themselves 
as  they  may.  And,  on  the  other  hand,  secular  culture  can  also 
separate  itself  and  extend  on  lines  independent  of  religion. 

Buddhism  essentially  holds  the  secular  life  in  so  low  esteem  that 
it  is  capable  of  complete  detachment  and  therefore  of  transfer  from 
race  to  race  without  calling  for  any  social  changes.  The  Brahmanic 
philosophy  is  in  like  case.  The  present  activity  of  both  of  them  falls 
within  this  category :  they  contemplate  an  extension  apart  from 
criticism  of  social  order  or  from  aims  at  carrying  over  the  world  the 
particular  culture  of  India  or  Japan. 

On  the  other  hand,  much  of  European  civilisation  is  now  extending 
in  separation  from  Christianity.  Even  within  European  dominions 
this  is  the  case.  In  India  the  British  Government  makes  no  appeal 
to  Christian  authority  even  in  the  Provinces  entirely  under  its  ad- 
ministration, while  in  the  688  Native  States  their  established  reli- 
gions continue  unaffected.  The  moral  and  social  reforms  which  are 
fostered  are  regarded  as  secular,  introduced  and  commended  apart 
from  the  sanctions  of  religion.  The  recent  separation  of  Church 
and  State  in  France  imposes  a  purely  secular  policy  in  her  Colonies 
and  protectorates ;  and  the  absence  of  all  official  connection  with 
religion  in  the  United  States  Government  places  American  policy  in 
the  same  position. 

Again,  the  outflow  of  European  arts  and  sciences  and  commerce 
proceeds  by  a  diffusion  independent  of  religion.  In  some  cases  it  is 
not  only  dissociated  but  is  hostile,  sending  forth  as  counter-messages 
Materialism  and  various  forms  of  purely  Ethical  and  Secular  culture. 

Religious  propaganda  therefore,  to  a  considerable  extent,  has  to 
reconsider  itself,  and  to  take  account  of  a  parallel  extension  of  culture 
for  which  it  need  nottake  responsibility,  and  it  is  therefore  impelled  to 
bring  into  principal  attention  the  inner  and  more  purely  spiritual 
elements  of  its  message  in  its  missionary  work. 

In  another  way  Christianity  has  been  obliged  to  see  in  European 
extension  not  a  component  part  of  its  activity  but  an  antagonistic 
influence.  The  characters  of  many  of  the  energetic  individuals  who 
for  trade  or  for  adventure  first  visited  or  settled  in  those  distant 
lands  were  far  from  being  Christian,  to  say  the  least :  too  frequently 
they  diffused  mischief  and  misery,  and  aroused  hostility  and  terror 


FIFTH   SESSION  309 

wherever  their  sinister  presence  made  itself  felt.  Christianity  had  to 
be  separated  from  Europeanism  in  all  sadness  by  Las  Casas,  and 
Xavier,  and  by  many  a  missionary  since  their  day.  Even  when  there 
was  no  ruthless  depravity  there  was  a  depressing  influence  requiring 
counteraction  arising  from  the  fact  that  so  much  of  the  early  contact 
of  Europeans  with  outside  peoples  was  based  simply  and  solely  on 
profit  from  trade.  In  the  ordinary  way  this  was  innocuous,  often  bene- 
ficial ;  but  love  of  gold  is  a  bad  master,  and  the  supply  of  noxious 
and  destructive  instruments  of  indulgence  was  too  often  the  most 
profitable  line  of  trade  ;  while  the  need  of  labour  was  frequently 
difficult  to  satisfy  without  exploitation  of  the  Native  peoples,  with 
fatal  results.  And  when  lands  were  wanted  in  which  the  Natives 
were  de  trop  over  large  areas  "extermination  proved  easier  than 
civilisation."  It  has  been  no  small  part  of  the  Christian  propaganda 
to  counteract  these  noxious  influences  in  the  past.  And  to-day  the 
need  for  such  counteraction  has  taken  effect  in  the  tendency  of 
Christian  agencies  to  disclaim  responsibility  for  Europeanism,  or  at 
any  rate  to  the  forms  of  it  to  which  circumstances  seem  to  confine 
its  transplantation  to  Asia  and  Africa.  In  short,  the  separation 
has  to  some  extent  to  take  the  form  of  declining  to  associate  the 
Christian  name  with  any  racial  or  national  characters  whatever,  and 
to  insist  on  confining  it  to  its  essential  usage  as  a  religious  term. 
Islam  has  had  to  provide  parallel  counteraction  ;  it  has  been  im- 
portant in  quite  similar  ways  as  a  protest  against  the  appearance  of 
higher  civilisation  in  the  dreaded  forms  of  the  slave-raider  and  the 
pirate,  and  obliged  to  present  itself  in  detachment  from  the  Arab 
name  and  race. 

(c)  There  remain  the  cases,  between  the  above  extremes,  in  which 
Religious  Propaganda  contains  some  Factors  of  an  Ethical  and  Social 
Kind  in  its  programme  without  embarking  upon  wholesale  reforms. 
Which  factors  commend  themselves  as  so  universal  in  promise  of 
beneficence  that  all  Religions  would  do  well  to  give  them  support  ? 

We  have  seen  that  political  Dominion  must  be  excluded  :  that 
Religion  should  move  onward  as  a  force  on  the  side  of  loyalty  and 
civic  duty  within  the  Nations.  In  this  Congress  it  is  specially 
important  to  proceed  to  claim  that  it  must  pay  a  similar  respect  to 
Race.  It  must  welcome  the  results  of  Anthropologists  in  ascertain- 
ing differential  race-characters  and  race-capacities,  and  leave  large 
freedom  for  the  influence  of  these  in  the  ethical  and  social  systems 
for  which  Religion  will  contribute  principles  and  provide  sanctions. 
In  short,  the  Vocation  of  Nations  and  of  Races  must  be  accepted. 
How  widely  this  is  coming  into  recognition  was  shown  at  the  recent 
" Pan- Anglican  Congress"  in  the  Report  on  Missions,  and  at  the 
"  World  Missionary  Conference "  in  Edinburgh  last  year.  The 


310  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

organisation  of  national  forms  of  Christianity  in  Japan,  China,  India, 
Africa,  were  acclaimed  as  the  method  of  the  future.  "  Africans  are 
an  Eastern  people,"  said  a  Negro  Bishop  at  the  former  Congress  ; 
there  must  be  Chinese  Christians,  claimed  a  scholarly  convert  from 
China  ;  and  these  sentiments  were  endorsed  by  the  Congresses.  Most 
careful  attention  was  given  to  the  discrimination  of  the  moral  and 
social  institutions  which  Religion  should  include  and  those  which  it 
should  leave  the  different  nations  and  races  to  work  out  on  their  own 
lines.  It  will  be  an  important  function  of  this  Congress  to  assist  in 
the  sifting  of  moral  and  social  ideas  with  the  view  of  assigning  to  them 
entrance  into  the  sphere  of  universal  commendation  or  remitting 
them  to  racial  and  local  determination.  I  have  my  own  opinion  as 
to  the  trend  which  universal  judgment  is  taking  in  a  good  many 
cases,  but  I  ought  not  to  set  them  down  in  a  paper  where  there  is  no 
room  to  indicate  the  evidence  upon  which  I  proceed. 

But  I  hope  we  may  take  it  that  all  the  religions  which  include  a 
desire  to  extend  their  influence  will  be  glad  both  to  contribute  counsel 
and  to  receive  it  in  the  important  task  of  selecting  the  universalia  of 
humane  ethical  and  social  order.  I  can  speak  as  a  Christian  believer, 
and  I  hope  that  the  men  of  other  religions  will  join  in  this  endeavour. 
Religions  would  then  be  free  to  enter  upon  mutually  deferential 
controversy  in  the  region  of  the  hopes  and  the  sanctions  which  they 
severally  offer  for  the  contents  of  the  Faith  and  the  manner  of  the 
Worship  which  they  value  for  themselves  and  would  commend  to 
mankind.  That  there  are  universalistic  and  idealistic  elements  even 
in  some  Religions  which  make  no  move  outward  at  present  1  feel 
confident,  and  it  may  be  that  this  Congress  will  include  among  its 
beneficial  results  the  determination  on  the  part  of  those  who  belong 
to  them  to  bring  to  light  these  universalistic  factors,  so  that  we  may 
all  proceed  together  in  a  common  task. 

In  conclusion,  the  continuance  of  religious  propaganda  invites  the 
sympathy  of  a  Races  Congress  for  these  two  reasons,  amongst 
others : — 

i.  It  is  a  standing  witness  for  Altruism  in  a  world  which  now,  as 
aver,  needs  such  witness.  The  dark  shadow  of  political  aggrandise- 
ment has  indeed  passed  by,  for  the  present  at  least ;  we  are  hoping 
for  the  suppression  of  plunder  and  exploitation  of  every  kind.  But 
the  universal  spread  of  commerce  and  industrial  arts  rests  only  upon 
the  desires  of  men,  as  individuals  or  companies,  for  salaries  and 
profits  ;  and  even  the  beneficent  arts  and  sciences  are  carried  round 
the  world  by  men  who  do  not  profess  to  be  motived  by  anything 
higher  than  the  aim  to  secure  an  honourable  livelihood  by  their 
means.  In  religious  missions  alone  have  we  purely  altruistic 
agencies  on  a  large  scale.  And  especially  noteworthy  is  this  the 


FIFTH   SESSION  311 

case  in  the  immeasurably  important  sphere  of  Womanhood.  Few 
women  accompany  the  extenders  of  commerce  or  science,  by  the 
circumstances  of  the  case,  and  when  they  go  to  tropical  and  sub- 
tropical regions  their  capacity  for  looking  beyond  their  immediate 
circle  of  duty  is  naturally  reduced  to  a  small  compass.  But  religious 
Missions  have  sent  out  a  constant  succession  of  Women  as  wives  and 
daughters  of  missionaries,  or  as  members  of  sisterhoods,  who  bear 
altruistic  witness  from  the  women  of  one  race  to  the  women  of 
another. 

2.  Missionary  propaganda  is  a  standing  appeal  to  the  Singleness 
of  the  Spiritual  Kingdom.  It  witnesses  for  this  whether  taken  as  a 
purely  spiritual  message  or  as  a  support  to  such  universalising  of 
ethical  and  social  principles  as  has  been  indicated  above.  Absence 
of  such  desire  to  expand  is  a  sign  of  acquiescence  in  separateness,  an 
acceptance  of  the  divided  state  of  mankind  and  unequal  participation 
in  highest  values.  The  religious  conviction  of  essential  unity  allies 
itself  with  the  philosophical  conception  of  rational  personality  and 
with  the  ethical  conception  of  fraternity.  Whether  or  not  these  can 
stand  alone  is  one  of  the  pressing  problems  of  our  time.  How 
extensively  personality  has  been  denied  to  the  peoples  of  the  lower 
culture  is  as  clearly  signified  by  the  designation  of  them  as  "  Nature- 
peoples"  as  it  is  by  the  depreciatory  designations  current  among 
travellers  and  traders.  How  far  fraternity  can  make  itself  good  in 
the  atmosphere  of  Naturalistic  evolution  is,  at  the  least,  dubious. 
Certainly  the  elevation  of  the  peoples  of  lower  culture  which  has 
so  far  taken  place  has  been  largely  due  to  the  unswerving  reliance 
upon  personality  and  fraternity  inherent  in  the  Historical  Religions 
which  have  gone  to  work  amongst  them.  What  would  take  place  if 
these  Religions  were  to  be  withdrawn  by  ceasing  from  further  propa- 
ganda may  be  differently  estimated  ;  at  any  rate,  it  is  clear  that 
they  have  been  supports  of  human  brotherhood  in  the  past,  and  are 
so  to-day.  The  extension  over  the  world  of  the  physical  sciences 
as  a  single  complex  unity  is  assured,  and  needs  no  support ;  and 
Religions  which  are  to  extend  must  make  their  account  with  this.  It 
is  the  same  with  the  organisation  of  human  industry  into  a  single 
system  ;  and  this,  too,  is  no  way  uncongenial  to  religion. 

The  varieties  of  individual  character  and  manners,  of  racial 
idiosyncrasy,  and  of  social  and  political  order  are  brought  into 
unity  wherever  religions  deposit  the  conception  of  spiritual  person- 
ality as  a  substratum  underneath  them  :  and  the  varieties  themselves 
are  thereafter  provided  with  place  and  opportunity  in  a  developing 
world.  For  taking  part  in  such  an  endeavour  to  unify  humanity 
each  Historical  Religion  must  see  to  it  that  it  has  possession  of 
culture-factors  universalist  in  range  and  capable  of  development 


312  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

in  their  application  to  the  differences  of  race  and  circumstance.  And 
it  must  be  able  to  show  that  its  co-operation  is  needed  by  proving 
that  it  can  impress  the  imagination  and  stimulate  enthusiasm  in 
the  heart,  generating  and  sustaining  a  degree  of  faith  in  the  advance 
of  men  towards  a  unity  of  mankind  such  as  cannot  be  attained 
without  its  aid. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.} 


INDENTURED   AND   FORCED    LABOUR 
By  (the  late)  the  Right  Hon.  Sir  CHARLES  W.  DlLKE,  Bart.,  London. 

HONOURED  by  an  invitation  to  write  on  "  Slavery  and  Indentured 
Labour,"  I  troubled  the  committee  with  suggestions  as  to  title — 
none  of  them  satisfactory  to  myself.  "  Forced  Labour  "  is  generally 
confined  to  cases  of  direct  compulsion.  "Indentured  Labour" 
covers  many  systems,  good  and  bad.  No  one  phrase  is  in  common 
use  to  designate  the  result,  both  of  such  plans  and  of  land  and 
taxation  policy  intended  by  way  of  indirect  compulsion  to  work 
upon  plantations  managed  by  Europeans  or  in  mines.  The  object 
of  the  essay  is  to  describe  the  most  modern  forms  of  malpractices 
in  respect  of  labour-recruiting  which  the  old  anti-slavery  societies 
of  Europe  and  America  are  now  concerned  to  remedy. 

The  writers  of  papers  are  directed  to  avoid  bitterness  towards 
Governments  and  nations,  while  "  reasoned  blame  "  is  to  be  directed 
to  practical  ends.  An  interpretation  of  the  instructions  will  not  be 
wrong  that  takes  for  guide  the  wish  to  prove  honesty  towards  native 
labour  the  best  policy — the  only  policy  that  can  be  permanent. 
The  warning  from  the  Congo  State  is  familiar  to  us  all.  It  may 
be  useful  to  note  the  singular  difference  of  result  produced  in  various 
French  colonies  of  tropical  Africa  by  the  rejection  or  the  adoption 
of  wrong  methods — introduced  to  the  French  Congo  from  the 
neighbouring  Belgian  concessions. 

The  economists  have  buried  the  old  slavery,  and  convinced 
all  that  it  tended  either  to  become  non-productive  and  benevolently 
old-fashioned,  or  else  to  promote  intensive  and  exhaustive  destruc- 
tion of  the  labour  itself,  and  ultimately  of  the  resources  of  the 
State.  Native  convict  labour,  peonage,  and  some  forms  of  inden- 
tured labour  here  and  there  still  reveal  to  the  inquisitive  the  old 
horrors,  now  for  the  most  part  relegated  to  the  backward  tracts 
of  countries  little  known.  Of  the  terrors  which  even  an  organised 
system  of  indentured  labour  agreed  on  between  Governments  may 
contain,  the  worst  example  in  the  time  of  living  men  was  afforded 


FIFTH   SESSION  313 

by  the  revelations  of  the  Chinese  Imperial  Commission  sent  to 
Cuba  to  investigate  the  horrible  outcome  of  an  organised  Chinese 
labour  system  founded  after  the  emancipation  of  the  black  slaves 
of  Spain.  The  proceedings  were  watched  by  Great  Britain  and 
recorded  in  conclusive  documents.  I  refrain  here  from  noting 
similar  charges  now  under  examination,  inasmuch  as  the  facts 
are  not  officially  proved.  But  it  seems  probable  that  Yucatan 
and  some  other  districts  of  Mexico  present  a  field  for  such  research. 

More  insidious  and  widespread  modern  forms  of  the  evils  to 
be  considered  are  probably  on  the  increase.  It  is,  indeed,  not 
easy  to  feel  certain  whether  the  anti-slavery  cause  has  lost  or 
gained  ground  in  our  time.  There  can  unfortunately  be  no  doubt 
that  the  principle  of  equal  treatment  of  white  and  coloured  people 
has  failed  to  maintain  its  hold  on  the  legislation  of  English-speaking 
States.  No  other  example  need  be  given  than  the  inclusion  of  a 
"  colour-bar "  in  our  most  recent  Dominion  Constitutions.  As 
regards  practice,  the  Government  of  India,  backed  by  the  Imperial 
Government  at  home,  has  lately  failed  to  obtain  from  some  British 
States  that  treatment  for  emigrating  Indian  British  subjects  which 
we  had  once  been  able  to  ensure.  The  correspondence  refusing 
Indian  labour  to  Reunion  forms  the  main  historical  document  of 
a  better  past.  Lord  Sanderson's  inquiry,  however,  has  reinforced 
Lord  Salisbury's  position  that  it  is  "  an  indispensable  condition  .  .  . 
that  native  settlers  who  have  completed  the  terms  of  service  to 
which  they  agreed  "  shall  "  be  in  all  respects  free  men,  with  privileges 
no  whit  inferior  to  those  of  any  other  class  of  H.M.'s  subjects  resident 
in  the  colonies." 

Nevertheless,  the  moment  is  one  at  which  there  is  a  real  risk 
of  general  recrudescence  of  slave  conditions  in  disguise.  The  per- 
version of  the  system  established  by  Europe  for  the  Congo  Valley, 
the  quest  for  rubber,  the  development  of  the  Amazon  Valley  in 
South  America,  the  increase  of  capital  rushing  for  profitable  invest- 
ment to  the  tropics,  have  led  the  company  promoter  into  every 
jungle  in  the  world ;  while  the  need  for  cotton  and  the  demand 
for  cocoa  have  quickened  the  race  for  concessions. 

As  regards  "  Forced  Labour,"  the  corvee,  intended  for  roads 
and  public  works,  is  found  in  the  legislation  of  many  countries, 
as  in  the  customs  of  almost  all  the  native  States.  The  system, 
generally  accepted  in  its  simpler  and  less  harmful  forms,  is  obviously 
liable  to  abuse.  A  familiar  case  of  extension  of  corvee  into  virtual 
enslavement  of  the  population  was  presented  by  Egypt  under  Ismail. 
It  was  the  custom  to  call  out  without  pay,  or  without  sufficient 
wage,  thousands  of  men  and  women,  dragged  to  great  distances 
from  their  homes,  often  in  chains,  and  urged  on  by  the  whip. 


314  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

Such  practices  are  "put  down,"  arid  then,  sometimes,  after  being 
tentatively  revived,  at  first  in  far  milder  form,  creep  in  once  more. 
To  repair  the  banks  by  which  inundation  is  averted,  or,  in  the 
proper  place,  encouraged,  may  be  represented  as  work  similar 
to  the  patching-up  by  unpaid  village  labour  of  a  road  in  Switzer- 
land. But  an  Egyptian  Minister  may  accumulate  a  fortune  by  the 
advantage  over  rival  sugar-planters  secured  by  the  use  of  official 
temporary  labour.  Our  latest  Reports  on  Egypt  have  shown  an 
enormous  new  call  made  on  forced  child  labour  for  the  destruction 
of  a  cotton  worm. 

In  this  matter,  we  have  much  to  learn  from  French  African 
experience.  The  French  have  found  that  forced  labour  is  still 
forced  labour  when  it  is  paid.  They  have,  more  nearly  than  any 
other  nation,  secured  its  abolition  in  their  colonies.  So,  too,  it  will 
be  seen  that  they  have  renounced  indentured  labour  on  a  large 
scale  under  official  management,  finding  that  it  completely  failed 
in  the  nickel  mines  of  New  Caledonia  when  imported  from  Java 
and  from  Annam.  Would  that  we  were  able  to  pronounce  the 
French  record  as  free  from  stain  in  the  matter  of  concessions  as 
under  these  two  first  heads !  French  kidnapping  in  the  Southern 
Pacific  is  on  a  small  scale,  and,  when  discovered,  is  put  down  by 
the  Republic,  as  "  blackbirding "  is  put  down  by  the  Germans 
and  ourselves. 

In  many  of  our  own  possessions  there  have  been,  by  the  ad- 
mission of  the  Colonial  Office,  cases  of  corvte  used  for  purposes 
which  made  it  liable  to  abuse — forced  labour,  paid  at  rates  lower 
than  those  of  the  open  market ;  sometimes  unpaid,  and  justified 
only  by  the  plea  of  absolute  necessity.  Armies,  even  in  Europe, 
obtain  transport  by  force.  In  Africa,  where  chiefs  exact  labour 
for  carrying  baggage  on  the  march,  the  distinction  of  reserving 
force  for  military  operations  has  never  been  observed.  Porterage 
is  highly  paid  when  good  porterage  is  available,  for  no  administrator 
or  explorer  is  content  with  the  service  of  the  untrained  native,  so 
infinitely  superior  is  the  professional  from  the  coast.  But  the 
right  men  cannot  always  be  obtained.  Railways,  roads  possible 
for  the  motor,  and  cycle  paths  have  to  be  made,  and  abuse  by 
extension  of  the  corvte  has  not  everywhere  been  mitigated.  In 
the  case  of  the  Congo,  the  reply  to  M.  Vandervelde's  attacks  shows 
that  even  the  improved  Belgian  government  of  the  former  State 
defends  the  use  of  forced  labour,  on  a  large  scale,  at  a  great  distance 
from  the  people's  homes,  for  making  railways. 

A  return  laid  before  Parliament,  on  "forced  labour  in  British 
Colonies,"  was  on  the  surface  fair  enough.  In  self-governing  Natal, 
though  still  existing,  it  was  officially  condemned,  and  elsewhere 


FIFTH   SESSION  315 

it  was  minimised.  But  in  our  parliamentary  debates  of  1910  it 
was  admitted  that  it  had  been  again  made  use  of  in  several  of 
our  African  Protectorates  at  the  first  starting  of  the  experimental 
growth  of  cotton.  Those  who  read  the  annual  reports  from  each 
colony,  as  for  example  from  the  Kedah  Government,  or  from 
Kelantan,  and  from  our  older  possessions  in  the  Malay  Peninsula, 
are  aware  of  the  difficulties  met  with.  Although  the  Pacific  Phos- 
phate Company  finds  defenders  of  its  proceedings  in  Ocean  Island 
and  in  the  Gilbert  Islands,  it  seems  to  be  admitted  that  our  com- 
plaint against  the  Portuguese  of  mixing  native  convict  labour,  forced 
labour  through  chiefs,  and  indentured  labour  upon  the  same  plan- 
tations applies  to  the  practice  of  some  islands  connected  by  their 
labour  history  with  our  colony  of  Fiji.  There  is  more  dispute 
about  the  facts  in  East  Africa  and  Uganda,  but  Bishop  Tucker 
is  a  high  and  an  impartial  authority,  and  he,  I  believe,  still  con- 
demns the  use  made  of  forced  labour  in  our  East  African  posses- 
sions. Sometimes,  where  Governments  are  innocent,  concessionary 
companies  compromise  them  and  destroy  the  future  of  their  colonies 
by  obtaining  forced  labour  through  chiefs.  This  has  been  a  main 
cause  of  the  revolt  on  the  French  Ivory  Coast. 

So  far  as  corvte  may  be  retained,  it  is  essential  that  we  should 
avoid  stretching  the  native  usage  by  increase  of  the  customary 
period  of  absence  from  home  or  the  distance  from  home,  thus 
impinging  on  the  times  for  sowing  and  reaping  each  kind  of 
village  crop. 

The  ordinary  forced  labour  of  the  Congo  State,  now  said  to  be 
ended  in  half  its  territory,  was  of  a  different  kind,  happily  unusual 
except  in  some  of  the  neighbouring  French  and  Franco-German 
concessionary  areas.  In  the  Congo  alone,  the  State  was  the  direct 
recipient  of  forest  produce  collected  by  forced  labour  as  taxation. 
The  admitted  result  of  such  a  system  is  inevitable  destruction  of 
the  economic  future  of  the  country.  Its  horrible  incidents  rightly 
attracted  the  most  attention.  That  these  occurred  in  a  vast  territory 
solemnly  set  aside  by  Europe  as  a  model  State  increased  the  direct 
responsibility — especially  of  Belgium,  the  United  States  (with  the 
earliest  Treaty) — and  the  United  Kingdom,  and  justified  or 
necessitated  intervention. 

Though  there  are  now  more  popular  forms  of  forced  labour  to 
be  considered,  they  often  involve  one  main  incident  of  the  Congo 
system.  By  the  destruction  of  native  law  and  tribal  custom,  by 
fusing  the  noble  with  the  slave  population,  and  creating  one  uni- 
versal black  proletariat,  cheap  though  inefficient  labour  is  provided 
for  managers  representing  European  capital.  Not  only  do  the 
administrators  come  and  go,  but  the  companies  themselves  are  not 


316  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

likely  to  possess  the  territorities  for  more  than  a  few  years,  and  have 
no  interest  in  that  permanent  prosperity  of  the  land  which  forms 
the  chief  interest  of  the  Power  under  which  they  hold. 

There  is  a  widespread  attempt  to  produce  plentiful  cheap  labour 
by  methods  less  destructive  than  those  at  which  we  have  already 
glanced.  The  choice  of  the  planters  and  mine  managers  appears  to 
them  to  lie  between  indirect  compulsion,  through  land  laws  and 
taxation,  and  the  introduction  of  indentured  labour  from  afar.  The 
official  tendency  is  against  indentured  labour,  and  more  generally 
favourable  to  various  systems  offering  inducement  to  the  local  native 
to  work  for  Europeans  because  his  lands  are  becoming  insufficient 
for  his  needs  and  his  taxes  cannot  otherwise  be  paid.  This  tendency 
is  increased  in  the  British,  German,  French,  and  even  Liberian  parts 
of  Africa  by  the  costliness  of  European  government.  In  the  African 
territories  of  the  three  Great  Powers  the  development  of  railways  and 
of  harbours,  and  the  desire  to  escape  from  obligations  incurred 
towards  the  mother  country  in  return  for  large  annual  subsidies, 
cause  constant  pressure  in  the  same  direction. 

There  is  an  obvious  danger  of  the  diversion  of  labour  from 
those  forms  of  agriculture  which  are  most  popular  with  the  people 
and  economically  preferable  for  the  local  State.  High  price  of 
rubber  and  of  cocoa,  the  desire  to  stand  well  with  the  Govern- 
ments of  Germany  or  of  Great  Britain  in  the  matter  of  cotton 
supply,  rabid  speculation  in  company  shares,  all  increase  a  tendency 
regretted  by  our  best  administrators.  The  ownership,  or  even  the 
temporary  occupation,  of  increasing  territories  by  absentee  capitalists 
in  Europe,  acquiring  all  the  mineral  resources  and  a  large  share  of 
the  agricultural  or  forest  produce,  and  paying  wage  to  landless  blacks 
dependent  upon  them  for  existence,  are  new  features  in  African 
economic  life.  The  problems  are  of  European  origin.  The  system 
is  outside  the  experience  and  abhorrent  to  the  customs  of  the  popu- 
lation, whose  theory  is  tribal  ownership  or  dependence  upon  a  trustee 
chief,  and  the  dangers  are  increased  by  religious  as  well  as  by  race 
hostility  or  prejudice.  It  is  essential  that  ample  land  should  be 
reserved  for  the  use  of  the  native  agricultural  population  ;  but,  as 
Sir  Charles  Bruce  has  shown,  there  has  been  no  uniform  policy  and 
little  sign  of  willingness  to  face  the  question,  "  How  can  a  stable 
State  be  built  on  such  a  foundation  ?  " 

The  indentured  labour  remedy  has  been  described  in  the  evidence 
given  before  Lord  Sanderson's  Committee.  Such  labour  is  brought 
from  a  distance  to  replace  local  labour,  or  else  to  keep  down  the 
wage  bill  by  an  active  competition,  or,  again,  to  yield  labour  of  a 
kind  so  dangerous,  so  hard,  or  locally  so  unusual  as  to  be  excep- 
tionally distasteful.  Deep  mining,  with  its  high  percentage  of 


FIFTH   SESSION  317 

accident  and  death,  is  dreaded,  at  least  when  novel,  whatever  may 
be  the  salary  attached  to  this  form  of  toil.  When  mining  has  been 
for  some  time  in  operation  it  often,  if  well  conducted,  attracts  a  large 
supply  of  temporary  labour,  but  rarely  on  a  scale  sufficient  for  a 
European  manager's  ideas. 

The  powerful  Labour  Administration  of  the  Australian  Com- 
monwealth, having  to  govern  Papua,  finds  itself  faced  with  a 
demand  for  indentured  labour  from  a  distance,  although  local 
labour  is  singularly  plentiful  and  good,  considering  the  sudden 
spread  of  capitalist  enterprise  in  New  Guinea.  Meetings  have 
been  held  there  by  prospectors  and  planters  to  put  pressure  upon 
the  Commonwealth,  and  investors  asked  to  stay  their  hand,  but 
assured  that  each  prospectus  issued  in  London  is  well  within  the 
mark — in  all  respects  but  one.  The  "  public  "  assemble  to  show 
the  Government  of  Australia  that  "  the  companies  are  in  need  of 
double  as  many  indentured  labourers  as  they  can  procure,"  though 
the  Minister  of  Labour  states  that  5,500  were  in  their  service  on 
June  30,  1910.  "The  methods  of  recruiting  are  inadequate,"  "the 
duration  of  the  indentures  "  too  short ;  and  the  meetings  call  for 
"  compulsory  labour "  at  least  of  "  prisoners,"  perhaps  without  too 
much  investigation  of  how  far  the  sentence  of  the  wished-for  convicts 
might  be  colourable.  One  reverend  gentleman,  interviewed  after  the 
great  meeting,  frankly  opened  his  store  of  "  considerable  knowledge  " 
— "  I  believe  in  compulsory  labour  in  certain  districts." 

Lord  Sanderson's  Committee,  nominally  reporting  in  favour  of 
the  continuance  of  existing  indentured  Indian  emigration,  laid  stress 
upon  conditions  without  which  it  "  might  easily  become  oppressive." 
We  are  to  insist  on,  but  seem,  in  Trinidad  at  least,  unable  to  obtain, 
a  staff  determined  to  take  seriously  the  duty  for  which  they  are 
appointed  as  "  Protectors  "  of  immigrants.  Lord  Sanderson's  Com- 
mittee propose  only  to  permit  Indian  indentured  immigration  to 
"  such  colonies  as  have  spare  land "  in  suitable  situation.  This, 
however,  is  exactly  what  many  colonies  do  not  possess,  and  for 
which  there  is  no  security  in  others.  Zululand,  for  example,  was 
handed  over  to  Natal,  of  which  it  now  is  held  to  be  an  ordinary 
part,  on  condition  of  the  reservation  to  natives  of  lands  now  being 
granted  to  concessionary  companies,  and  Natal  has  been  till  now 
still  in  receipt  of  indentured  labour  from  India.  Those  lately  con- 
cerned in  the  government  of  South  Africa,  who  do  not  see  eye 
to  eye  with  many  of  us,  hold  the  strongest  opinion  as  to  the  unfair- 
ness of  displacement  of  local  native  labour  under  the  circumstances 
of  the  South  African  case.  Yet  Indian  indentured  labour  is  an 
example  specially  favourable  to  the  indenture  system,  for  India 
possesses  and  has  exercised  in  the  past  the  right  to  suspend 


3i8  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

emigration  to  any  country  where  proper  measures  are  not  taken 
for  the  protection  of  the  labourers  and  for  their  return  if  they  reject 
the  favourable  conditions  stipulated  for  their  permanent  settlement 
in  their  new  home. 

The  Committee  think  that  in  some  colonies  the  immigration  is 
required  because  the  indigenous  population  is  diminishing.  In  Fiji 
the  terrible  decrease  in  the  native  population  occurred  under  an 
experimental  system  for  dealing  with  native  labour  by  means  as 
scientific  and  in  result  almost  as  cruel  as  the  culture  system  of 
Java — like  the  Fiji  system — now  abolished.  But  the  death-rate 
of  Fiji  for  the  substituted  Indian  labour  is  also  high.  In  an  official 
paper  on  the  death-rate  in  Penang  it  is  admitted  that  the  conditions 
in  "  many  of  the  estates  that  take  indentured  labour  are  such  that 
unindentured  labourers  refuse  to  take  employment  on  them,"  and 
"  desertions  are  numerous."  It  seems  that  India  is  unable  always 
to  enforce  her  just  demands  even  in  her  own  immediate  neighbour- 
hood. As  regards  the  West  Indies,  although  the  Committee  were 
disposed  to  clear  the  officials  from  the  heavy  charges  brought  against 
them,  such  documents  as  those  which  explain  why  so  large  a  propor- 
tion of  labourers  are  sent  to  gaol,  and  how  the  exaction  of  the  legal 
task  causes  the  desertion  noted,  cannot  but  raise  grave  misgiving. 
"  An  enormous  quantity  of  suffering"  is  admitted,  and  Mr.  Norman 
Lament's  evidence  showed  the  opinion  of  an  estate  owner  anxious  to 
be  fair  as  to  how  little  chance  the  aggrieved  labourer  has  of  invoking, 
still  less  obtaining,  the  real  defence  of  "  the  Protector." 

It  is  essential  to  be  on  guard  against  the  common  cry  that 
the  local  native  will  not  work.  The  case  of  at  least  three  British 
colonies  possessing  negro  labour  is  to  be  remembered.  That  of 
Jamaica  may  suffice.  Indian  indentured  labour  is  thought  necessary 
for  the  local  plantations,  and  is  largely  paid  for  by  the  taxation 
of  the  Jamaican  negro ;  but  the  latter  is  in  demand  in  Panama 
and  even  in  Dutch  Guiana,  at  high  wage,  so  that  it  becomes 
evident  that  we  are  in  face,  not  of  unwillingness  to  work,  but  of 
inability  of  the  planter  to  pay  the  wage  which  the  labourer  can 
earn  in  the  open  market.  Lord  Sanderson's  Committee,  by  weighing 
evidence  collected  from  every  responsible  source,  upset  the  demand 
for  supplying  indentured  labour  to  colonies  asking  for  its  extension 
to  new  fields.  We  find  but  one  exception,  and  as  regards  "  an 
experiment  on  a  small  scale,"  in  Uganda,  where  the  decrease  of  the 
native  population  is  "  alarming,"  the  Committee  place  on  record 
their  opinion  that  it  is  not  likely  to  be  a  financial  success. 

It  is  often  the  case  that  plenty  of  local  labour  can  be  obtained, 
but  that  the  willing  native  wants  to  return  home  to  superintend 
the  sowing  of  his  crops,  or,  as  the  employer  puts  it,  "leave  just 


FIFTH   SESSION  319 

at  the  moment  when  he  has  become  efficient."  Yes,  but  leave,  and, 
all  but  invariably,  return.  Such  labour  makes  for  peace,  and 
should  be  encouraged.  The  supply  of  labour  from  Basutoland 
and  Bechuanaland  to  neighbouring  colonies  illustrates  the  best  side 
of  the  voluntary  labour  just  described ;  while  that  from  Portuguese 
East  Africa  to  the  Transvaal  mines  lies  upon  the  borderland  between 
voluntary  supply  and  that  obtained  by  abuse  of  the  power  of 
corrupted,  chiefs.  No  supervision  will  avoid  the  occasional  satis- 
faction of  private  grudges,  or  the  payment  of  commissions,  and 
no  licensing  of  recruiters  will  invariably  secure  that  these  agents 
will  keep  faith.  Yet,  where  the  supply  of  labour  is  partly  local 
and  largely  voluntary,  a  certain  absence  of  the  worst  abuses  is 
secured  by  the  greater  facility  in  retaining  labour  enjoyed  by 
enterprises  with  the  best  reputation  for  good  management. 

India,  like  China,  exports  labour,  but  in  India  we  have  followed 
a  course  wholly  different  from  that  adopted  by  other  countries  in 
their  dominions  or,  recently,  by  ourselves  in  colonies.  M.  Joseph 
Chailley  points  out  that  "  a  native  policy  is  a  new  aspect  of  colonial 
policy,"  which  "  proposes  itself  a  double  end :  to  bring  the  native 
population  to  furnish  willingly  abundant  labour  to  European  enter- 
prise, and  to  prepare  the  native  population  to  resign  itself  to  the 
domination  of  the  stranger."  But,  according  to  the  French  writer, 
we  "in  India  have  thought  only  of  the  second  aspect  of  native 
policy.  .  .  .  India  is  not  and  never  has  been  a  colony.  She  has 
not  .  .  .  like  the  Dutch  in  Java  and  we  French  in  Further  India 
and  Madagascar,  dreamt  of  bringing  .  .  .  colonists  to  be  scattered 
through  the  country,  and  as  capitalists,  founding  or  directing  enter- 
prises, needing  the  help  of  native  labour."  After  naming  the  tea- 
planters,  M.  Chailley  goes  on  to  write :  "  There  are  not  agricultural 
colonists  in  the  plains,  near  the  villages,  disputing  with  these  the 
land  and  calling  for  the  labour." 

As  regards  Africa,  the  Powers  have  both  moral  and  conventional 
duties  towards  one  another.  Now,  Africa  is  still  by  far  the  greatest 
field  of  our  inquiry :  some  hundred  and  twenty  millions  of  negroes 
in  Africa  find  their  present  and  their  future  absolutely  at  the  mercy  of 
the  policy  of  Governments  in  Europe. 

It  is  difficult  to  present  an  accurate  view  of  the  obligations 
solemnly  incurred  by  the  Powers  who  took  part  in  the  Partition, 
after  arranging  with  one  another  its  conditions,  unless  we  recall  the 
sequence  of  events. 

The  English  are  by  no  means  the  worst  in  recent  tropical  adminis- 
tration ;  but  we  can  never  forget  that  we  were,  little  more  than  a 
century  ago,  still  the  mainstay  of  the  African  slave  trade,  which  for 
three  generations  we  have  done  much  to  put  down.  We  have  no 


320  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

uniform  policy  in  affairs  concerning  native  labour,  but  Herr  Dern- 
burg,  on  behalf  of  the  German  Empire,  paid  us  repeatedly  the 
highest  testimony  ever  given  in  such  matters  by  one  nation  to 
another.  French  politicians  reporting  on  the  Colonial  Budget  have 
called  on  France  to  imitate  our  policy  and  practice  in  those  cases 
where  French  colonies  have  been  wrecked  or  endangered  by  corrupt 
concessions  happily  avoided  in  the  greater  part  of  the  French 
dominions.  The  worst  of  French  concessions  were  those  granted 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Belgian  Congo  to  Franco-Belgian 
companies,  and  a  destructive  policy,  complicated  in  the  "con- 
ventional area"  by  defiance  of  international  engagements  against 
monopoly,  may  be  attributed  to  the  Congo  State  under  its  late 
ruler. 

The  "  concessionary  scandals  "  revealed  in  France  in  recent  years 
have  led  to  a  revival  of  sound  principle  in  Paris  and  to  a  struggle 
which  is  still  raging.  While  paying  insufficient  regard  to  inter- 
national obligation,  already  violated  with  impunity  by  the  Congo 
State,  French  statesmen  reach  our  desired  end  by  fresh  consideration 
of  what  France  owes  to  her  own  reputation,  and  needs  for  her  future 
strength.  It  is  seen  that  to  break  up  the  native  organisation  of 
society  in  order  to  substitute  ferocious  individualism  or  a  dead  level 
of  the  lowest  form  of  competitive  labour  for  absentee  capital  despoti- 
cally represented  by  inferior  agents  on  the  spot  is  neither  defensible 
nor,  in  the  long  run,  compatible  with  colonial  prosperity.  M.  Messimy 
in  his  two  reports  to  the  Chamber  on  the  Colonial  Budget  and  in  his 
book  of  1910  has  announced  the  devotion  of  his  efforts  to  the 
creation  in  France  of  "  a  colonial  conscience."  The  share  of  France 
in  the  African  partition  is  geographically  gigantic,  and  the  enterprise 
of  her  officers  has  caused  the  acceptance  of  her  rule  over  a  vast  field 
inhabited  by  races  as  diverse  as  those  with  which  we  have  ourselves 
to  deal  in  India.  "  The  task  of  France  is  the  most  difficult.  The 
peoples  she  has  to  rule  are  those  in  Africa  who  are  nearest  and 
furthest  from  her  civilisation."  ..."  The  prodigious  effort 
required  is  the  very  cause  of  the  enthusiasm  with  which  many 
Frenchmen  have  thrown  themselves  into  the  colonial  work." 
Frenchmen  who  are  at  the  opposite  pole  from  M.  Messimy,  and 
profess  exclusive  regard  to  material  interest,  agree  with  him  in 
holding  that  it  is  impossible  to  retain  such  gigantic  territories  if 
the  institutions  to  which  the  natives  cling  are  broken  up  and 
replaced  by  practices  universally  odious. 

In  the  second  half  of  1910  the  French  Ministry  of  the  Colonies 
published  the  new  arrangement  come  to  with  those  companies  in  the 
French  Congo  of  which  there  had  been  the  heaviest  complaint. 
Apart  from  the  special  trouble  on  the  Ivory  Coast  the  complaints 


FIFTH   SESSION  321 

have  chiefly  concerned  the  middle  Congo  and  the  Gaboon,  where 
seven  millions  of  black  people,  out  of  thirty  millions  in  the  French 
African  colonies,  are  to  be  found  in  thickly  populated  areas.  The 
companies  were  forced  into  an  agreement  to  give  up  a  large 
portion  of  territory  improperly  conceded  in  1899;  and  this  partly 
on  the  ground  that  there  had  been  a  breach  of  the  General  Act 
of  Berlin. 

The  Gold  Coast  presents  an  example  of  complete  knowledge  of 
the  new  facts  as  they  affect  a  British  colony.  Behind  the  old  settle- 
ments, such  as  Cape  Coast  Castle,  come  the  newer  territories  like 
Ashanti,  and  then  those  "  Northern  Territories "  which  resemble  the 
Hinterland  Protectorates  of  Northern  Nigeria  and  of  neighbouring 
French  and  German  possessions.  There  is  a  special  law  to  protect  the 
natives  against  reckless  concessions ;  but  a  circular  from  the  Colonial 
Office,  pointing  out  that  grants  of  lands  and  other  rights  by  chiefs 
are  not  valid  unless  ratified,  showed  a  year  ago  that  alarm  was 
rightly  felt  at  the  rapid  alienation  to  Europeans  of  tribal  territory 
held  in  trusteeship  for  the  people.  The  case  of  one  concession  in 
particular  was  brought  before  Parliament.  It  was  forty  miles  long, 
granted  for  ninety-nine  years,  and  vouched  for  in  the  advertisements 
as  having  received  official  guarantee.  It  appeared  also  to  violate  the 
conditions  laid  down  as  to  adequacy  of  consideration.  The  agitation 
led  to  a  despatch  from  the  Secretary  of  State  at  the  end  of  July, 
couched  in  terms  according  with  the  views  put  forward  in  this  essay  ; 
but  at  the  end  of  December  we  do  not  yet  know  how  far  the  stable 
gate  has  now  been  shut.  By  the  loss  of  the  ultimate  resources  of 
the  colony  local  labour  in  the  long  run  must  become  oppressed,  even 
though  there  be  temporarily  high  wage  and  prosperity. 

The  practical  lessons  to  be  drawn  from  recent  success  and  failure 
are  best  studied  in  that  part  of  West  Africa  where  France  is  sand- 
wiched between  three  British  and  two  German  coast  tracts.  The 
most  interesting  diversities  are  those  presented  by  the  French  and 
British  colonies  in  question,  and  many  a  moral  might  be  drawn  from 
consideration  of  the  peculiarities  of  some  six  of  the  Governments 
concerned.  Of  the  British  colonies,  the  Gold  Coast  may  be  taken  as 
an  example  ;  while  the  French  range  through  the  whole  scale  of 
possible  variety,  from  Senegal  to  the  Gaboon  or  coast  district  of  what 
used  to  be  "the  French  Congo."  In  Senegal  the  natives  vote  ;  they 
engage  almost  exclusively  in  their  favourite  old  forms  of  oil  culture ; 
there  are  no  concessions,  and  France  reaps  her  profit  in  large  trade. 
In  the  Hinterland,  the  Government  is  military,  but  in  its  way  as 
good.  In  French  Guinea,  too  much  has  been  done  through  the 
agency  of  the  chiefs,  who  grind  their  people.  The  Ivory  Coast  is  a 
colony  which  once  was  as  prosperous  as  the  others,  but  has  been 

Y 


322  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

thrown  back  by  a  hard  administration,  one  incident  of  which  was 
the  forced  planting  by  each  village  of  certain  new  kinds  of  crop.  In 
the  long  run  the  taxes  went  unpaid,  and  the  people  sold  themselves 
to  traders  till  all  the  labour  was  virtually  forced  labour,  and  insur- 
rection followed.  In  the  middle  Congo  and  the  Gaboon  there  still 
reign  the  great  companies  above  named,  who  rid  themselves  of  the 
competition  of  our  Liverpool  merchants,  but  have  now  lost  all  real 
hold  of  the  country.  Trade  with  France  from  the  French  Congo 
has  dwindled  to  a  half  of  what  it  was  a  few  years  ago,  and  it  is  now 
universally  admitted  that  the  whole  concessionnaire  principle  has  been 
disastrous,  as  well  as,  to  the  natives,  cruel.  It  is  disagreeable  to 
have  to  add  that  one  of  the  companies  brought  out  by  a  new  con- 
cession is  described  as  English.  Another  such  is  the  Ivory  Coast 
Corporation,  formed  to  acquire  more  than  a  thousand  square  miles  in 
absolute  ownership. 

We  ourselves  have  no  more  completely  escaped  the  granting  of 
concessions  than  have  the  Germans  in  the  Cameroons. 

There  is  no  difference  of  opinion  among  those  in  general 
sympathy  with  our  views  in  Germany  and  France,  as  well  as  the 
United  Kingdom,  that  concessions  are  best  avoided,  but,  where 
granted,  should  be  small  in  area,  short  in  time,  and  subject  to  close 
scrutiny  and  continual  publication  of  facts.  The  interchange  of 
knowledge  on  the  subject  between  the  three  great  Governments 
principally  concerned  is  already  active  and  might  well  be  formal. 

It  may  be  right  to  add  a  warning  against  a  rapid  spread  of 
Government  plantations.  In  the  case  of  the  Congo  State,  the  rubber 
plantations  are  large,  and  may  carry  with  them  a  revival  of  com- 
pulsion applied  to  labour  on  a  considerable  scale.  Late  in  October 
the  introduction  of  a  new  form  of  virtual  slavery  in  this  shape  was 
placed  on  record  as  discovered  in  and  near  "the  A.B.I.R."  Not  only 
Congo  reformers,  but  also  Colonel  Thys  ("  the  Belgian  Rhodes ") 
oppose  State  plantations.  Although  our  own  operations  in  the 
experimental  growth  of  cotton  are  smaller  and  less  dangerous,  they 
must  be  subject  to  the  consideration  that  the  risk  of  fall  of  price  may 
make  it  unreasonable  to  expect  that  the  African  native  will  plant 
cotton  without  subsidy,  or  virtual  compulsion.  We  cannot  forget  the 
risk  of  creating  an  alarm  among  the  industrious  natives  of  our  most 
populous  African  protectorates.  On  our  West  Coast  available  labour 
is  fully  occupied  in  the  most  remunerative  form  of  agriculture  or  of 
industry  connected  with  it ;  and  the  warning  of  the  Ivory  Coast  is 
there  to  show  the  danger  of  interfering  rapidly  with  the  long-settled 
habits  of  a  peaceful  but  vigorous  population. 
[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


FIFTH   SESSION  323 

SUPPLEMENT   TO   SIR   CHARLES   DILKE'S 

PAPER 

By  JOSEPH  BURTT,  Matlock  (England). 

THE  racial  problem  was  never  more  prominent  than  now.  So  far  from  the  day 
of  the  probation  of  the  races  being  past,  their  struggle  for  supremacy  has 
become  a  thrilling  drama  watched  by  anxious  nations.  After  ages  of  isolation 
the  yellow  man  has  come  forward  and  defeated  a  white  nation  ;  and  the  negro, 
a  century  ago  either  a  slave  in  a  foreign  land,  or  living  unknown  in  a  remote 
continent,  is  now  free  and  demanding  equality,  or  waking  to  progress  in  a  land 
partitioned  among  the  European  Powers. 

How  the  negroid  races  shall  be  treated  is  a  problem  of  cosmic  importance, 
demanding  not  only  justice  and  wisdom,  but  an  appreciation  of  ethnological 
facts. 

History  with  its  surprises  should  teach  us  not  to  despise  the  so-called  back- 
ward races.  Capacity  may  lie  dormant  for  ages  and  yet  awake  under  the 
influence  of  suitable  stimuli,  as  in  the  case  of  the  ancient  Greeks.  The  Zulus, 
an  eastern  branch  of  the  Bantu  stock,  and  one  of  the  highest  types  of  the 
negritic  races,  have  been  compared  with  those  blonde  barbarians  who  two 
thousand  years  ago  were  despised  by  the  Romans,  but  who  to-day  as  Teutons 
are  among  the  leaders  of  civilisation. 

Unlike  the  red  man  of  America,  or  the  Maori  of  New  Zealand,  the  negro  of 
Africa  appears  to  be  an  enduring,  world  race.  His  physical  vitality,  ready 
emotionalism,  and  joy  in  life  show  a  vital  youth,  as  the  hopelessness,  lack  of 
fecundity,  and  joyless  pursuit  of  materialism  point  to  the  declining  age  of  more 
advanced  nations. 

The  black  and  white  races  cannot  keep  apart. 

Africa  is  to  the  modern  man  what  the  Americas  were  to  the  Elizabethan. 
Her  wealth  of  gold,  precious  stones,  ivory,  rubber,  oil,  and  cocoa  is  so  great  that 
no  perils  can  keep  him  from  her  shores.  Once  there  he  finds  himself  in  a  land 
of  mystery  and  death,  where,  surrounded  by  swarms  of  poisonous  flies, 
Beelzebub  is  over-lord.  The  sun  strikes  him  by  day  and  deadly  diseases  attack 
him  by  night,  and  he  has  no  strength  to  gather  the  treasure  he  covets.  In  his 
need  he  turns  for  help  to  the  enduring  muscle,  the  thick  skull,  and  the  germ- 
defying  constitution  of  the  negro.  To-day,  as  blue-books  testify,  there  rings 
through  all  Africa  a  cry  for  coloured  labour.  To  this  cry  the  black  man  lends  a 
willing  ear,  for  he,  on  his  part,  is  fascinated  by  the  cloth,  beads,  tools,  and 
even  the  learning  of  the  white  man. 

It  is  here  indentured  labour  becomes  an  important  factor  in  the  position. 

The  1 20  millions  of  negroes  in  Africa,  now  under  the  rule  of  European 
parliaments,  are  influenced  by  government,  secular  and  religious  education,  and 
by  the  mere  proximity  of  whites.  But  probably  the  chief  factor  is  the 
relationship  of  employer  and  labourer. 

This  relationship  in  the  past  was  slavery,  for  which  crime  the  white  man  has 
paid  not  only  in  self-degradation,  but  in  the  material  outcome  of  wrong-doing, 
as  in  America,  where  the  results  of  slavery  hang  like  an  incubus  over  the 
Southern  States. 

That  the  indentured  labour  system,  now  widely  employed,  is  an  enormous 
advance  on  slavery  no  one  can  doubt  who,  like  myself,  has  seen  the  happy 
natives  returning  from  the  Transvaal  mines  at  the  end  of  their  contract. 

But,  as  in  the  case  of  Cuba,  indentured  labour  may  lead  to  grave  abuses,  and 
become  slavery  in  all  but  name  ,-  and  this  is  the  more  to  be  dreaded  that  of  late 


324  UNIVERSAL    RACES   CONGRESS 

years  there  has  been  a  definite  reaction  from  the  strong  anti-slavery  feeling  of  a 
century  ago. 

The  methods  of  providing  labour  for  the  cultivation  of  cocoa  in  the  islands 
of  S.  Thome  and  Principe  during  the  last  twenty  years  illustrate  the  abuse  of  the 
indentured  system.  During  two  years  spent  in  Africa  to  investigate  this  case,  I 
visited  the  islands  and  travelled  for  months  along  the  main  labour  route  from 
the  interior.  Lean  and  scarred  natives,  slaves  in  all  but  name,  were  to  be  seen 
totteriifg  under  heavy  loads  ;  in  places  the  road  was  strewn  with  shackles,  and 
gruesome  sights  gave  evidence  of  the  cruelty  connected  with  this  so-called  free 
system.  Dread  of  the  slaver  hung  over  the  people  like  a  cloud ;  and  the 
pernicious  traffic  with  its  many  ramifications  struck  at  the  root  of  honest  trade 
and  progress. 

That  this  took  place  under  the  Portuguese  flag  is  not  pertinent  to  our  inquiry. 
The  Republican  Government  is  doing  its  best  to  correct  these  abuses,  and  we 
must  remember  they  are  the  result  of  lawlessness  of  the  white  and  helplessness 
of  the  black— factors  not  confined  to  the  colonies  of  any  one  nation. 

The  fact  that  the  labour  was  sent  to  another  colony  of  the  same  nation,  that 
the  laws  referring  to  it  were  just,  and  that  the  cultivation  of  cocoa  is  one  of  the 
healthiest  forms  of  agriculture,  show  what  evils  may  arise  from  the  system, 
even  when,  as  in  this  case,  it  has  circumstances  in  its  favour. 

Let  us  clearly  recognise  that  indentured  labour  has  many  inherent  evils.  It 
takes  the  native  from  his  home,  often  separates  him  from  his  family  for  a  long 
period,  and  tends  to  make  him  a  landless  unit,  dependent  on  capital.  It 
operates  in  remote  regions  between  parties  incredibly  unequal — the  happy-go- 
lucky  black,  and  the  determined  white  armed  with  the  modern  gun  and 
supported  by  experience,  capital,  and  the  tradition  of  power. 

It  is  obvious  that  such  a  system  must  be  watched  with  the  utmost  vigilance. 
The  recruiting  must  be  absolutely  free,  the  period  of  contract  short,  and  the 
native  should  return  periodically  to  his  home  and  family. 

But  while  making  the  best  of  indentured  labour,  we  should  stretch  forward 
to  a  system  in  which  the  native  himself  practises  industries  or  cultivates  his 
own  land. 

The  successful  administration  of  Senegal  has  been  cited.  Our  own  colony  of 
the  Gold  Coast  is  a  further  example,  and  is  one  of  the  most  hopeful  develop- 
ments in  Africa.  There  tribes  who  a  few  years  ago  were  notorious  for  bloodshed 
are  now  devoting  themselves  to  agriculture.  Such  work  is  natural  to  the  native, 
is  in  accord  with  his  best  traditions,  and  is  the  most  certain  method  of  developing 
character  and  educating  him  in  habits  of  industry. 

Added  to  this,  such  a  system  builds  up  a  lasting  and  prosperous  state,  which 
is  at  once  easy  to  rule  and  profitable  to  the  home  government. 
[Paper  submitted  in  Etiglish.] 


TRAFFIC    IN    INTOXICANTS   AND   OPIUM 

By  Dr.  J.  H.  ABENDANON,  The  Hague, 
Late  Director  of  Public  Instruction,  &c.>  in  the  Netherlands  East  Indies. 

THE  Committee  of  the  Races  Congress  has  done  me  the  honour 
of  asking  me  for  a  paper  concerning  the  traffic  in  intoxicants 
and  opium  as  between  different  races. 

This  paper,  however,  must  be  kept  within  certain  narrow  limits. 


FIFTH   SESSION  325 

I  can,  therefore,  pass  over  the  doleful  records  of  the  past,  when 
the  attractive  name  of  " Eau  de  Vie"  was  invented  as  a  euphemism 
for  intoxicating  drinks,  and  as  an  apology  for  all  the  misery  they 
brought  with  them. 

Nor  is  it  necessary  to  speak  of  what  happened  in  former  times 
in  the  various  colonies,  and  in  other  countries  where  the  European 
races  had  some  influence.  The  statement  would  have  the  appearance 
of  a  sombre  indictment,  and  would  form  a  long  enumeration  of 
lamentable  facts  which  cannot  be  altered  now. 

Nor  shall  I  dwell  upon  the  different  kinds  of  intoxicants  and 
the  danger,  greater  or  less,  which  each  of  them  represents. 

We  can  safely  accept  the  point  of  view  that  all  intoxicants  are 
dangerous  unless  they  are  used  for  medical  purposes  under 
medical  advice. 

What  we  have  stated  concerning  intoxicants  holds  equally  of 
opium.  Not  only  is  the  use  of  this  drug  injurious  in  itself,  but 
it  is  still  more  so  because  the  need  of  taking  more  and  more 
becomes  imperious.  The  consumer  of  opium  requires  an  ever- 
increasing  quantity  to  give  him  satisfaction,  and  when  he  cannot 
afford  to  buy  it,  he  will  not  shrink  from  using  the  basest  means 
to  procure  what  he  longs  for.  Opium  enslaves  the  consumer. 

We  cannot,  therefore,  sufficiently  insist  on  the  necessity  of 
avoiding  the  dangers  involved  in  the  use  of  either  intoxicating 
liquors  or  opium. 

Even  those  who  do  not  consider  intoxicants  and  opium 
injurious,  will  have  to  confess  that  both  are  of  no  service  to  the 
human  constitution  except  in  cases  of  illness.  We  positively  know 
that  the  use  and  abuse  of  alcoholic  liquors  and  opium  are  closely 
connected  with,  and,  we  may  even  say  with  confidence,  are  the 
cause  of  loss  of  energy  ;  and  loss  of  energy  is  loss  of  power,  which 
means  ruin  to  individuals  as  well  as  to  nations. 

This  being  the  case,  is  it  not  our  duty,  a  most  sacred  duty,  to 
do  all  in  our  power  to  warn  mankind  of  this  fatal  danger,  and  see 
that  all  necessary  measures  are  taken  to  avert  it? 

When  we  turn  to  the  future,  the  question  arises  as  to  the  task 
in  this  direction  of  the  different  Governments,  and  of  those  who 
think  not  only  of  their  own  profit,  but  also  of  the  progress  and 
welfare  of  the  nations  with  whom  they  come  in  contact.  We 
have  also  to  consider  the  possibility  of  inducing  exporters  of 
these  dangerous  products  to  join  their  efforts  to  those  of  Govern- 
ments and  reformers  ;  to  change  their  trade  if  necessary  for  one 
that  is  more  in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  humanity ;  and 
especially  to  bear  in  mind,  besides  their  own  interest,  the  welfare 
of  those  nations  who  are  not  yet  in  the  full  light  of  civilisation. 


326  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

A  most  efficacious  preventive  measure  is  what  is  known  as 
the  Rtgie,  which  enables  Governments  to  decide  the  quantity 
and  quality  of  the  articles  to  be  sold,  and  to  prevent  any  forcing 
of  the  demand.  The  sale  is  too  often  forced  when  it  is  left  to 
any  one  who  cares  to  take  it  in  hand,  or  who  has  acquired  a  right  of 
monopoly  from  the  Government. 

Another  means  would  be  to  impose  heavy  import  duties  ;  but 
this  alone  would  not  suffice,  for  it  would  only  increase  prices  and 
probably  lead  to  adulteration.  Still,  this  measure  should  certainly 
be  taken.  It  might  have  the  effect  of  stopping  the  importation 
altogether,  not  suddenly,  but  gradually,  by  diminishing  the  amount 
every  year. 

Another  way  would  be  to  prohibit  the  sale  of  these  articles  to 
natives,  or  at  least  to  limit  it  as  much  as  possible. 

Here,  however,  we  must  agree  that,  in  countries  where  up  to 
the  present  day  opium  has  been  the  only,  or  the  most  important, 
agricultural  product,  these  measures  should  be  framed  with  due 
care,  so  as  to  avoid  economic  disaster.  Special  care  should  be 
taken,  moreover,  to  prevent  the  substitution  for  opium  of  intoxicants 
or  other  kinds  of  drugs,  prepared  from  other  plants  or  ingredients, 
and  producing  similar  effects  such  as  morphine,  the  so-called 
"anti-opium  pills,"  hashish,  and  similar  concoctions.  We  would 
suggest  also  great  care  in  regulating  the  use  of  palm-wine,  which, 
owing  to  the  facility  with  which  it  can  be  prepared,  is  a  real 
danger. 

However,  it  cannot  be  repeated  too  often  and  too  emphatically : 
nothing  must  be  done  by  force.  No  violence  will  prevent  those  who 
wish  to  drink  from  drinking,  or  those  who  wish  to  smoke  from 
smoking.  The  sufferer  must  be  peacefully  educated  to  resist  those 
stimulants  because  he  knows  that  they  are  bad,  and,  in  order  not  to 
desire  them,  he  must  fully  understand  their  effect.  The  very  best 
way  of  fighting  the  evil,  therefore,  is  by  a  sound  and  widespread 
system  of  public  instruction.  And  this  instruction  must  be  of  such 
a  character  that  the  young  may  acquire  an  adequate  knowledge  of 
the  devastating  influences  of  both  intoxicants  and  opium,  for  the 
mind  as  well  for  the  body.  When  they  have  this  knowledge,  they 
cannot  fail  to  see  and  feel  that  the  abuse  of  these  stimulants  is  not  only 
injurious,  but  even  wicked  and  immoral. 

In  order  to  inspire  the  young  with  this  strength  of  will  and 
soundness  of  principle,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  choose  their 
teachers  among  men  of  solid  character  and  high  principles,  since 
their  task  is  to  educate  as  well  as  to  instruct.  Nothing  conduces  so 
much  to  the  material  and  intellectual  progress  of  a  nation  as  a  most 
extensive  public  education  both  of  mind  and  character. 


FIFTH   SESSION  327 

If  the  mind  is  developed,  and  the  character  formed,  as  we  suggest, 
the  conviction  will  be  no  doubt  so  firm  that  it  will  not  easily  be 
shaken.  Examples  should  be  given.  Even  what  seems  a  little 
exaggerated  would  do  no  harm  at  the  outset. 

The  engravings  sometimes  seen  in  schools  and  at  hygienic 
exhibitions,  which  give  an  idea  of  the  ravages  caused  in  the  human 
frame  by  the  abuse  of  spirits,  such  as  enlargement  of  the  stomach 
and  the  heart,  atrophy  of  the  liver,  dulness  of  the  brain,  general 
enervation,  weak  muscles,  &c.,  are  well  fitted  to  influence  primitive 
races,  if  at  the  same  time  they  are  made  to  appreciate  the  functions 
and  the  importance  of  the  principal  organs  in  the  human  body, 
especially  of  the  brain.  It  should  be  well  understood  that  the  brain 
cannot  act  in  the  way  it  should,  and  is  expected  to  do,  unless  the 
whole  organism  is  normal  and  each  part  of  the  body  functions 
properly.  To  the  engravings  just  mentioned  might  be  added 
photographs  of  confirmed  opium-smokers  looking  like  living 
skeletons. 

I  should  finally  like  to  state,  in  regard  to  the  preventive  measures 
referred  to  above:  (i)  In  Norway  the  sale  of  intoxicants  in  small 
quantities  is  forbidden,  a  measure  which  has  helped  to  lessen  the 
amount  of  drinking.  (2)  In  the  Netherlands  the  number  of  public- 
houses  has  been  restricted,  and  the  sale  of  spirits  is  only  permitted 
under  special  authorisation.  On  the  other  hand,  there  exist  several 
associations  which  encourage  the  cheap  consumption  of  milk,  coffee, 
cocoa,  broth,  lemonade,  &c.,  by  establishing  small  kiosks  in  all  direc- 
tions, some  even  in  solitary  places  in  the  suburbs  of  large  towns. 
(3)  In  China  the  cultivation  of  the  poppy  (papaver)  is  being 
systematically  restricted,  with  a  view  to  prohibiting  the  production  of 
opium.  The  measures  taken  in  this  matter  by  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment are  of  great  importance  for  the  agricultural  and  economic 
welfare  of  China,  and  so  are  the  steps  that  are  being  taken  in  this 
matter  by  other  Governments,  who  are  entering  into  a  Conference 
at  The  Hague  in  July  of  this  year  for  this  very  purpose. 
[Paper  submitted  in  English.} 


SIXTH    SESSION 

THE  MODERN  CONSCIENCE  IN  RELATION  TO 
RACIAL  QUESTIONS  (THE  NEGRO  AND  THE 
AMERICAN  INDIAN} 


THE  WORLD-POSITION  OF  THE   NEGRO  AND 

NEGROID 

By  Sir  HARRY  H.  JOHNSTON,  G.C.M.G.,  K.C.B.,  D.Sc., 

Formerly  British  Commissioner  and  Consul-General  in  Africa,  &c. 

BY  negro  must  also  be  understood  negroid,  that  is  to  say,  any 
human  race,  nationality,  or  people  sufficiently  tinged  with  negro 
blood  to  display  the  negroid  characteristics  of  a  dark  skin  and  a 
spirally  coiled  hair.  No  existing  type  of  the  human  species  is  so 
markedly  set  off  from  the  white  or  Caucasian  division  as  the  negro. 
Any  type  of  Mongol  or  Amerindian  can  mingle  with  a  white  race, 
and  a  hybrid  in  the  first  generation  will  not  be  so  alien  or  repellant 
to  the  pure  white  type  that  it  may  not  quickly  and  easily  fuse  into 
the  white  community  ;  and,  of  course,  the  more  the  white  inter- 
marries with  the  Tartar,  the  Chinese,  the  Japanese,  the  Eskimo,  the 
Amerindian,  or  the  Malay,  the  more  those  races  are  approximated 
to  the  Caucasian  group.  Indeed,  some  comparative  anatomists  like 
Professor  W.  H.  L.  Duckworth  scarcely  pretend  to  discriminate 
anatomically  between  the  white  man,  the  Mongolian,  or  the  Amer- 
indian :  merely  between  the  Caucasian  type  and  the  Eskimo,  which 
last,  though  specialised  in  some  directions,  may  be  held  to  represent 
very  nearly  the  primitive  Mongolian  offshoot  from  the  basal  stock  of 
Homo  sapiens.  There  is  less  racial  bar  between  the  Caucasian  and 
the  Mongol  than  there  is  between  the  Australoid  and  the  Caucasian. 
Yet  these  two  last  named  have  freely  intermingled,  though,  according 
to  anatomists,  the  Australoid  type  represents  more  nearly  than  any 

328 


SIXTH   SESSION  329 

other  living  human  variety  the  Neanderthaloid  man  of  Palaeolithic 
Europe,  and  perhaps  in  a  lesser  degree  the  original  basal  form  of 
Homo  sapiens t  from  which  all  existing  human  races,  varieties,  or 
subspecies  have  been  derived. 

Thus  we  see  in  the  peoples  of  Polynesia  and  of  India  the  results, 
ancient  and  modern,  of  a  direct  mingling  between  the  Caucasian 
and  the  Australoid,  and  these  results,  where  they  are  more  or  less 
free  from  any  intermixture  with  the  negro  stock,  constitute  peoples 
that,  when  their  social  status  has  been  raised,  have  fused  without 
difficulty  into  the  white  world.  For  instance,  a  German  planter 
in  Samoa  might  have  children  by  a  native  woman,  a  Frenchman 
likewise  in  Tahiti,  or  an  Englishman  by  a  New  Zealand  Maori, 
and  their  male  offspring  not  find  any  sensible  colour  bar  standing 
in  the  way  of  their  marrying  in  turn  white  women  of  social  status 
equivalent  to  their  own.  There  is  more  difficulty  in  this  respect  in 
regard  to  India,  simply  because  the  whole  Indian  Peninsula  (like 
some  of  the  Malay  Islands  and  New  Guinea)  is  permeated  with 
negro  blood  of  the  original  Asiatic  negro  stock  which  we  find 
subsisting  in  a  more  or  less  pure  form  in  the  Andaman  Islands,  in  a 
few  Nilgiri  tribes  of  Southern  India,  in  the  Malay  Peninsula  and  one 
or  two  Malay  Islands,  and,  above  all,  in  the  great  islands  to  the 
north-east  of  New  Guinea  and  in  New  Guinea  itself.  The  indigenes 
of  Tasmania,  before  they  were  exterminated  by  the  British  settlers, 
probably  exhibited  the  survival  either  of  examples  of  the  negro 
stock  in  a  stage  very  near  to  that  at  which  it  first  diverged  from  the 
Australoid  form,  or  a  more  recent  hybrid  between  the  Oceanic 
negroid  and  the  Australoid.  The  peoples  of  New  Caledonia,  of 
Fiji,  the  New  Hebrides,  many  parts  of  New  Guinea,  the  Philippine 
Islands,  and  even  Annam  and  Burma,  are  more  or  less  tinged  with 
ancient  negro  intermixture,  the  degree  ranging  from  an  almost  pure 
negro  form  to  the  very  faintest  indications  of  negro  affinities. 
Consequently,  it  happens  that  many  of  the  Eurasians  derived  from  a 
cross  between  certain  Indian,  South  Asiatic  and  Western  Polynesian 
types  are  distinctly  less  pleasing  to  the  racial  prejudice  of  the  pure 
white  man  than  would  be  an  Amerindian  half-breed  or  a  cross 
between  a  European  and  a  Samoan  or  Maori,  or  between  Japanese 
and  Chinese  on  the  one  hand  and  Europeans  on  the  other  ;  but 
simply  for  the  reason  that  in  the  cross  between  the  average  Indian 
or  Malaysian  and  the  white  people,  there  is  betrayed  some  negroid 
characteristic  which  for  deep-seated,  unexplained  reasons  arouses  an 
inherent  dislike  in  the  absolutely  pure-blood  white  people  of  Central 
and  Northern  Europe,  of  North  America,  or  of  white  Australia. 
Herein  lies,  indeed  (I  believe),  the  explanation  of  the  nearly-extinct 
hatred  of  the  Jew,  and  of  the  results  of  Jewish  intermarriage,  or  of 


330  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

the  similar  desire  to  decry  the  appearance  of  the  offspring  proceeding 
from  the  rare  unions  between  Nordic  white  men  and  Egyptian  or 
Moorish  women :  simply  the  fact  that  in  the  Jew,  as  in  the  Egyptian 
and  the  Moor,  there  is  a  varying  but  still  discernible  element  of  the 
negro,  derived  in  the  case  of  the  Jew  from  the  strong  infusion  of 
Elamite  blood,  and  in  the  case  of  the  Moor,  from  the  obvious  con- 
nection with  negro  Africa.  The  same  remarks  apply  in  certain 
cases  to  the  peoples  of  Southern  Persia  or  Eastern  Arabia,  the  negro 
intermixture  there  being  due  not  only  to  the  Elamite  element  of 
ancient  times,  but  to  the  importation  on  a  large  scale  of  negro 
slaves  during  the  whole  Islamic  period. 

Recent  discoveries  made  in  the  vicinity  of  the  principality  of 
Monaco,  and  others  in  Italy  and  Western  France — all  of  them 
analysed  in  the  monograph  on  the  skulls  found  in  the  grottoes  of 
Grimaldi,  edited  by  Dr.  Verneaux,  of  Paris,  and  published  in  1909 
by  the  Prince  of  Monaco — would  seem  to  reveal,  even  if  some  of 
their  deductions  are  discounted  and  a  few  statements  regarded  as 
erroneous,  the  actual  fact  that  many  thousand  years  ago  a  negroid 
race  had  penetrated  through  Italy  into  France,  leaving  traces  at  the 
present  day  in  the  physiognomy  of  the  peoples  of  Southern  Italy, 
Sicily,  Sardinia,  Southern  and  Western  France,  and  even  in  the 
western  parts  of  the  United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland. 
There  are  even  at  the  present  day  some  examples  of  the  Keltiberian 
peoples  of  Western  Scotland,  Southern  and  Western  Wales,  Southern 
and  Western  Ireland,  of  distinctly  negroid  aspect,  and  in  whose 
ancestry  there  is  no  indication  whatever  of  any  connection  with  the 
West  Indies  or  with  modern  Africa.  Still  more  marked  is  this 
feature  in  the  peoples  of  Southern  and  Western  France  and  of  the 
other  parts  of  the  Mediterranean  already  mentioned.  There  is  a 
strong  negroid  element  in  the  south  of  Spain  and  the  south  of 
Portugal,  but  we  are  not  entitled  in  default  of  other  evidence  to 
assume  that  this  is  due  to  such  an  ancient  negroid  immigration  as 
seems  to  be  indicated  in  France  and  Italy.  Because,  in  the  first 
place,  the  repeated  Moorish  invasions  of  Spain  obviously  brought 
thither  a  very  considerable  infusion  of  negro  blood  from  the  Nigerian 
Sudan,  while  Portugal  in  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries 
deliberately  imported  negro  slaves  to  do  the  agricultural  work  of 
her  southern  provinces.  Hitherto — I  speak  under  correction — there 
has  been  discovered  no  deeply-buried  skull  in  Portugal  or  Spain 
having  the  same  obvious  negroid  characteristics  as  the  skulls  found 
in  ancient  burial-places  in  Italy  or  in  France. 

Formerly,  it  was  the  fashion  amongst  anthropologists  to  attribute 
the  black-avised  peoples  of  Western  or  North- Western  Europe — 
their  dark  hair,  brown  eyes,  tendency  to  a  swarthy  skin,  and 


SIXTH   SESSION  331 

comparative  length  or  shortness  of  limb  bones  and  other  anatomical 
features — to  the  persistence  in  those  regions  of  a  strain  of  Neander- 
thaloid  or  Palaeolithic  man.  And  it  was  assumed  that  because  the 
modern  black  Australian  is  the  nearest  living  representative  of  the 
Neanderthaloid  type,  and  at  the  same  time  is  more  or  less  of  a 
"  black  "  man,  the  man  of  Neanderthal,  Spy,  Heidelberg,  Krapina, 
Galley  Hill  and  the  Correze  must  have  been  similarly  black-skinned 
or  of  a  very  dark  brown  skin  colour,  possessing  likewise  black  hair 
and  brown  eyes.  It  is  permissible  from  the  little  we  know  to  assume 
that  Homo  primigenius  was  black-haired  and  had  a  brown  or  hazel- 
coloured  iris  (blue-grey,  no  doubt,  in  newly-born  children,  as  it 
is  so  often  with  infant  negroes  and  Asiatics),  and  there  may  have 
been  in  this  primitive  type  of  man  an  occasional  outbreak  of 
erythrism,  or  individuals  with  red  hair  and  a  light  yellow  iris ;  but  I 
see  no  reason  whatever  to  assume  that  the  parent  of  the  European 
white  man — the  heavy-browed,  slightly  Simian  type,  which  we  now 
know  ranged  over  parts  of  North  Africa,  of  Spain,  and  the  greater 
part  of  Europe — had  a  black  or  a  dark-brown  skin  or  had  hair  which 
was  flattened  to  an  ellipse  and  inclined  to  be  spirally  twisted  in 
its  growth.  On  the  contrary,  Homo  primigenius,  or,  at  any  rate,  the 
Neanderthaloid  type,  may  have  had  a  skin  like  that  of  some  chim- 
panzees or  of  the  orang-utan,  ranging  in  colour  from  a  dirty-white 
to  a  yellowish-gray ;  while  the  hair  of  his  head  and  body,  though 
normally  black,  may  have  had  a  considerable  tendency  towards 
brown.  If  this  was  the  case,  then  it  would  seem  as  though  the  dark 
strain  of  pigmented  skin  and  curly  hair  which  permeates  so  much 
of  Europe  and  Asia  is  due  not  to  the  retention  of  the  Homo 
primigenius  element,  but  to  the  invasion  of  those  regions  in  ancient 
times  by  negro  peoples  emigrating  from  Southern  Asia  :  the  original 
development  area,  as  far  as  we  can  guess,  of  the  negro  subspecies. 

Of  course,  in  considering  all  points  of  view,  we  must  bear  in  mind 
that  a  section  of  the  negro  race — the  Bushman  element  in  South 
Africa — is  not  black-skinned,  but  yellow,  or  yellow-brown ;  while 
certain  tribes  of  Congo  pigmies  are  a  clear  reddish-yellow ;  and  that 
the  majority  of  negro  babies  are  born  with  a  yellowish  skin,  which 
only  darkens  into  brown  or  black  a  few  weeks  after  birth.  These 
facts,  however,  may  only  tend  to  show  that  the  basal  stock  of 
humanity  was  yellow-skinned,  and  that  in  the  case  of  the  negro 
and  negroid  the  yellow,  as  soon  as  the  specialisation  of  this  type 
began,  deepened  rapidly  into  dark-brown  or  black.  We  know  that 
certain  races  of  Amerindians  absolutely  devoid  of  any  recent  inter- 
mixture with  the  negro,  or  of  any  other  intermixture  at  any  time, 
have  under  conditions  of  local  environment  developed  very  dark- 
coloured  skins.  The  Bushman  may  possibly  have  retained  the 


332  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

original  light-coloured  skin  of  the  negroid  ancestor ;  or,  as  in  the 
case  of  those  Congo  pigmies  dwelling  in  the  densest  forests,  have 
under  diverse  conditions  of  environment  eliminated  much  of  the  skin 
pigment  and  become  in  course  of  time  yellow-skinned  instead  of 
dark  brown.  The  tendency  in  the  case  of  Congo  pigmies  is  for 
their  skin  colour  to  darken  in  the  next  generation  which  is  born 
under  better  conditions  of  life,  and,  above  all,  away  from  the  deep 
shade  of  the  Congo  forests.  But  it  is  probable  that  the  light-coloured 
skin  of  the  Bushman  is  a  very  ancient  feature.  There  are  sparse 
indications  here  and  there  that  the  Bushman  type  once  inhabited 
the  valley  of  the  Upper  Niger  and  the  adjacent  plateaus,  and  also 
parts  of  North-East  and  East  Africa;  and  native  traditions  regarding 
this  vanished  type  assert  that  it  was  "red-skinned,"  that  is  to  say, 
sufficiently  light  in  colour  to  be  a  contrast  to  the  black  or  dark- 
brown  negroes  who  dispossessed  it,  yet  at  the  same  time  sufficiently 
sombre  in  tone  to  be  remarked  as  "red-skinned"  by  the  yellow-white 
Fulas. 

The  nigrescence,  therefore,  of  Europe,  Asia,  North  Africa,  and 
Oceania  may  be  due  to  the  negro,  who  in  many  other  respects  is  the 
opposite  pole  to  the  white  man.  Gradually  we  seem  to  see  approach- 
ing a  period  in  the  segregation  of  humanity  when  there  may  be  two 
rival  camps,  black  and  white,  though  the  black  may  have  been 
toned  down  to  a  pale  brown  and  the  white  toned  up  to  a  warm 
yellow. 

But  such  an  eventuality,  with  800,000,000  of  Dravidian  or  Mongo- 
loid Asiatics  and  Amerindians  to  be  absorbed  into  the  white  camp 
would  occupy  such  a  lengthy  period  that  the  results  which  might 
accrue  from  this  division  of  the  human  species  into  two  rival  and 
diverging  types  need  not  occupy  the  attention  of  practical  men  and 
women  at  the  present  day.  The  point  which  this  Congress  may 
prefer  to  discuss  is  the  degree  to  which  the  negro  and  negroid  may 
make  common  cause  with  the  white  peoples,  and  the  effect  which 
might  consequently  be  produced  by  any  considerable  extension  of 
intermarriage. 

The  matter  of  skin  colour,  facial  outline,  and  of  hair  texture,  is 
largely  a  question  of  aesthetics.  If  we  could  imagine  some  super- 
human agency  looking  down  on  this  little  planet  with  a  knowledge 
and  appreciation  of  things  far  superior  to  that  possessed  by  the 
wisest  human  being,  we  might  hold  it  conceivable  that  such  an 
intelligence  would  either  see  that  there  was  not  a  pin  to  choose  be- 
tween being  pink-skinned  or  brown-skinned,  that  curly  hair  was  no 
uglier  than  straight  hair,  or  a  Wellington  nose  not  more  beautiful 
than  one  of  low  bridge  with  widespreading  nostrils  :  in  short,  that  a 
well-developed  negro  or  negress  was  no  uglier  than  a  well-developed 


SIXTH   SESSION  333 

white  man  or  white  woman,  provided  that  both  alike  were  good 
examples  of  physical  and  mental  efficiency.  Such  a  being  might 
also  happen  to  know  that  of  which  we  are  at  present  uncertain, 
namely,  that  the  negro  originally — say  forty  thousand  to  ten  thousand 
years  ago — had  a  greater  innate  feeling  for  art  and  music  than  his 
white  or  yellow  relations,  equally  with  himself  mere  hunters  of  wild 
beasts.  There  are  sufficient  indications  not  to  prove,  but  certainly 
to  make  not  ridiculous,  a  theory  which  might  attribute  to  the  ancient 
negroid  permeation  of  Europe  and  Asia  a  love  of  music  and  a  desire 
to  reproduce  in  painting,  engraving,  or  sculpture  the  striking  aspects 
of  beasts  and  birds  or  of  human  life. 

It  may  be  also  that  the  negro  has  acquired  in  a  severe  struggle 
against  the  micro-organisms  of  the  Tropics  a  power  of  resistance  to 
certain  diseases  not  as  yet  possessed  by  the  white  man  or  the  yellow. 
He  has  certainly  been  endowed  by  nature  with  a  degree  of  race- 
fertility  probably  surpassing  that  of  the  European,  Asiatic,  and 
Amerindian  living  under  conditions  similarly  unfavourable  to  the 
struggle  for  existence.  Those  few  scientific  men  in  Britain,  Germany, 
France,  the  United  States,  and  Brazil  who  have  striven  to  understand 
the  anthropology  of  the  negro,  and  to  compare  it  with  that  of  the 
white  man,  are  rather  inclined  than  otherwise  to  argue  now  that  the 
negro  and  the  negroid  have  contributed  in  the  past,  and  still  more  may 
contribute  in  the  future,  a  very  important  quota  to  the  whole  sum  of 
humanity,  an  element  of  soundness  and  stability  in  physical  develop- 
ment and  certain  mental  qualities  which  the  perfected  man  of,  let  us 
say,  twenty-two  or  twenty-three  centuries  after  Christ  cannot  afford 
to  do  without.  Such  advisers  would  attempt  to  hold  us  back  from 
furious  raging  against  racial  intermixture,  and  above  all,  from  any 
policy  of  oppression  or  extirpation  to  which  from  time  to  time  the 
white  man  is  prone  when  he  thinks  that  the  negro  or  negroid  gets  in 
his  way. 

Some  people  claiming  to  be  equally  farsighted  and  superior  to 
the  temporary  prejudices  of  the  human  mind  hold  the  theory  that 
the  negro  should  never  have  been  regarded  as  anything  better  than  a 
slave  to  the  white  peoples  and  to  the  yellow  ;  and  that  the  enemies 
of  the  perfect  man  of  the  future — those  who  would  seek  to  delay  the 
advance  of  human  perfection — are  the  philanthropists  who  in  the 
eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries  used  their  great  influence  to 
forbid  the  slave  trade,  to  abolish  slavery,  and  to  erect  the  negro  into 
the  position  of  a  citizen  with  no  legal  bar  to  his  equality  of  standing 
with  the  white  man.  These  open  foes  of  the  negro  are  spiritually 
the  brothers  of  the  persons  who  hold,  or  who  have  held  in  their  past 
writings,  that  we  committed  a  fatal  mistake  when  we  introduced 
European  ideas  of  education  into  India. 


334  UNIVERSAL   RACES  CONGRESS 

These  last  are  right,  no  doubt.  When  we  commenced  a  hundred 
years  ago  to  spread  education  broadcast  amongst  our  subject  black 
and  yellow  peoples,  we  sowed  the  dragon's  teeth.  We  made  it 
possible  for  generations  to  come  into  being  who  should  see  the 
world  through  our  eyes,  who  should  acquire  our  knowledge  of  good 
and  evil — that  knowledge  we  had  so  painfully  gained  by  a  hundred 
thousand  years  of  martyrdom,  of  unremitting  struggle  with  natural 
forces — and  should  seek  to  apply  to  their  own  social  and  racial 
troubles  the  solutions  we  had  found  so  advantageous  in  our  own  case. 
But  the  fact  is,  if  these  persons  are  right,  that  the  mischief  began, 
not  with  the  introduction  of  modern  education  into  India  fifty  years 
ago,  or  a  hundred  years  ago,  or,  first,  the  setting  free,  and,  secondly, 
the  missionary  education  of  the  natives  of  Africa  and  the  negroes  of 
America,  but  with  the  mission  and  the  teaching  of  Christ. 

Jesus  Christ  had  a  notable  forerunner  in  the  person  of  Sakya- 
Muni,  the  Buddha,  whom  some  have  supposed  (like  Christ  Himself) 
to  have  been  of  what  is  called  conventionally  "  Aryan  "  stock  ;  that  is 
to  say,  descended  more  or  less  from  that  Nordic  white  race  which  has 
been  the  principal  channel  of  human  improvement,  the  main  fount  of 
world-moving  ideas.  Had  Buddha's  teaching  not  been  swamped  in 
Mongolian  petty-mindedness  and  Dravidian  dreams,  it  might  have 
done  the  work  of  Christianity.  Undoubtedly  it  was  a  revolt  against 
the  caste  prejudice  of  the  Aryan,  and  its  fundamental  teaching  was 
the  racial  equality  of  all  men.  But  its  ultimate  effect  on  Asia  has 
been  of  little  purport.  It  has  not  prevented  or  even  much  mitigated 
the  horrible  wars,  massacres,  and  ravages  which  made  Southern  Asia 
a  perpetual  battleground  for  the  two  thousand  years  preceding  the 
middle  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

This  long  martyrdom  of  the  brown  and  yellow  peoples  of  Asia 
was  due  primarily  to  the  attempts  of  the  white  man — in  the  form  of 
Persian,  Greek,  Arab,  Afghan,  Portuguese,  Frenchman,  Dutchman, 
and  Englishman — to  push  the  stubborn  Mongol  before  him,  and  to 
enslave  more  or  less  the  weaker,  more  negroid,  Dravidian  populations ; 
a  task  in  which  the  Buddhist  Mongol,  whenever  he  was  permitted  to 
take  a  hand,  showed  himself  quite  as  ruthless  as  the  Muhammadan 
or  mediaeval-Christian  white  man.  But,  strange  to  say,  the  teaching 
of  Christ  and  His  apostles — however  much  it  might  be  overloaded 
with  dogma  as  silly  as  those  of  Asia  and  Africa,  and  myths  no  more 
precious  in  our  modern  eyes  than  those  of  the  more  primitive 
religions — has  possessed  some  unconquerable  surviving  influence, 
which  began  to  make  itself  felt  from  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century 
in  the  humanitarian  teachings  of  both  Catholic  and  Protestant. 
These  doctrines  prevailed  sufficiently  on  the  public  opinion  of  the 
white  world  not  only  to  hold  back  the  white  man  (when  he  had  the 


SIXTH   SESSION  335 

power)  from  exterminating  or  dehumanising  the  dark-skinned  races 
which  had  become  subject  to  him  ;  but  prevailed  even  to  force  him  to 
extend  the  gospel  of  Christ  to  those  peoples,  to  regard  them  theoreti- 
cally as  equally  men  with  his  own  race,  and,  above  all,  to  give  them  the 
advantages  of  a  European  education. 

For  aught  I  know,  the  teaching  of  Christ  may  have  been  the 
work  of  reactionary  Nature  :  judging  from  the  writings  of  not  a  few 
amongst  my  fellow-countrymen  and  others  in  the  United  States  and 
in  Germany,  it  must  have  been  a  wrong  idea,  since  its  practical 
application  would  inevitably  tend  to  draw  all  branches  of  the  human 
race  together,  with  the  ultimate  result  of  racial  fusion,  of  equal 
privileges  for  all  human  beings  possessing  the  same  degree  of  edu- 
cation, of  moral  and  physical  worth. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  coming  and  the  teaching  of  Christ  may 
have  been  the  most  remarkable  event  in  the  history  of  the  human 
species  since  man  emerged  definitely  from  apehood  ;  and  the  logical 
carrying  out  of  Christian  principles  may  lead  not  only  to  the  gradual 
extinction  of  race-hatred,  envy,  and  malice,  but  more  quickly  to  the 
formation  of  the  perfect  man  than  might  be  brought  about  under 
other  religious  systems. 

According  to  the  nearest  estimate  one  can  make,  there  are  at 
present  about  135,000,000  of  negroes  and  negroids  in  the  world,  as 
contrasted  with  575,000,000  of  white  or  Caucasian  people,  about 
520,000,000  yellow  or  Mongolian,  300,000  Dravidians,  &c.  (dark- 
skinned,  straight-haired,  well-featured  Asiatics,  compounded  mainly 
of  Caucasian  and  Australoid  elements),  and  10,000,000  Amerindians 
(who  are  probably  an  ancient  mingling  between  the  Caucasian  and 
the  Mongol). 

Of  these  135,000,000  negroes  and  negroids,  some  109,000,000  live 
in  Africa,  24,000,000  in  the  New  World,  and  perhaps  2,000,000  in 
India,  the  Andaman  Islands,  Malay  Peninsula,  Philippines,  New 
Guinea,  the  Bismarck  Archipelago,  Neu  Pommern,  and  Oceania 
generally.  It  is  noteworthy  that  with  the  doubtful  exception  of  the 
Mongolian  (as  represented  by  the  very  mixed  population  of  Japan, 
an  Empire  which  contains  much  "  white  "  blood  of  ancient  stock  over 
an  Asiatic  negroid  strain),  the  negro  is  the  only  non-Caucasian  race 
which  has  so  far  furnished  rivals  to  the  white  man  in  science,  the 
arts,  literature,  and  mathematics.  So  far — excepting  a  few  Dravi- 
dians, Amerindians,  and  Japanese,  all  of  these  half-brothers  of  the 
white  man — the  other  peoples  of  Asia,  Africa,  Oceania,  and  abori- 
ginal America  have  kept  themselves  to  themselves,  and  have  never 
ventured  to  compete  with  the  white  man  in  his  own  sphere.  But  a 
negro  has  now  been  to  the  North  Pole,  and  there  are  famous  negro 
or  negroid  painters,  musicians,  novelists,  botanists,  legists,  philologists, 


336  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

philosophers,  mathematicians,  engineers,  and  general  officers  whose 
work  is  done  in  the  white  world  and  in  emulation  with  the  first 
talent  of  Europe  and  America.  Here  on  the  French  Riviera,  where 
this  paper  is  being  finished,  negro  chauffeurs  are  much  en  evidence 
because  of  their  skilful  and  careful  driving. 

The  negro  will  probably  die  out  in  Asia  (though  leaving  in  the 
new  peoples  of  Polynesia  and  Malaysia  and  India  an  ineffaceable 
trace  of  his  former  presence  in  the  land)  ;  but  in  Africa  and  in 
America  he  has  a  very  important  part  to  play,  and  he  may  even 
permeate  the  life  of  Europe  in  the  coming  centuries. 

France  has  become  an  African  Power  of  the  first  magnitude,  with 
a  negro  army  of  forty  thousand  men.  Britain  and  Germany  look 
more  and  more  to  Africa  for  their  commerce  and  the  raw  material  of 
their  industries.  The  ten  million  negroes  and  negroids  in  the  United 
States  occupy  in  that  country  a  position  of  capital  importance  in 
industry  and  agriculture. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


NATIVE    RACES   OF   SOUTH    AFRICA 
By  J.  TENGO  JABAVU,  Kingwilliamstown,  South  Africa. 

AT  the  extreme  south  of  Africa,  co-extensive  with  and  outside  the 
Union,  there  exists  a  large  population  of  aborigines,  estimated, 
approximately,  at  six  million.  They  have  proudly  arrogated  to 
themselves  the  name  Bantu  (people),  in  the  same  manner  as  the  early 
Aryans  assumed  their  name.  Those  who  do  not  answer  to  this 
description  are  superciliously  designated  either  by  their  colour  or 
by  some  striking  peculiarity  in  their  physique.  Thus  the  now  extinct 
Bushmen  (Batwa)  and  decayed  Hottentots,  whom  the  Bantu  met  about 
three  or  four  centuries  back  in  their  noiseless  but  certain  migration 
from  the  north  to  the  south,  they  contemptuously  described  as  ama 
Lawu  and  Abatwa  by  reason  of  their  diminutive  stature,  and  the 
white  man  was  called  Umlungu  after  the  colour  of  his  skin. 

Abantu  readily  divide  themselves  into  two  great  families — 
Abesutho  and  Abantu — about  equal  in  numbers,  the  abe  and  aba  in 
both  words  being  the  plural  nominative  form,  and  the  root  word  being 
tho  and  ntu.  What  divides  them  is  their  language,  the  one  being  as 
different  from  the  other  as  German  is  from  Dutch.  They  would 
appear  to  have  moved  down  along  parallel  lines,  the  Bantu  hugging 
the  east  coast,  while  the  Besutho  kept  to  the  central  table-land,  the 
language  of  the  latter  being  greatly  affected  by  the  negro  races  they 
met  or  assimilated  along  their  course. 


SIXTH   SESSION  337 

They  were  a  strong,  healthy,  virile  people,  devoted  to  the  chase, 
and  depending  on  their  domesticated  animals  for  their  livelihood, 
They  appear  to  have  evolved  political  organisations  and  systems  of 
law  and  jurisprudence  that  observers  sometimes  deem  superior  to 
those  that  European  civilisations  have  developed,  notwithstanding 
the  old  civilisations  of  the  latter.  The  fact  that  their  laws  and  legal 
practice  have  sustained  them  through  the  long  dark  night  that  has 
enveloped  Africa,  and  that  the  dawn  finds  them  healthy  and  strong, 
free  from  malignant,  infectious  diseases  of  the  blood,  and  other 
plagues  so  common  to  civilised  communities,  is  added  testimony  to 
the  effectiveness  of  their  code  of  morals  and  mode  of  life.  It  is 
generally  conceded  that  in  their  original  state  the  standard  of 
morality  was  very  high — so  high  that  crimes  of  personal  violence 
between  the  sexes  had  become  so  rare  that  delinquencies  were 
punishable  by  death.  That  they  were  thoroughly  inured  to  law  and 
order  is  evidenced  by  their  famed  docility  and  law-abiding  character, 
while  ready  obedience  to  authority  is  to  this  very  day  rendered, 
at  the  instance  of  the  chief  or  headman,  without  the  need  of  any 
local  police. 

As  to  strong  drink,  their  habits  were  uniformly  temperate. 
Although  they  had  their  native  beer,  of  little  alcoholic  strength, 
it  was  partaken  of  only  by  the  grown-up  and  middle-aged  men. 
To  young  men  and  the  womenfolk  it  was  entirely  prohibited.  This 
fact  may  also  serve  to  indicate  the  stage  reached  by  their  legislation 
in  regard  to  a  matter  that  is  still  exciting  the  curiosity  and  exercising 
the  ingenuity  of  civilised  legislatures  throughout  the  world. 

In  regard  to  religion  they  had  a  deep  veneration  for  a  Great 
Omnipresent,  Omnipotent  Unknown,  and  the  spirits  of  their  departed 
fathers  were  supposed  to  plead  in  their  behalf  concerning  all  the 
circumstances  of  their  life.  No  temples  were  consequently  reared. 
They  neither  worshipped  the  spirits  of  their  fathers,  as  is  commonly 
supposed,  nor  was  their  faith  pinned  to  creatures  "  in  the  heaven 
above,  or  that  are  in  the  earth  below,  or  that  are  in  the  water  under 
the  earth."  In  their  customs  may  be  discerned  much  of  what  one 
reads  in  the  Pentateuch. 

Possibly  owing  to  their  pastoral  pursuits  they  reared  no  sub- 
stantial cities ;  nor  did  they  acquire  the  art  of  writing.  What 
cultivation  of  the  soil  there  was,  sufficed  for  their  immediate 
requirements. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  these  people  when  the  white  man  came 
into  contact  with  them,  with  his  paraphernalia  of  civilisation.  The 
ruling  powers  among  the  Europeans  did  not  then,  as  now,  passion- 
ately give  themselves  over  to  improving  the  conditions  of  their 
new  wards.  Content  with  getting  from  them  what  taxes  they  could 

z 


s 


338  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

exact,  they  were  satisfied  with  a  policy  of  laisser-faire.  Colonists 
were  on  the  whole  not  cruel  to  the  natives,  although  so  much  may  have 
been  made  of  occasional  cases  of  inhumanity,  as  to  eclipse  much  of 
what  was  good. 

To  this  day,  however,  one  is  afraid  the  average  South  African 
European's  concern  for  the  native  does  not  go  beyond  exploiting 
his  labour  for  his  own  benefit  and  advantage.  In  other  spheres 
he  betrays  a  hardly  justifiable  dread  of  him  as  a  possible  competitor 
and  superior.  The  tendency  is  thus  to  elbow  the  Bantu  out  in  what 
is  believed  to  be  self-defence,  although  to  the  cool  and  unprejudiced 
thinkers  South  Africa  is  large  and  quite  capable  of  containing  twice 
the  population  of  Great  Britain  without  harm  to  any  particular 
race  or  individual.  Indeed,  it  seems  to  be  the  paucity  of  the 
European  population,  with  the  inevitable  short  and  circumscribed 
outlook,  that  is  the  bane  of  South  Africa.  Affairs  have  a  tendency 
to  be  regarded  from  a  personal  point  of  view.  The  smaller  the 
hamlet,  village,  or  town,  the  more  pronounced  are  the  prejudices 
and  antagonisms  towards  the  aboriginal  races ;  while  the  larger  the 
cities  the  more  liberal  and  tolerant  the  atmosphere  towards  these 
people.  The  net  result  of  the  policy  of  regarding,  or  treating,  the 
aborigines  as  merely  beasts  of  burden  has  been  graphically 
described  by  Mr.  Merriman,  one  of  the  most  intellectual  statesmen 
in  the  Union  Parliament,  who,  from  his  seat  in  the  House,  recently 
observed  : — 

"  The  House  little  thought  what  was  being  done ;  there  were 
200,000  on  the  mines  alone,  most  of  them  barbarians,  from  all 
parts  of  South  Africa  gathered  together,  breaking  down  their 
tribal  customs,  being  brought  into  contact  with  the  most  un- 
desirable sort  of  white  men.  They  picked  up  the  white  man's 
vices  and  took  them  back  to  their  kraals,  things  never  dreamed 
of  before.  The  responsibility  lay  upon  them  as  the  superior  race, 
and  must  give  every  Government  the  greatest  concern,  and  give 
all  members  food  for  thought.  They  should  remember  that 
Johannesburg  was  a  criminal  university  for  these  natives.  Every- 
thing lay  in  the  way  these  people  were  treated." 

It  is,  however,  conceded  that  the  Government  is  doing  its  best 
to  cope  with  this  peculiar  situation,  but  as  yet  no  distinctly 
constructive  policy  for  the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of  the 
natives  on  the  mines  has  been  subjected  to  the  test  of  time  ;  nor, 
beyond  the  regulation  for  recruiting  labour,  has  the  administration 
attempted  any  measures  for  bettering  the  condition  of  the  Bantu 
in  the  way  of  education,  promoting  their  happiness  and  content- 
ment, and  making  it  easy  for  them  to  do  right  and  difficult  to  do 
wrong. 


SIXTH   SESSION  339 

The  Parliamentary  franchise  is  conceded  to  natives  in  a  limited 
form  only  in  the  Cape  Province,  while  the  Bantu  in  three  other 
Provinces  of  the  Union  are  voteless.  The  consequence  is  that  the 
members  from  the  latter  only  regard  themselves  as  mouthpieces 
of  the  whites  and  care  not  for  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  blacks. 
It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  upshot  of  this  in  the  long  run  will  be  the 
oppression  of  the  Bantu  in  those  Provinces. 

Christian  missionaries  and  missions  have  so  far  been  the  sole 
philanthropic  agencies  operating  on  the  primitive  conditions  of  Bantu 
life.  They  have  been  labouring  among  the  people  for  little  short  of  a 
century,  but  have  scarcely  touched  the  masses.  Of  the  6,000,000 
it  would  be  safe  to  say  that  only  half  a  million  have  been  influenced 
by  them.  And  it  is  only  now  being  discovered  by  missionaries  them- 
selves that  in  pushing  on  their  propaganda  they  have  not  always  been 
as  wise  as  they  were  benevolent.  Coming  with  preconceived  notions 
that  they  were  sent  to  a  barbarous  society,  they  began  by  denouncing 
and  pulling  down  every  organisation  they  found  in  order  to  rear 
Christianity  on  the  ruins  thereof.  No  time  appears  to  have  been 
devoted  to  studying  and  cataloguing  what  was  good  in  the  tribal  laws 
and  customs  of  the  people,  with  a  view  to  eliminating  what  was  bad 
and  retaining  the  good.  The  saving  principle  in  all  teaching,  of 
passing  from  the  known  to  the  unknown,  was  lightly  flung  to  the 
four  winds  of  heaven.  The  result  has  been  more  or  less  a  breaking 
up  of  Bantu  society,  which  now  requires  earnest  and  hearty  workers 
to  reconstruct  it,  even  from  the  missionary  point  of  view.  Mean- 
time those  still  uninfluenced  are  shrinking  from  an  agency  that  has 
wrought  such  evils,  and  progress  is,  as  it  were,  blocked  for  the  time 
being.  Here  is  the  conclusion  of  a  missionary  of  some  years'  standing 
on  the  results  up  to  date.  The  Rev.  W.  Y.  Stead,  of  St.  Philip's 
Mission,  Grahamstown,  says  in  a  letter  to  a  newspaper : — 

"  It  is  a  great  pity  that  the  unhinderable  advance  of  the  native 
races,  however  slow,  could  not  have  been  by  the  development  of  their 
own  ethics,  under  the  ancient  organisation  of  the  clan  under  the  chief, 
and  by  helping  them  to  assimilate,  as  they  went  forward,  what  suited 
their  state,  in  acceptable  selections  out  of  the  civilisation  of  Europe ; 
instead  of  being  forced  by  the  crushing  power  of  our  strange  laws  to 
enter  into  a  condition  of  mere  rapid  imitation  of  what  we  think  is  our 
best,  and  becomes  in  them  their  worst,  raising  antagonisms  and 
hatred  against  the  white  race,  or  at  least  irritation  instead  of  trust. 

"  As  I  travelled  down  these  many  hundreds  of  miles  from  the 
border  of  Natal,  the  gradual  increase  of  the  influence  of  our  white 
manners  was  very  visible  in  many  various  ways,  both  among  the  men 
and  women.  The  men  are  now  more  apt  and  shrewd,  because  more 
educated,  with  the  enlarged  intelligence  that  comes  by  contact  with 


340  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

the  long,  widely  experienced  and  scientific  people  who  are  now  ruling 
as  conquerors.  There  is  no  increasing  degradation  as  a  people  ;  there 
are  some  lost  individuals  indeed  among  them  ;  but  as  a  people  they 
have  not  deteriorated  ;  there  is  no  sign  of  degeneracy  in  them  as 
a  race  physically.  The  Batwa  are  passed  away.  The  Hottentot 
tribe,  too,  is  passing  away  altogether,  even  in  the  double-blood  fusion 
of  the  throng  bearing  among  them  many  old  and  honoured  names  of 
Holland  and  France  who  followed  Adam  Kok.  But  the  brown  race, 
the  Aba  Ntsundu,  have  force  of  character  and  stamina  of  breed  ;  they 
have  not  gone  down  in  physique  or  lessened  in  numbers.  The  white 
man  cannot  take  his  arms  of  precision  and  blow  them  off  the  face  of 
South  Africa.  Here  they  must  remain.  We  shall  have  them  always 
with  us,  or  they  will  have  us." 

The  question  of  what  can  be  done  to  uplift  the  Bantu  is  of  great 
importance  in  the  interests  of  all  in  South  Africa,  as  the  influence 
of  race  acts  and  re-acts  mutually.  The  hope  seems  to  be  in 
education.  Education  of  a  kind  there  is.  It  is  occasionally  advertised 
by  imposing  statistics,  but  it  is  feared  much  of  it  is  of  the  character 
which  gives  painful  demonstration  of  the  dangers  of  a  little  education. 
Nor  is  the  bulk  of  its  recipients  keen  on  acquiring  and  profiting 
by  it.  The  solution  of  the  problem  seems  to  consist  in  instructing 
the  masses  in  the  vernacular,  while  concentrating  on  the  few  who 
are  to  be  the  leaders  and  uplifters  of  the  rest.  Dr.  Stewart,  of 
Lovedale  fame,  was  wont  to  say  "  Light  came  from  above,"  meaning 
that  the  masses  were  to  be  enlightened  and  helped  by  certain 
educated  luminaries  of  their  race  ;  and  the  immediate  task  was  to 
train  and  equip  such  well.  The  efficacy  of  this  policy  is  demonstrated 
by  a  native,  here  and  there,  who  has  outstripped  his  fellows  after 
breaking  the  chains  of  environment  and  drinking  deep  in  education. 
Such  have  made  a  favourable  impression  not  only  on  their  fellows, 
but  also  on  their  European  neighbours.  They  have,  moreover, 
proved,  beyond  the  shadow  of  a  doubt,  that  if  a  Native  College 
were,  as  is  proposed,  established  to  provide  a  hundred  or  two 
well-educated  instructors  of  their  people,  what  looked  like  an 
insoluble  problem  would  disappear.  On  this  head  a  coloured  writer 
recently  said  :— 

"What  we  have  to  do  is  to  act  for  ourselves.  In  proportion, 
as  our  facilities  for  education  are  diminished,  our  efforts  on  our  own 
behalf  must  be  increased.  We  must,  individually  and  collectively, 
do  our  utmost  to  see  that  our  people  receive  the  fullest  opportunity 
possible  for  self-improvement.  .  .  .  What  we  want  is  a  large  body 
of  highly  trained  educationalists  of  our  own  people,  and  these  could 
be  gradually  secured  if  we  had  a  fund  for  assisting  deserving  young 
men  to  obtain  the  necessary  assistance  at  some  qualified  College." 


SIXTH   SESSION  341 

But  the  College  is  the  pressing  need,  and  the  Universal  Races 
Congress  has  a  capital  opportunity  to  give  needed  help  to  their 
weaker  brothers  in  South  Africa  by  espousing  and  furthering  the 
appeal  of  the  South  African  Native  Races  for  the  raising  of 
the  remaining  £10,000  to  train  native  talent  for  the  great  task 
of  uplifting  its  people.  The  sum  required  for  the  establishment 
of  the  College,  even  on  a  moderate  scale,  is  £50,000.  Including 
the  value  of  the  site,  the  following  amounts  have  been  already 
received  or  promised  : — 

From  European  sources  £22,500 

From  Native  sources      I7»75o 

Total        ...     £40,250 
A  further  sum  of  ,£10,000  is  thus  required. 

There  is  now,  as  has  been  said,  a  pressing  need  of  adequate 
provision  for  the  training  of  native  teachers  for  secondary  and  higher 
education  for  natives  capable  of  taking  advantage  of  it.  Such 
teachers  cannot  secure  the  required  training  in  South  Africa,  and 
have  to  look  to  England  and  America,  a  system  which  has  been 
found  disadvantageous.  The  old  tribal  system  is  breaking  down. 
With  it  go  the  wholesome  restraints  of  tribal  law  and  custom 
and  morality.  The  results  have  already  been  extremely  disastrous. 
Many  natives  have  been  demoralised  and  ruined,  and  the  effects 
on  the  white  community  have  been  scarcely  less  deplorable.  At 
this  stage  the  guidance  which  really  educated  natives  would  be  able 
to  give  to  their  people  might  well  be  of  great  value.  These  natives 
might  train  their  people  to  meet  the  new  conditions  of  civilised  life, 
teaching  them  also  improved  methods  of  agriculture  and  industry. 

If  the  first  Races  Congress  succeeds  in  helping  on  the  inaugura- 
tion of  the  first  Native  College  in  South  Africa,  it  will  impress 
itself  indelibly  on  the  future  of  the  aboriginal  races,  as  having 
thrown  itself  heartily  into  the  laudable  effort  of  ushering  in  the 
Dawn  into  what  has  long  remained  in  truth  the  Dark  Continent. 
[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


THE   WEST   AFRICAN    PROBLEM 

By  Pastor  MojOLA  AGBEBI,  D.D.,  Lagos, 
Director  of  the  Niger  Delta  Mission. 

General. — The  appropriation  of  the  tropical  parts  of  Africa  by 
the  European  nations  has  added  one  more  to  the  race  problems 
confronting  Europe.  From  the  African  standpoint  the  African 
problem  presents  a  twofold  aspect — one  relating  to  the  question 


342  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

involved  as  affecting  the  European  ;  another  as  affecting  the  African 
himself.  The  problem  for  the  European  obviously  involves  the 
objects  he  has  in  view  in  assuming  the  government  of  Tropical 
West  Africa,  and  the  means  for  attaining  that  object.  Such  objects 
resolve  themselves  into  ends  political  and  economic,  embodying 
political  sway  and  a  process  of  commercial  or  industrial  development 
designed  to  benefit  both  the  ruler  and  the  ruled.  On  the  African 
side  the  problem  chiefly  relates  to  the  effect  which  the  close  contact 
and  dominating  influence  of  Europe  will  exert  upon  the  African 
living  under  primitive  conditions,  whose  mode  of  life  is  entirely  dis- 
similar to  that  of  the  European,  if  not  actually  opposed  to  it.  The 
resultant  effect  of  bringing  two  dissimilar  life-problems  into  contact 
and  collision  must  necessarily  be  far-reaching,  and  disturb  not 
a  little  the  morals  and  the  social  arrangements  of  a  people  whose 
simple  lives  and  indigenous  characteristics  render  them  liable  to 
be  easily  affected.  It  is  this  effect  upon  his  morals,  his  idea  of 
society,  and  his  view  of  an  All-Father  which  vests  the  expropriation 
of  Tropical  Africa  by  the  nations  of  Europe  with  a  problem  for  the 
African.  The  problem  is  accentuated  by  the  fact  that  it  is  the 
foundation  and  vital  part  of  African  life  that  is  thus  affected. 

The  problem,  however,  with  its  many  complexities  and  com- 
plications, offers  an  easy  way  of  being  solved  successfully  if  only 
a  measure  of  sincerity,  earnestness,  and  particularly  sympathy  is 
brought  to  bear  on  the  solution.  The  tractable  character  of  the 
African,  and  his  having  lived  under  political  systems  different  from 
the  European  organised  systems  of  rule  on  a  large  scale,  combined 
with  a  possible  indifference  here  and  there  to  formal  governments, 
ought  to  make  the  political  object  of  the  European  nations  easy 
of  attainment.  The  one  essential  feature  in  the  premises  would 
be  to  make  the  political  yoke  as  light  as  possible,  in  order  that 
it  might  not  bear  too  heavily  upon  a  people  quite  unaccustomed 
to  it.  The  difference  between  the  social  laws  and  institutions  of 
Africa  as  contrasted  with  those  of  Europe,  and  exemplified  in 
the  absence  from  the  former  of  policemen  and  detectives,  bolts 
and  bars,  ought  to  suggest  the  prudence  of  modifying  social  methods 
which  carry  such  factors  as  accessories.  The  absence  of  any  arrange- 
ment for  enforcing  compulsory  restraint  denotes  emphatically  order 
and  right  living  on  the  part  of  the  people  sought  to  be  governed. 
It  would  seem  that  the  simplicity  of  the  political  part  of  the  problem 
for  the  European  is  really  what  has  rendered  it  complex  and 
bewildering  for  him.  Accustomed  to  a  regime  of  government 
altogether  different,  which  calls  for  the  exercise  of  restraint 
as  its  chief  controlling  factor,  the  European  finds  it  difficult  to 
divest  himself  of  prejudice  to  European  ways  in  his  dealing  with 


SIXTH   SESSION  343 

the  African.  And  this  prejudice  is  sustained,  as  it  were,  by  reason 
of  the  fact  that  European  rule  over  the  African  is  based  upon 
the  principle  of  might,  from  which  the  idea  of  force  is  inseparable. 
Circumstances  alter  cases,  however,  in  every  domain  of  human  energy 
and  activity,  and  if  this  idea  were  prominently  kept  in  view  the 
solution  of  the  political  problem  to  which  Europe  is  committed 
in  regard  to  Tropical  Africa  would  be  rendered  much  more  easy. 
If  Europe  could  realise  that  its  political  r61e  in  Tropical  Africa 
entailed  dealing  with  a  new  and  altogether  different  set  of  circum- 
stances which  chiefly  called  for  the  exercise  of  sympathy  and  patience 
to  study  and  understand,  and  the  readiness  to  deal  with  them  upon 
the  basis  of  the  knowledge  gained  of  them,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  problem  would  be  solved  in  both  its  political  and  economic 
aspects  to  the  advantage  of  both  European  and  African. 

The  exercise  of  sympathy  and  patience  would  avail  to  bring  the 
European  and  African  closer  together,  thus  promoting  that  unity  and 
co-operation  which  are  essential  and  indispensable,  imparting  con- 
solidation to  European  rule,  and  communicating  stimulus  and 
progress  to  economic  development. 

The  cardinal  essential  in  both  cases  is  the  cultivation  of  knowledge 
of  the  African ;  such  knowledge  as  is  calculated  to  engender  respect 
and  consideration  for  him  and  his  institutions.  Where  such  knowledge 
is  acquired,  it  will  reveal  the  effects  which  the  complex  and  artificial 
systems  of  European  life  are  calculated  to  produce  upon  the  moral 
and  other  conditions  of  a  people  addicted  to  simple  living.  The  lack 
of  knowledge  of  the  effects  wrought,  and  the  unremitting  help  lent 
them  in  consequence,  have  invested  the  African  problem  with 
grave  consequences  for  the  African.  The  introduction  of  the  usages 
and  institutions  of  European  life  into  the  African  social  system  has 
resulted  in  a  disordering  and  a  dislocation  of  the  latter  which 
threatens  to  overthrow  the  system  altogether  and  produce  a  state 
of  social  anarchy.  Dire  evidence  of  the  resultant  social  chaos  is  to 
be  found  in  the  total  breakdown  of  parental  control,  and  the  advent 
of  a  life  of  wild  licence  mistakenly  taken  to  mean  the  rightful 
exercise  of  the  rights  and  prerogatives  of  individual  liberty,  as 
defined  and  permitted  under  the  customs  and  usages  of  European 
life.  This  fatal  mistake,  with  the  fundamental  fallacy  it  involves  of 
abnegating  African  social  laws  on  the  part  of  Europeanised  Africans, 
growing  out  of  the  dislike  and  contempt  for  which  unfamiliarity  with 
African  customs  on  the  part  of  the  European  is  largely  responsible, 
comprises  a  phase  of  the  African  problem  which  calls  urgently  for 
attention  and  consideration.  Social  organisations  are  the  outgrowth 
of  a  people's  life,  and,  founded  more  or  less  upon  innate  racial  charac- 
teristics, are  incapable  of  being  transferred  from  one  people  of  a 


344  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

certain  type  to  another  of  a  different  type  and  condition.  The 
phrase  "  state  of  transition  "  usually  applied  to  people  who  are  sup- 
posed to  be  affected  by  passing  social  conditions,  but  who  really  are 
in  the  unfortunate  dilemma  of  having  their  social  order  of  life  dislo- 
cated by  the  introduction  of  a  foreign  order,  really  implies  a  state  of 
transition  from  a  regular  order  of  life  ingrained  in  a  people  and 
practised  by  them,  to  a  social  whirlpool  of  confusion  and  disorder, 
where  there  is  not  sufficient  material  for,  or  the  materials  which 
exist  do  not  contribute  to,  social  reconstruction.  On  the  other  hand, 
there  is  the  powerful  and  irresistible  current  of  man's  wild  will  and 
passions  arrayed  against  reconstruction  and  social  regulation.  It  is 
conceivable  what  a  state  of  social  anarchy  means  in  the  sense  of 
moral  deterioration,  with  its  concomitant  of  physical  impairment. 
By  most  positive  and  impressive  evidences  the  African  has  come  to 
feel  that  this  is  the  heritage  which  the  African  problem  entails  for 
him,  a  heritage  due  to  lack  of  knowledge  of  and  contempt  for  his 
institutions  and  customs,  and  also  for  the  life- problems  founded  upon 
these  customs  and  institutions. 

Inter-racial  Marriage. — No  un-Europeanised  native  of  Tropical 
Africa  seeks  intermarriage  with  white  people.  Commercial  inter- 
course and  other  unavoidable  contact  with  white  people  may  lead  to 
a  progeny  of  mixed  blood,  but  no  Tropical  African  pure  and  simple 
is  inclined  to  marry  a  European  or  appreciates  mixed  marriages. 

Segregation. — The  fad  of  segregation  in  social  gatherings  and 
religious  worship  recently  brought  into  prominence  by  the  imprudent 
and  impolitic  among  white  people  is  not  distasteful  to  the  un- 
Europeanised  African.  The  great  Architect  of  the  Universe  has 
originally  "  determined  the  bounds  of  the  habitation  "  of  every  race 
of  man.  The  African  has  not  overstepped  those  bounds  to  seek 
fellowship,  social,  religious,  or  otherwise,  with  white  people.  It  is  a 
matter  of  ridicule  to  the  African  therefore  that  white  people  should 
not  only  trespass  into  Africa,  but  come  there  to  propound  the 
doctrine  of  segregation  which  Nature  has  all  along  placed  boundless 
seas  and  countless  barriers  to  indicate.  The  unsophisticated  African 
entertains  aversion  to  white  people,  and  when,  on  accidentally  or 
unexpectedly  meeting  a  white  man  he  turns  or  takes  to  his  heels,  it 
is  because  he  feels  that  he  has  come  upon  some  unusual  or  unearthly 
creature,  some  hobgoblin,  ghost,  or  sprite  ;  and  when  he  does  not 
look  straight  in  a  white  man's  face,  it  is  because  he  believes  in  the 
"  evil  eye,"  and  that  an  aquiline  nose,  scant  lips,  and  cat-like  eyes 
afflict  him.  The  Yoruba  word  for  a  European  means  a  peeled 
man,  and  to  many  an  African  the  white  man  exudes  some  rancid 
odour  not  agreeable  to  his  olfactory  nerves. 

Moreover,    Europeans    are    regarded    as    plague   carriers.     The 


SIXTH   SESSION  345 

plagues  hitherto  known  to  the  people  of  Tropical  Africa  are  very  few, 
and  are  subject  to  already  known  treatments  ;  but  the  advent  of  an 
influx  of  Europeans  is  regarded  with  evil  foreboding  by  a  great  many, 
owing  to  the  plagues  and  diseases  that  follow  in  their  wake,  and  to 
which  Africans  are  strangers.  Witness  bubonic  plague,  syphilis, 
cholera,  and  others. 

Secret  Societies. — Secret  societies  are  many  in  Africa,  and  are 
founded  for  many  and  various  reasons.  If  carefully  investigated,  it 
will  possibly  be  discovered  that  the  secret  societies  of  Europe  and 
other  Western  peoples  took  their  rise  from  Africa. 

The  rites  and  ceremonies  of  some  secret  societies  in  Africa  tally 
in  a  large  measure  with  some  of  those  in  Europe,  and  while  many 
secret  societies  in  Europe  can  show  no  greater  uses  than  occasional 
deeds  of  benevolence,  post-mortem  benefactions,  encouraging  temper- 
ance and  thrift,  some  secret  societies  in  Africa  are  cults  for  initiation 
into  the  mysteries  of  womanhood,  for  teaching  the  art  of  midwifery 
and  motherhood,  to  inaugurate  funeral  obsequies,  to  inculcate  the 
principle  of  immortality  or  life  after  death,  some  to  fulfil  the  role  of 
a  national  court  of  appeal,  some  to  protect  trade,  others  to  preserve 
national  pedigree  or  tribal  dignity,  some  to  assist  men,  others  to 
assist  women,  and  all  for,  as  believed  by  the  promoters,  the  general 
well-being  of  society.  Freemasonry  in  its  most  exalted  degrees  can 
show  no  better  or  more  innocent  rites  than  those  of  some  of  the 
secret  societies  of  Africa.  The  principle  is  the  same.  Even  when 
their  deeds  may  not  be  branded  as  evil,  "  men  love  darkness  rather 
than  light "  for  secret  society  purposes.  The  more  a  man  proceeds 
to  the  higher  degrees  in  Freemasonry  the  more  undignified,  should  I 
not  say  degraded,  are  the  rites  he  has  to  perform,  and  Freemasonry  is 
regarded  as  a  European  production  and  not  African.  Freemasonry 
as  a  secret  society  excludes  women  from  its  membership ;  but  in 
Africa  there  are  not  only  secret  societies  formed  of  and  by  men,  but 
there  are  also  secret  societies  formed  of  and  by  women.  Sometimes 
a  place  of  importance  in  a  man's  secret  society  is  filled  by  a  woman. 
In  Freemasonry  even  men  who  are  not  members  are  not  admitted 
into  its  lodges ;  but  in  the  Egungun  and  the  Oro,  African  secret 
societies  in  the  Lagos  district,  men  of  whatever  colour  and  clime  can 
enter  the  grove  and  pass  free  and  unmolested  through  a  whole  town 
which  is  "  under  orders "  from  one  or  other  of  these  secret 
societies. 

Human  Sacrifice. — Human  sacrifice  in  Africa  is  based  on  strictly 
religious  principles.  There  is  no  wanton  massacre  of  human  lives  or 
uncalled-for  immolation  of  men.  European  intervention  has  put  a 
stop  to  it  in  many  parts.  But  it  should  be  understood  that  it  repre- 
sents the  highest  of  human  motives,  though  Self-sacrifice — the  sacrifice 


346  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

of  one's  self — is  superior  to  it  Self-sacrifice,  however,  is  also  human 
sacrifice.  Christianity  is  based  on  human  sacrifice,  its  Founder  being 
"  the  Lamb  slain  from  the  foundations  of  the  world." 

Ancestral  and  Hero-worship. — Ancestral  and  hero-worship,  styled 
"  heathenism "  or  "  fetishism,"  abound  in  many  parts  of  Nigeria. 
Respect  for  the  aged  and  for  all  who  are  older  than  one's  self  is  a 
cardinal  virtue  in  Tropical  Africa.  Shango,  Oya,  Shoponna  of  the 
Yorubas,  Atakunmosa  Obokun,  lyarere,  Oluwashe  of  the  Ijeshus 
were  national  heroes,  and  on  the  Niger  Delta  every  family  has  its 
ancestral  fane.  The  worship  of  these  may  or  may  not  be  accom- 
panied with  visible  or  material  symbols,  and  Jesus  Christ  is  the 
highest  type  of  a  hero. 

Witchcraft. — To  the  man  of  Tropical  Africa  European  spiri- 
tualism is  a  form  of  witchcraft,  and  hypnotism,  mesmerism, 
telepathy,  mind  or  thought  reading,  mental  attraction,  clairvoyance 
or  second  sight,  black  arts,  the  evil  eye,  conjuration  of  Satan, 
low  occultism,  charms,  spells,  poisoning,  &c.,  are  all  comprised 
under  what  the  man  of  Africa  calls  "  witchcraft,"  and,  except 
for  European  intervention,  are  more  or  less  visited  with  the 
death  penalty  whenever  the  exercise  of  them  raises  suspicion  of 
criminality. 

Cannibalism. — Cannibalism  is  not  general  in  Africa.  What  led 
some  communities  to  institute  a  sacrifice  of  human  victims  led  other 
communities  to  go  a  step  further  and  turn  the  sacrifice  into  what  they 
consider  profitable  use  by  solemnly  partaking  of  it  as  a  sacrament. 
In  some  cases  victims  of  human  sacrifice  consider  it  more  honourable 
to  be  eaten  by  men  to  whom  they  are  supposed  to  be  imparting  some 
virtue  or  for  whom  they  are  fulfilling  some  indispensable  and  impor- 
tant function,  than  to  be  devoured  by  senseless  and  ignominious 
worms.  The  eating  of  human  or  non-human  flesh  differs  only  in 
kind,  and  human  flesh  is  said  to  be  the  most  delicious  of  all 
viands  ;  superior  in  culinary  taste  to  the  flesh  of  either  bird,  beast, 
fish,  or  creeping  things.  Christianity  itself  is  a  superstructure  of 
cannibalism.  The  Founder  of  the  Faith  is  recorded  to  have  said, 
"  Except  ye  eat  the  flesh  of  the  Son  of  man,  and  drink  his  blood, 
ye  have  no  life  in  you."  In  administering  the  Lord's  Supper  to 
converts  from  cannibalism  I  have  often  felt  some  uneasiness  in 
repeating  the  formula,  "  Take,  eat,  this  is  my  body,"  and  the  other 
"  This  is  my  blood." 

Marriage  in  Africa.  —  Plural  marriage  is  the  social  law  of 
Africa.  It  is  the  basis  of  political  economy  and  human  happiness 
in  the  country.  Single  marriage  is  sin  in  Africa,  and  plural  marriage 
is  righteousness.  The  woman  inherits  her  husband's  property  in 
Europe ;  but  in  Africa  woman  is  property,  and  is  subject  to  in- 


SIXTH   SESSION  347 

heritance  as  other  property.  It  is  on  record  in  the  Christian 
Scriptures  that — 

"  There  were  with  us  seven  brethren ;  and  the  first,  when  he  had  married  a 
wife  deceased,  and  having  no  issue,  left  his  wife  unto  his  brother.  Likewise  the 
second  also,  and  the  third,  unto  the  seventh.  And  last  of  all  the  woman  died 
also.  Therefore  in  the  resurrection  whose  wife  shall  she  be  of  the  seven  ?  for 
they  all  had  her." 

She  was  their  property.  In  the  social  and  religious  economy  of 
Africa,  therefore,  it  would  be  wise  to  recognise  the  social  laws  of 
the  country  and  to  deal  with  plural  marriage  as  the  foundation 
of  the  home  and,  consequently,  of  abiding  welfare  in  the  country. 
In  Tropical  Africa  no  un-Europeanised  woman  desires  to  live  alone 
in  her  husband's  house.  She  prefers  to  have  company,  and  often 
plans  and  paves  the  way  for  such  company.  So-called  "  holy  matri- 
mony "  has  placed  human  life  in  jeopardy  in  Africa.  "  In  the  midst 
of  life  we  are  in  death."  By  single  marriage  many  marriage  beds 
have  been  defiled  and  "  holy  matrimony "  rendered  unholy  by  the 
unrestrained  and  criminal  liberties  taken  by  monogamic  husbands 
under  the  sanction  of  European  law,  while  their  children  are  in 
the  womb  and  while  they  are  at  the  breasts.  Men  are  reduced 
below  the  level  of  the  brutes  that  perish. 

The  doctrine  of  plural  marriage  in  Africa  does  not  stand  in 
the  way  of  the  progress  of  womanhood  in  any  of  the  activities 
of  human  life.  Careful  and  sympathetic  inquiry  will  reveal  the 
fact  that  women  have  not  only  been  rulers,  leaders,  "  mothers  in 
Israel,"  priestesses  and  heroines  in  Africa,  but  have  also  been 
deified  after  their  death  and  worshipped  by  men  and  women  alike. 
The  homage  paid  to  womanhood  in  Africa  is  the  homage  of  worth, 
not  of  words,  of  love  not  of  law.  Unless  perhaps  as  a  religious 
leader,  officer  or  functionary,  or  as  a  man  of  poor  means,  the  African 
as  a  rule  will  publicly  or  privately  always  be  a  polygamist. 

Islam. — Islam  has  been  up  to  the  present  not  less  than  one 
thousand  three  hundred  years  in  Africa.  Christianity,  the  earliest 
European  form  of  it,  is  not  much  above  one  hundred  years  old. 
Ought  not  Christianity  to  learn  from  her  older  and  more  experienced 
rival  ?  May  not  a  man  learn  even  from  an  enemy  ?  Islam  in 
Africa  is  a  demonstrative  and  attractive  faith.  It  is  a  religion, 
the  only  religion  which,  besides  Christianity,  boasts  of  a  literature 
that  lays  claim  to  Divine  inspiration.  Both  the  Christian  and 
Moslem  scriptures  promise  material  joys  to  the  faithful  after  death 
— "  golden  streets,"  "  pearly  gates,"  "  beauteous  maidens."  Chris- 
tianity and  Islam  have  many  things  in  common,  and  many  of  our 
own  relatives  and  friends  are  followers  of  the  prophet  of  Mecca, 
as  some  of  us  are  followers  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth.  Islam  is  a  per- 


348  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

manent  faith  in  Africa.  Its  calls  to  prayer,  its  manner  of  praying, 
its  annual  fasts,  its  annual  feasts,  which  are  all  subject  to  ocular 
demonstration,  appeal  to  high  and  low  alike  from  day  to  day. 
Its  adaptation  to  the  social  laws,  domestic  arrangements,  religious 
aspiration,  political  ambition,  intellectual  aptitude,  mental  energy, 
and  racial  instincts  of  the  people,  is  no  longer  a  matter  of  dispute. 
The  African  is  no  big  child,  no  child-race,  according  to  the  current 
expression  of  some  Europeans ;  but  a  full-fledged  man  in  the 
"  eternal  providence  "  of  the  world.  He  may  be  a  child  in  respect 
of  European  greed  and  aggrandisement,  European  subtlety  and 
guile,  European  trespasses  and  sins  ;  but  he  is  not  a  child  to  his 
creation  or  to  the  law  of  his  being. 

Five  times  a  day  from  turrets  and  minarets  Islam's  call  to 
prayer  startles  Africa,  demanding  attention  from  dawn  to  dark, 
and  Christianity  in  its  best  form,  whatever  that  may  be,  has  not 
presented  a  formula  more  arousing  than 

Rise,  ye  believers  ! 

Prayer  is  better  than  sleep, 

Prayer  is  better  than  sleep. 

The  object  of  the  Universal  Races  Congress  is  to  cultivate  mutual 
knowledge  and  respect  between  Occidental  and  Oriental  peoples, 
including  even  the  lowliest  ones.  The  triumph  of  the  principles 
for  which  the  Congress  stands  will,  I  believe,  go  a  long  way  towards 
the  solution  of  the  African  problem. 

[Paper  sttbmittcd  in  English.] 


THE    NEGRO    RACE    IN    THE    UNITED 
STATES   OF   AMERICA' 

By  Dr.  W.  E.  B.  DuBoiS,  New   York, 

Late  Professor  of  History  and  Political  Economy  in  Atlanta 
University,    United  States. 

THERE  were  in  1900  in  the  United  States  and  its  dependencies 
8,840,789  persons  of  acknowledged  Negro  descent  To-day  the 
number  is  probably  ten  millions.  These  persons  are  almost  entirely 
descendants  of  the  African  slaves  brought  to  America  in  the 
sixteenth,  seventeenth,  eighteenth,  and  nineteenth  centuries. 

I.  The  Slave  Trade. — The  African  slave  trade  to  America  arose  from  the 
desire  of  the  Spanish  and  other  nations  to  exploit  rapidly  the  resources  of  the 
New  World.  The  attempt  to  use  the  native  races  for  this  purpose  failed 
because  of  the  weakness  and  comparative  scarcity  of  the  Indians.  Conditions 

1  Owing  to  its  special  value,  this  paper  is  published  in  full  ;  but  owing  to  its  great  length 
and  the  limited  space  at  our  disposal,  it  appears  in  smaller  type. — EDITOR. 


SIXTH   SESSION 


349 


in  Africa,  on  the  other  hand,  favoured  the  organisation  of  the  slave  traffic.  A  strong 
Negro-Arabian  civilisation  in  the  Soudan  had  forced  back  the  barbarians  to  the 
fever-cursed  Centre  and  West,  and  there  the  stronger  and  fiercer  Bantu  and 
other  nations  dominated  and  enslaved  the  weaker  tribes.  The  coming  of  the 
Portuguese  in  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  was  the  occasion  of  trans- 
porting some  of  these  slaves  to  Portugal,  and  from  this,  in  time,  came  the  slave 
trade  to  the  West  Indies. 

The  African  slave  trade  soon  became  a  profitable  venture,  for  which  the 
Portuguese,  Dutch,  and  English  competed.  Finally,  in  1714,  the  English  secured 
a  virtual  monopoly  of  the  North  American  trade  and  poured  large  numbers  of 
slaves  into  the  West.  The  exact  number  of  slaves  imported  is  not  known. 
Dunbar  estimates  that  nearly  900,000  came  to  America  in  the  sixteenth  century, 
2,750,000  in  the  seventeenth,  7,000,000  in  the  eighteenth,  and  over  4,000,000  in 
the  nineteenth,  perhaps  15,000,000  in  all.  It  goes  without  saying  that  the 
cruelty  incident  in  this  forced  migration  of  men  was  very  great.  For  a  long 
time  the  policy  of  the  slave  owners  was  to  kill  off  the  Negroes  by  over- work  and 
buy  more.  Family  life  was  impossible,  there  being  few  women  imported,  and 
sexual  promiscuity  and  concubinage  ensued.  When  finally,  for  physical 
and  moral  reasons,  the  supply  of  slaves  began  to  fall  off  a  new  development 
began. 

II.  Growth  and  Physique  of  the  Negro- American  Population. — The  growth  of 
the  Negro  population  in  the  English  colonies  in  America  may  be  estimated  as 
follows  : — 

1710        50,000 

1725  75>°°° 

1750  220,000 

1754  ,        ...  260,000 

1760  310,000 

1770  462,000 

1780  462,000 

The  United  States  censuses  give  the  following  figures  : — 


Date. 

Total  Negroes. 

Per  Cent,  of 
Increase. 

Per  Cent,  of 
Increase 
of  Whites. 

Per  Cent,  of 
Negroes  in  Total 
Population. 

1790 

757,208 



__ 

19-27 

I800 

1,002,037 

32>33 

3576 

18-88 

1810 

1,377.808 

37-50 

36-12 

19-03 

1820 

1,771,656 

28-59 

34-12 

18-39 

l830 

2,328,642 

3i-44 

34'03 

18-10 

1840 

2,873,648 

23-40 

3472 

16-84 

1850 

3,638,808 

26-63 

3774 

15-69 

1860 

4,441,830 

22-07 

37-69 

M'13 

1870 

4,880,009 

9-86 

24-76 

12-66 

1880 

0,580,793 

34-85 

29*22 

13*12 

1890 

7,488,789 

13-79 

26-68 

11  '93 

1900 

8,840,789 

18-1 

21-4 

1  1-6 

1910 

IO,OOO,OOO 

— 

— 

— 

(estimated) 

The  census  of  1870  was  defective,  and  probably  that  of  1890  also,  which 
would  explain  the  chief  irregularities  in  the  rate  of  increase  of  Negroes.     The 
higher  rate  of  increase  of  the  whites  is  due  mainly  to  the  large  immigration. 
The  present  so-called  "  Negro  "  population  of  the  United  States  is  : — 
i.  A  mixture  of  the  various  African  populations — Bantu,  Soudanese,  West 


350  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

Coast   Negroes,   some   dwarfs,   &c.     There    are  traces  of  Arab  and  Semitic 
blood. 

2.  A  mixture  of  these  strains  with  the  blood  of  white  Americans  through 
a  long  system  of  concubinage  of  coloured  women  in  slavery  days  together  with 
some  legal  intermarriage.  The  official  figures  for  mulattoes  are  as  follows  : — 

1850,  mulattoes  formed  n'2  per  cent,  of  the  total  Negro  population. 
1860,  mulattoes  formed  \yz  per  cent,  of  the  total  Negro  population. 
1870,  mulattoes  formed  12  per  cent,  of  the  total  Negro  population. 
1890,  mulattoes  formed  15*2  per  cent,  of  the  total  Negro  population. 

Or  in  actual  numbers  : — 

1850,  405,751  mulattoes. 
1860,  588,352  mulattoes. 
1870,  585,601  mulattoes. 
1890,  1,132,060  mulattoes. 

These  figures  are  of  doubtful  validity  and  officially  acknowledged  to  be 
misleading.  From  observation  and  local  studies  in  all  parts  of  the  United 
States  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  at  least  one-third  of  the  Negroes  of  the 
United  States  have  distinct  traces  of  white  blood,  and  there  is  also  a  large 
amount  of  Negro  blood  in  the  white  population.  This  blending  of  the  races  has 
led  to  new  and  interesting  human  types,  but  race  prejudice  has  hitherto  pre- 
vented any  scientific  study  of  the  matter. 

Scientific  physical  measurements  of  Negro-Americans  have  not  been  made 
on  any  sufficiently  large  scale  for  valuable  conclusions  to  be  formed. 

The  Negro  population  shows,  so  far  as  known,  a  greater  death-rate  than 
the  white.  Throughout  the  registration  area  of  the  United  States  the 
figures  are : — 

DEATH-RATE  PER  1,000  LIVING,  UNITED  STATES  REGISTRATION  AREA. 

1890.  1900. 

Coloured           ...     '"'.•.;'       ...       29^9       ...       29^6 
White  19-1      ...      17-3 

These  figures  apply  to  only  i  J  million  of  the  Negro  population,  and  those 
mainly  in  cities.  Of  the  death-rate  of  the  mass  of  the  population  living  in  the 
country  we  know  nothing.  The  chief  causes  of  death  among  Negroes  are  : 
Consumption,  pneumonia,  nervous  disorders,  malaria,  and  infant  mortality. 
The  figures  are  : — 

DEATHS  PER  100,000  LIVING  NEGROES. 

1890.  1900. 

Consumption    ...         .f.         ...        546  ...  485 

Pneumonia       279  ...  355 

Nervous  disorders      333  ...  308 

Malaria             72  ...  63 

To  every  1,000  living  coloured  children,  there  were  each  year  the  following 
number  who  died  : — 

CHILDREN  UNDER  i  YEAR  OP  AGE. 

1890.  1900. 

Registration  States     458  ...  344 

Cities     580  ...  397 

Country  204  ...  219 


SIXTH    SESSION 
The  birth-rate  is  conjectural : — 

NUMBER  OF  CHILDREN   UNDER  5   YEARS  OF  AGE  TO   1,000  FEMALES  15  TO 
44  YEARS  OF  AGE  FOR  THE  CONTINENTAL  UNITED  STATES. 


Total. 

White. 

Coloured. 

Excess  of  Coloured. 

IOOO 

474 

465 

543 

78 

1890 

4«5 

473 

574 

101 

1880 

559 

537 

706 

169 

1870 

572 

562 

641 

79 

1860 

634 

627 

675 

A  A 

1850 

626 

613 

694 

81 

1840* 

— 

744 

— 

— 

1830* 

781 

*  Women  15  to  49  years  of  age 


From  this  we  may  conclude  : — 

1.  The   Negro   birth-rate    exceeds   and   has    always    exceeded    the    white 
birth-rate. 

2.  The   Negro   birth-rate  probably  decreased   largely   until    1870 ;    then  it 
possibly  increased  somewhat,  and  afterwards  rapidly  decreased. 

3.  The  Negro  birth-rate  in  the  country  districts  is  high.     In  the  city  it  is 
low  because  of  the  immigrant  character  of  the  population. 

In  general  the  Negro  population  of  the  United  States  is  brown  in  colour, 
darkening  to  almost  black  and  shading  off  in  the  other  directions  to  yellow 
and  white,  indistinguishable  in  many  cases  from  the  white  population.  The 
race  is  strong  and  virile,  and,  although  hard  pressed  by  economic  and  mental 
strain,  is  more  than  holding  its  own. 

III.  Social  History. — Negroes  came  to  America  with  the  early  explorers,  and 
they  took  some  part  in  exploration.  Stephen  Dorantes,  a  Negro  of  the  Fray 
Marcos  Expedition,  was  the  discoverer  of  the  South-Western  part  of  North 
America ;  and  there  were  many  Negroes  with  Balboa,  Pizarro,  D'Ayllon,  and 
Cortez.  As  the  Dutch  and  English  slave  trade  of  the  seventeenth  century 
poured  in  larger  numbers  of  Negroes,  the  question  of  their  control  and 
organisation  became  serious.  They  were  carefully  mixed  by  race  and  language 
so  as  to  prevent  conspiracy,  and  worked  in  gangs  by  severe  taskmasters.  This 
led  to  repeated  revolts  throughout  the  islands  and  on  the  Continent.  Only  two 
of  these  were  large  and  successful — that  of  the  Maroons  in  Jamaica  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  and  of  Touissant  L'Ouverture  in  Hayti  in  the  eighteenth 
century. 

The  moral  theory  of  early  Negro  slavery  was  that  the  heathen  were  by  this 
means  brought  to  Christianity,  and  efforts  were  gradually  made  to  convert 
them.  The  result  was  that  after  slow  and  hesitating  advance  the  slaves  were 
by  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  nominal  Christians,  and  spoke  the 
English  tongue.  The  work  of  conversion  and  uplift  was,  however,  greatly 
retarded  by  the  rapid  importation  of  Negroes  after  the  Assiento  treaty  between 
England  and  Spain  in  1714.  England  forced  slaves  on  the  colonies,  and  found 
them  at  first  complacent ;  but  at  last  they  were  frightened,  and  a  distinct  moral 
revolt  against  the  system  arose. 

Finally  a  sort  of  new  American  feudalism  was  evolved  out  of  which  free 
Negroes  from  time  to  time  escaped  into  the  full  privileges  of  freemen. 

This  was  the  situation  at  the  time  of  the  War  for  Independence  with 
England.  Probably  ten  thousand  Negro  soldiers  fought  for  the  independence 


352  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

of  the  American  colonies,  and  they  were  recognised  as  citizens.  The  undoubted 
thought  of  the  founders  of  the  Republic  was  that  slavery  would  gradually 
die  out,  and  the  Negroes  either  become  American  citizens  or  migrate  to 
Africa.  This  assumption  received  encouragement  by  the  economic  failure  of 
slavery  in  the  North  and  the  emancipation  of  slaves. 

Among  the  Negroes  there  were  signs  of  awakening.  The  freedmen  began  to 
demand  the  ballot  in  Massachusetts  and  to  organise  churches  and  associations  in 
Rhode  Island,  New  York,  and  Pennsylvania,  and  some  black  persons  of  distinc- 
tion arose  like  Benjamin  Banneker,  the  almanac  maker,  and  Phillis  Wheatley, 
the  poet.  Negroes  fought  in  the  war  of  1812 — there  being  black  sailors  with 
Perry  and  McDonough,  and  four  hundred  coloured  soldiers  with  Jackson  at  New 
Orleans.  About  this  time,  too,  definite  steps  were  taken  to  suppress  the  slave 
trade  from  Africa. 

Gradually,  however,  the  strength  of  this  liberal  movement  waned  as  the 
importance  of  the  cotton  crop  increased.  Signs  of  increased  severity  against 
slaves  were  manifest,  and  several  slave  revolts  were  attempted,  that  of  Nat 
Turner,  in  1831,  being  the  most  bloody. 

From  1830  on  the  South  took  a  new  tone  and  began  to  defend  slavery  as  an 
economic  system  against  the  growing  attacks  of  the  abolitionists,  while  the 
systematic  running  away  of  slaves  gave  rise  to  bitterness  and  recrimination. 
The  free  Negroes  began  to  meet  in  conventions,  the  anti-slavery  crusade  was 
organised,  and  gradually  slavery  became  the  burning  political  issue.  Negro 
leaders  like  Frederick  Douglass  now  came  forward,  Harriet  Beecher  Stowe's 
Uncle  Tom's  Cabin  was  published,  fugitive  slaves  increased  in  number,  and  the 
nation  was  in  a  ferment. 

When  the  civil  war  broke  out  because  of  the  slavery  issue,  Negro  soldiers 
were  at  first  refused,  but  eventually  two  hundred  thousand  were  enlisted,  and 
even  the  South  tried  to  arm  the  slaves. 

From  the  first  these  slaves  were  a  source  of  weakness  and  apprehension  to 
the  South.  During  most  of  the  war  the  blacks  remained  quiet,  and  protected 
the  white  women  and  children  while  the  masters  were  in  the  field  fighting  for 
their  enslavement.  Gradually,  however,  the  meaning  of  the  war  dawned  on 
them  and  they  began  to  run  away  and  join  the  Northern  armies.  Finally,  as  a 
war  measure,  the  mass  of  them  were  emancipated,  and  this  was  later  confirmed 
by  a  constitutional  amendment. 

When  after  the  declaration  of  peace  the  question  of  the  protection  of  the 
new  freedmen  arose,  the  nation  paused  in  puzzled  hesitation.  Three  courses 
were  open  : — 

(a)  To  leave  the  Negroes  to  the  mercy  of  the  whites,  on  condition  that  the 
whites  accepted  the  constitutional  amendment  abolishing  slavery. 

(6)  To  put  the  Negroes  under  special  guardianship  designed  to  help  them  as 
labourers,  educate  them,  and  secure  justice  for  them  in  the  courts. 

(c)  To  give  the  Negroes  the  power  of  self-protection  by  insisting  on  full 
manhood  suffrage  in  the  States  with  any  restrictions  the  State  wished  to  im- 
pose except  restrictions  based  on  "race,  colour,  or  previous  condition  of 
servitude." 

The  first  method  was  tried  by  Johnson.  The  result  was  a  series  of  "  black 
codes  "  which  practically  restored  Negro  slavery  in  almost  every  essential  except 
name.  As  Carl  Schurz  reported  : — 

"  Some  planters  held  back  their  former  slaves  on  their  plantations  by  brute 
force.  Armed  bands  of  white  men  patrolled  the  country  roads  to  drive  back 
the  Negroes  wandering  about.  Dead  bodies  of  murdered  Negroes  were  found 
on  and  near  the  highways  and  by-paths.  Gruesome  reports  came  from  the 
hospitals — reports  of  coloured  men  and  women  whose  ears  had  been  cut  off, 
whose  skulls  had  been  broken  by  blows,  whose  bodies  had  been  slashed  by 


SIXTH   SESSION  353 

knives  or  lacerated  with  scourges.  A  number  of  such  cases  I  had  occasion  to 
examine  myself.  A  veritable  reign  of  terror  prevailed  in  many  parts  of  the 
South.  The  Negro  found  scant  justice  in  the  local  courts  against  the  white 
man.  He  could  look  for  protection  only  to  the  military  forces  of  the  United 
States  still  garrisoning  the  'States  lately  in  rebellion,'  and  to  the  Freedmen's 
Bureau." 

The  second  method  was  tried  in  the  establishment  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau, 
but  the  North  demurred  at  the  cost>  the  South  complained  at  the  principle,  and 
the  Bureau  itself  was  not  well  managed.  The  Government  was,  therefore,  as  a 
last  resort,  literally  .forced  to  the  third  method  which  involved  Negro  voters. 
The  argument  for  this  was  thus  stated  by  Carl  Schurz  : — 

"  The  emancipation  of  the  slaves  is  submitted  to  only  in  so  far  as  chattel 
slavery  in  the  old  form  could  not  be  kept  up.  But  although  the  freedman  is  no 
longer  considered  the  property  of  the  individual  master,  he  is  considered  the 
slave  of  society,  and  all  independent  State  legislation  will  share  the  tendency  to 
make  him  such. 

"  The  solution  of  the  problem  would  be  very  much  facilitated  by  enabling  all 
the  loyal  and  free-labour  elements  in  the  South  to  exercise  a  healthy  influence 
upon  legislation.  It  will  hardly  be  possible  to  secure  the  freedman  against 
oppressive  class  legislation  and  private  persecution,  unless  he  be  endowed  with 
a  certain  measure  of  political  power." 

To  the  argument  of  ignorance  Schurz  replied  : — 

"  The  effect  of  the  extension  of  the  franchise  to  the  coloured  people  upon  the 
development  of  free  labour  and  upon  the  security  of  human  rights  in  the  South 
being  the  principle  object  in  view,  the  objections  raised  on  the  ground  of  the 
ignorance  of  the  freedmen  become  unimportant.  Practical  liberty  is  a  good 
school.  ...  It  is  idle  to  say  that  it  will  be  time  to  speak  of  Negro  suffrage 
when  the  whole  coloured  race  will  be  educated,  for  the  ballot  may  be  necessary 
to  him  to  secure  his  education." 

The  Negroes  themselves  said  to  President  Johnson  through  their  spokesman, 
Frederick  Douglass  : — 

"  Your  noble  and  humane  predecessor  placed  in  our  hands  the  sword  to 
assist  in  saving  the  nation,  and  we  do  hope  that  you,  his  able  successor,  will 
favourably  regard  the  placing  in  our  hands  the  ballot  with  which  to  save 
ourselves." 

The  result  of  the  new  basis  of  suffrage  was  at  first  demoralisation.  The 
better  class  of  Southern  whites  refused  to  take  part  in  government  even  when 
they  could,  and  the  new  and  ignorant  Negro  voters  were  delivered  into  the 
hands  of  Northern  and  Southern  demagogues,  who  looted  the  State  treasuries. 
Finally,  however,  the  Negroes  secured  a  better  class  of  white  and  Negro 
leaders,  revolted  from  the  carnival  of  stealing,  and  began  honest  advance 
and  reform.  They  succeeded  in  giving  to  the  new  South  : — 

1.  A  more  democratic  form  of  government. 

2.  Free  public  schools. 

3.  The  beginnings  of  a  new  social  legislation. 

Before  this  work  was  finished  they  were  intimidated  and  put  out  of  power 
by  force  and  fr^ud,  but  as  a  prominent  white  leader  said  : — 

"  During  their  ascendency  they  obeyed  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  .  .  .  They  instituted  a  public  school  system  in  a  realm  where  public 
schools  had  been  unknown.  They  opened  the  ballot  box  and  jury  box  to 
thousands  of  white  men  who  had  been  debarred  from  them  by  a  lack  of 
earthly  possessions.  They  introduced  home  rule  into  the  South.  They 
abolished  the  whipping  post,  the  branding  iron,  the  stocks,  and  other 

2  A 


354 


UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 


barbarous  forms  of  punishment  which  had  up  to  that  time  prevailed.  They 
reduced  capital  felonies  from  about  twenty  to  two  or  three.  In  an  age  of 
extravagance  they  were  extravagant  in  the  sums  appropriated  for  public 
works.  In  all  of  that  time  no  man's  rights  of  person  were  invaded  under 
the  forms  of  law.  Every  Democrat's  life,  home,  fireside,  and  business  were 
safe.  No  man  obstructed  any  white  man's  way  to  the  ballot  box,  interfered 
with  his  freedom  of  speech,  or  boycotted  him  on  account  of  his  political 
faith." 

Despite  this,  the  South  was  determined  to  deprive  the  Negroes  of 
political  power  and  force  them  to  occupy  the  position  of  a  labouring  caste. 

This  was  done  first  by  open  intimidation,  murder,  and  fraud,  through 
secret  societies  like  the  Ku  Klux  Klan.  Finally,  beginning  in  1890,  a  new 
set  of  disfranchising  laws  were  passed.  These  laws  ostensibly  disfranchised 
the  ignorant  and  poor,  but  they  allowed  poor  and  ignorant  whites  to  vote 
by  a  provision  known  as  the  "grandfather  clause,"  which  admitted  to  the 
polls  any  person  whose  father  or  grandfather  had  the  right  to  vote  before  the 
coloured  men  were  enfranchised.  At  the  same  time,  these  laws  excluded 
from  the  polls  not  only  the  ignorant,  but  nearly  all  the  intelligent  Negroes, 
by  making  the  local  registrars  judicial  officers  from  whose  decision  as  to 
fitness  there  was  practically  no  appeal.  These  registrars  were,  of  course, 
invariably  white. 

With  this  legislation  have  gone  various  restrictive  laws  to  curtail  the 
social,  civil,  and  economic  freedom  of  all  persons  of  Negro  descent.  The 
question  as  to  the  validity  and  advisability  of  these  laws,  and  as  to  the  develop- 
ment of  the  freedom  under  them,  and  speculation  as  to  the  future  of  the  race 
in  America  constitutes  the  Negro  problem. 

IV.  Social  Condition  of  the  Negro-American. — After  such  a  social  history, 
what  is  the  present  social  condition  of  the  ten  millions  of  persons  of 
Negro  descent  in  the  United  States,  fully  one-third  of  whom  have  more 
or  less  white  blood  ?  We  may  best  consider  this  under  certain  sub- 
heads : — 

(a)  Distribution. — The  distribution  of  the  Negro  American  population  is  very 
uneven,  the  coloured  people  being  largely  concentrated  in  the  former  slave 
States  of  the  South- East. 

In  the  last  decade — 1900-1910 — there  has  been  a  considerable  migration  from 
country  to  city  and  from  North  to  South,  which  will  change  these  maps  to  some 
extent.  The  relation  of  the  Negro  to  cities  in  1900  is  shown  by  this  table  from 
the  census : — 


POPULATION  CLASSIFIED  BY  RACE  AND  CLASS  OF  PLACE  OF  RESIDENCE  AND 
PER  CENT.  OF  DISTRIBUTION,  1900. 


Class  of  Place  of  Residence. 

Number  of 
Cities,  1900. 

White. 

Negro. 

Continental  United  States        



66,809,196 

8,833,994 

Cities  having  at  least  2,500  inhabitants 

1,861 

28,506,146 

2,004,121 

Cities  having  a  Population  of  — 

100,000  and  over     

38 

i3>507,327 

668,254 

25,000  to  100,000     

122 

5,021,827 

468,209 

8,000  to  25,000         

385 

4,866,928 

399,295 

4,000  to  8,000          ...        

DX9 

3,098,048 

274,492 

2,500  to  4,000         ''.«        

704 

2,012,016 

I93,»7I 

Country  districts          ''.V*    '-'  

38,303.050 

6,829,873 

SIXTH   SESSION  355 

PER  CENT.  DISTRIBUTION  BY  CLASS  OF  PLACE  OF  RESIDENCE,  1900. 


Class  of  Place  of  Residence. 

White. 

Negro. 

Continental  United  States        

lOO'O 

lOO'O 

Cities  having  at  least  2,500  inhabitants 

427 

22'7 

Cities  having  a  Population  of  — 

100,000  and  over     

20*2 

7'6 

25,000  to  100,000     

7*5 

5'3 

8,000  to  25,000         

7'3 

4'5 

4,000  to  8,000           ...   .-••-«  iwr-L   ... 

47 

3'1 

2,500  to  4,000          

3'o 

2'2 

Country  districts             ...  .••••]«*»  '  '•/    ... 

57*3 

77'3 

NUMBER  AND  PER  CENT.  DISTRIBUTION  OF  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CON- 
TINENTAL UNITED  STATES  BY  DIVISION  OF  RESIDENCE,  1900. 


Per  Cent,  of 

Negro  Population, 

Negro  Population 
ofContinental 

1900. 

United  States 

Living  in  Specified 

Division,  1900. 

Continental  United  States  ... 

8,833,994 

lOO'O 

North  Atlantic  Division  — 

385,020 

4'4 

New  England   

59,099 

07 

Southern  North  Atlantic 

325,921 

37 

South  Atlantic  Division  — 

3,729,017 

42-2 

Northern  South  Atlantic 

1,056,684 

I2'O 

Southern  South  Atlantic 

2,672,333 

30-2 

North  Central  Division  — 

495>75i 

5'6 

Eastern  North  Central... 

257,842 

2-9 

Western  North  Central 

237,909 

27 

South  Central  Division  — 

4,193,952 

47'5 

Eastern  South  Central... 

2,499,886 

28-3 

Western  South   Central 

1,694,066 

I9'2 

Western  Division  — 

30,254 

0-3 

Rocky  Mountain 

12,936 

O'l 

Basin  and  Plateau 

2,654 

(*) 

Pacific            

14,664 

0'2 

*  Less  than  one-tenth  of  i  per  cent. 

(b)  Sex,  Age,  and  Conjugal  Condition. — In  the  sex  statistics  of  Negro- 
Americans  one  can  see  easily  their  social  history — the  disproportionate  number  of 
male  slaves  imported,  the  killing  of  the  men  during  the  Civil  War  and  later,  &c. 

PROPORTION  OF  MALES  AND  FEMALES  IN  EVERY  10,000. 


NEGROES. 

WHITES. 

DATE. 

Male. 

Female. 

Male. 

Female. 

1820 

5,082 

4,918 

5,080 

4,920 

1830 

5,074 

4,926 

5,077 

4,923 

1840 

5,014 

4,986 

5,090 

4,910 

1850 

4,978 

5,022 

5,104 

4,806 

1860 

4,990 

5,010 

5>"6 

4,844 

1870 

4>905 

5,095 

5,056 

4,944 

1880 

4,942 

5>057 

5,088 

4,912 

1890 

4,986 

5,oi4 

5,121 

4,879 

1900 

4,969 

5,030 

5,108 

4,892 

356  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

The  median  age  of  Negroes  has  increased  as  follows  : — 

MEDIAN  AGE  OF  THE  COLOURED  POPULATION,  CLASSIFIED, 
CONTINENTAL  UNITED  STATES  :  1790  TO  1900. 


1900 
1890 
1880 
1870 
1860 


I9'7° 
17-83 
18-01 
18-49 
17-65 


1850 
1840 
1830 
1820 


17-27 
16-90 
1775 


The  general  age  composition  is  as  follows  by  percentage  :- 

NATIVE  WHITES. 


1880 
1890 
1900 


1880 
1890 
1900 


Under  15. 
42*6 

40-0 
39-0 

COLOURED. 

Under  15. 
44-2 
42-I 

39'5 


15-59- 
52-9 


55-8 


15-59- 
51-2 

53'3 
55-6 


60  and  Over. 

4'9 


60  and  Over. 


4'9 


The  conjugal  condition  by  sex  and  age  is  as  follows : — 

PER  CENT.  DISTRIBUTION  BY  CONJUGAL  CONDITION  FOR  THE  NEGRO 
POPULATION  BY  SEX  AND  AGE  PERIODS  :   1900  AND  1890. 


PER  CENT.  OF  NEGRO  MALE  POPULATION,  1900. 


AGE  PERIOD. 

Single  and 
Unknown. 

Married. 

Widowed  and 
Divorced. 

Continental  United  States  — 

15  years  and  over 

39'8 

54'o 

6-2 

15  to  19  years    

98-2 

i  -7 

O'l 

20  to  24  years    

64-9 

33'8 

1-3 

25  to  29  years    

33'4 

63'3 

3-3 

30  to  34  years    

21-4 

737 

4-9 

35  to  44  years    

I3'5 

79-1 

7-4 

45  to  54  years    

7'4 

81-4 

II-2 

55  to  64  years    

5'5 

78-6 

I5-9 

65  years  and  over 

S'o 

69-6 

25H 

Age  unknown    

46-7 

47'4 

5'9 

These  statistics  can  be  appreciated  only  when  we  remember  that  there 
could  be  no  legal  family  relations  among  slaves,  and  that  the  family  therefore 
is  an  institution  only  a  generation  old  for  the  mass  of  the  coloured  people. 
There  are  consequently  still  an  abnormally  large  number  of  "  widowed  and 
separated,"  while  economic  pressure  and  sexual  irregularity  is  setting  the  age 
of  marriage  very  late.  The  improvement  in  family  life  in  twenty-five  years  has, 
however,  been  enormous. 

The  average  size  of  the  Negro  family  is  about  five  persons  to-day.  The 
percentage  of  illegitimacy  is  not  accurately  known,  but  is  apparently  about 
20  per  cent,  in  a  city  like  Washington,  D.C.,  which  has  100,000  negroes.  It  is, 
without  doubt,  rapidly  decreasing. 


SIXTH   SESSION  357 

(c)  Education. — According  to  the  United  States  census,  the  illiteracy  of 
Negro- Americans  has  been  as  follows  for  persons  ten  years  of  age  and  over  : — 

1870     ...         79'9  per  cent. 

1880      70-0         „ 

1890     57-1 

i9°o     44'5     '  'ir 

Probably  to-day  about  two-thirds  of  the  Negro  population  can  at  least  write 
their  names  and  read  to  some  extent. 

In  the  Northern  States,  with  few  exceptions,  the  coloured  children  attend 
the  general  public  schools.  In  the  former  slave  States,  where  the  negro  popu- 
lation is  massed,  there  are  two  separate  systems  of  schools,  one  for  the  Negroes 
and  one  for  the  whites.  Both  systems  are  supported  by  public  taxation  and 
are  supposed  to  offer  equal  facilities.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  while  the  Negroes 
form  one-third  of  the  school  population  they  receive  less  than  one-fifth  of  the 
school  funds,  except  in  the  district  of  Columbia  and  in  a  few  cities. 

The  result  is  a  very  inferior  and  inadequate  set  of  Negro  public  schools  with 
poor  teachers,  and  poor  superintendence.  The  attitude  of  the  mass  of  southern 
whites  is  still  inimical  to  schools  for  Negroes,  and  since  the  new  disfranchise- 
ment  laws  the  Negro  schools  have  been  more  than  usually  neglected. 

As  a  partial  compensation  for  this  neglect  on  the  part  of  the  States  there  are 
132  private  institutions  for  educating  Negroes  ;  a  few  of  these  receive  State  and 
national  aid,  but  most  of  them  are  supported  by  private  philanthropy,  endow- 
ments, and  tuition  fees.  They  antedate  the  public  schools  for  Negroes  and 
represent  the  original  educational  foundations  which  were  established  by  the 
various  church  and  philanthropic  agencies  directly  after  the  Civil  War. 

They  are  of  all  degrees  of  efficiency.  Some,  like  Atlanta,  Fisk,  Howard 
Universities,  rank  as  small  colleges  and  high  schools  doing  work  of  a  high  grade. 
Others  are  high  and  normal  schools.  Some,  like  Hampton  and  Tuskegee,  are 
trade  and  agricultural  schools,  and  are  rather  more  favoured  by  the  South  than 
the  other  schools. 

These  private  institutions  have  over  40,000  pupils  and  2,400  teachers,  and 
represent  an  investment  of  $14,000,000,  and  an  expenditure  of  $2,100,000  a  year, 
of  which  the  Negroes  themselves  pay  about  30  per  cent.  In  these  schools 
most  of  the  teachers  and  professional  men  and  many  of  the  artisans  among 
Negroes  have  been  trained.  Their  chief  hindrance  to-day  is  lack  of  sufficient 
funds  for  their  growing  work. 

There  are  beside  these  some  200  small  private  elementary  schools  supported 
entirely  by  Negroes  mostly  through  their  Churches.  They  are  designed  to 
supplement  poor  public  schools. 

(d)  Occupations. — Of  the  Negroes  in  the  United  States  in  1900  there  were 
3,992,337  ten  years  of  age  and  over  who  were  in  gainful  occupations,  or  45*2 
per  cent,  of  the  total  Negro  population.  The  chief  occupations  were  : — 

OCCUPATION. 

Continental  United  States — all  occupations 3»992>337 

Occupations     giving     employment    to     at     least      10,000 

Negroes  in  1900  3,807,008 

Agricultural  labourers       1,344,125 

Farmers,  planters,  and  overseers          757,822 

Labourers  (not  specified) 545,935 

Servants  and  waiters        ..v        465,734 

Launderers  and  laundresses       ...         ...         ...         ...         ...       220,104 

Draymen,  hackmen,  teamsters,  &c ...         67,585 

Steam  railroad  employees  55>327 

Miners  and  quarrymen     ...         36,561 


3$8  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

Saw  and  planing  mill  employees         ............  33,266 

Porters  and  helpers  (in  stores,  &c.)     ............  28,977 

Teachers  and  professors  in  colleges,  &c  ..........  21,267 

Carpenters  and  joiners     ..................  21,113 

Turpentine  farmers  and  labourers       ............  20,744 

Barbers  and  hairdressers  ..................  19,942 

Nurses  and  midwives       ...    .,  ....,.-    ............  19,431 

Clergymen    ........................  15,528 

Tobacco  and  cigar  factory  operatives  ............  !5,349 

Hostlers       ........................  I4,496 

Masons  (brick  and  stone)            ............         ...  14,386 

Dressmakers           .....................  12,569 

Iron  and  steel  workers    .........        .........  12,327 

Seamstresses           .....................  IJ>537 

Janitors  and  sextons         ..................  IJ>536 

Housekeepers  and  stewards       ...............  10,596 

Fishermen  and  oystermen          .........      •  ......  10,427 

Engineers  and  firemen  (not  locomotive)        .........  10,224 

Blacksmiths             .....................  10,100 

Other  occupations  ......    .:•*,?        ............ 


To  understand  Negro  occupations,  one  must  remember  that  the  slaves  were 
emancipated  and  started  as  free  labourers  without  land  or  capital.  The  result 
was  that  the  mass  of  them  became  serfs  and  a  system  of  peonage  through 
alleged  crime  and  debt  was  fastened  on  them  ;  crime  peonage  consisted  of 
leasing  or  parolling  prisoners  to  a  landlord  who  paid  their  tines  or  paid  a 
stipulated  sum  to  the  State.  Debt  peonage  consisted  of  keeping  the  labourer 
in  debt  and  arresting  him  for  breaking  contract  if  he  attempted  to  stop  work. 
From  this  peonage  larger  and  larger  numbers  are  escaping  ;  many  are  going  to 
cities  and  becoming  casual  and  day  labourers  ;  others  of  the  better  trained 
house-servant  class  are  becoming  land-owners  and  artisans,  and  others  through 
education  are  entering  the  professional  class.  Roughly  speaking,  we  may  say 
that  the  Negro  population  consists  of:  — 

(i,  250,000  farm  labourers. 
2,000,000  labourers]    500,000  day  labourers. 
I    250,000  washerwomen. 

These  are  a  semi-submerged  class,  some  held  in  debt  peonage,  all  paid 
small  wages,  and  kept  largely  in  ignorance. 

(125,000  skilled  artisans. 

1,200,000  working-men  j  575,000  semi-skilled  workers. 
^500,000  servants. 

This  is  the  emerging  group.  They  are  handicapped  by  poor  training  and 
race  prejudice,  but  they  are  pushing  forward,  saving  something,  and  educating 
their  children  as  far  as  possible. 

i  200,000  farmers. 

250,000  independents  j    40,000  professional  men. 
(    10,000  merchants. 

This  is  the  leading  group  of  Negro-Americans.  The  mass  of  them  have 
common  school  training,  and  there  are  some  5,000  college-trained  men.  They 
are  accumulating  property  and  educating  their  children.  Their  advance  is 
opposed  by  a  bitter  and  growing  race  prejudice. 

The  exact  amount  of  property  accumulated  by  Negroes  is  not  known. 

A  committee  of  the  American  Economic  Association  reported  :  — 


SIXTH   SESSION  359 

"  The  evidence  in  hand  leads  your  Committee  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
accumulated  wealth  of  the  Negro  race  in  the  United  States  in  1900  was  approxi- 
mately $300,000,000,  and  probably  neither  less  than  $250,000,000  nor  more  than 
$350,000,000." 

Since  1900  the  increase  of  Negro  property  holdings  has  been  very  rapid,  as 
the  records  in  three  States  show  : — 

ASSESSED  VALUE  OF  PROPERTY. 

1900.  1908. 

Georgia     $14,118,720  $27,042,672 

Virginia i5.856,57°  25,628,336 

North  Carolina 9,478,399  21,253,581 


Total $39,453>689 

Judging  from  these  figures,  and  the  report  of  the  American  Economic 
Association  quoted  above,  it  would  seem  fair  to  infer  that  the  total  property 
of  Negro-Americans  aggregated  $560,000,000  in  1908. 

In  1900  the  census  said  : — 

"  We  find  that  the  total  owned  land  of  coloured  farmers  in  continental  United 
States  in  1900  amounted  to  14,964,214  acres,  or  23,382  square  miles — an  area 
nearly  as  large  as  Holland  and  Belgium — and  constituted  35-8  per  cent,  of 
all  the  land  operated  by  coloured  farmers." 

Of  the  proportion  of  farm  ownership  the  census  says  that  between  1890  and 
1900,  while  the  number  of  Negro  farmers  probably  increased  by  about  36  or 
38  per  cent.,  the  number  of  Negro  owners  increased  over  57  per  cent.,  and  the 
percentage  of  ownership  increased  by  3-5  per  cent.  So  that  187,799  Negro 
farms,  or  25*2  per  cent,  of  all  Negro  farms  were  owned. 

V.  Religion. — The  Christian  Church  did  but  little  to  convert  the  slaves  from 
their  Obeah  worship  and  primitive  religion  until  the  establishment  of  the  Society 
for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts  in  1701 ;  this  Society,  and 
the  rising  Methodists  and  Baptists,  rapidly  brought  the  body  of  slaves  into 
nominal  communion  with  the  Christian  Church.  No  sooner,  however,  did  they 
appear  in  the  Church  than  discrimination  began  to  be  practised,  which  the  free 
Negroes  of  the  North  refused  to  accept.  They  therefore  withdrew  into  the 
African  Methodist  and  Zion  Methodist  Churches.  The  Baptists,  even  among 
the  slaves,  early  had  their  separate  Churches,  and  these  Churches  in  the  North 
began  to  federate  about  1836.  In  1871  the  Methodist  Church,  South,  set  aside 
their  coloured  members  into  the  Coloured  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  and  the 
other  Southern  Churches  drove  their  members  into  the  other  coloured  Churches. 
The  remaining  Northern  denominations  retained  their  Negro  members,  but 
organised  them  for  the  most  part  into  separate  congregations. 

Practically,  then,  the  seven-eighths  of  the  whole  Negro  population  is  included 
in  its  own  self-sustaining,  self-governing  Church  bodies. 

The  statistics  for  Negro  churches  in  1906,  according  to  the  United  States 
census,  was  as  follows  : — 

"The  total  number  of  communicants  or  members,  as  reported  by  36,563 
organisations,  is  3,685,097  ;  of  these,  as  shown  by  the  returns  for  34,648  organi- 
sations, 37*5  per  cent,  are  males  and  62-5  per  cent,  females." 

According  to  the  statistics,  these  organisations  have  35,160  church  edifices  ;  a 
seating  capacity  for  church  edifices  of  10,481,738,  as  reported  by  33,091  organi- 
sations ;  church  property  valued  at  $56,636,159,  against  which  there  appears  an 
indebtedness  of  $5,005,905  ;  halls,  &c.,  used  for  worship  by  1,261  organisations  ; 
and  parsonages  valued  at  $3,727,884.  The  number  of  Sunday  Schools,  as 
reported  by  33,538  organisations,  is  34,681,  with  210,148  officers  and  teachers 
and  1,740,099  scholars. 


360 


UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 


As  compared  with  the  report  of  1890,  these  figures  show  increases  of  13,300 
in  the  number  of  coloured  organisations,  1,011,120  in  the  number  of  communi- 
cants or  members,  11,390  in  the  number  of  church  edifices,  and  $30,009,711  in 
the  value  of  church  property. 

It  was  estimated  in  1907  that  these  churches  raised  seven  and  a  half  million 
dollars  a  year.  Most  of  the  half  million  goes  probably  to  pay  high  interest  on  a 
debt  of  five  millions.  The  remaining  seven  millions  goes  chiefly  to  the  support 
of  the  pastor,  the  maintenance  of  the  plant,  and  general  church  purposes.  A 
large  and  growing  share,  however,  goes  to  "mission"  work;  part  of  this  is 
proselytising,  but  the  larger  part  of  it  is  distinctly  benevolence  and  work  for 
social  betterment.  No  complete  record  of  this  work  can  be  obtained.  Outside 
of  these  money  contributions  by  far  the  larger  part  of  the  benevolent  work  of 
Negroes  is  the  unorganised  personal  work  of  church  members  among  the 
congregations.  This  consists  of  donations,  visits,  care  of  the  sick,  adoption 
of  children,  &c. 

The  leading  denominations  are  as  follows,  according  to  membership  : — 


Denomination. 

Total  Number  of 
Organisations, 
White  and  Coloured. 

Number  of 
Coloured 
Organisations. 

Total  Number 
of  Members. 

Total  

142  4.76 

T.6  77O 

•?  68^  OO7 

Baptist  bodies      

32,122 

19,891 

2,354,789 

Churches  of  the  Living  God     ... 

68 

68 

4,276 

Congregationalists          

5.7*3 

156 

11,960 

Disciples  of  Christians  

10,942 

170 

H,233 

Methodist  bodies  

44,86  r 

15,317 

I,l82,I3I 

Presbyterian  bodies       

14,226 

659 

47,116 

Protestant  Episcopal  bodies     ... 

6,845 

198 

10,098 

Roman  Catholic  Church 

12,482 

36 

38,235 

All  others  ...         ...         ... 

IC.-7I7 

27C 

66.  2  no 

VI.  Crime. — Of  125,093  prisoners  committed  in  1904  in  the  United  States  15-8 
per  cent,  were  Negroes,  who  form  n-5  per  cent,  of  the  population.     This  is  not, 
however,  a  fair  measure  of  Negro  crime,  since,  on  account  of  race  prejudice, 
Negroes  are  more  easily  convicted  in  court  and  receive  longer  sentences — e.g., 
there  were  125,093  white  prisoners  committed  to  jail  during  1904.     On  June  30, 
1904,  there  were  55,111  white  prisoners  in  jail,  showing  a  large  number  of  short 
sentences.     On  the  other  hand,  there  were  23,698  Negro  prisoners  committed 
during  1904,  and  on  June  3oth  there  were  26,087  Negroes  in  jail,  showing  a  large 
number  of  long  sentences.     Over  half  the  prisoners  in  the  United  States  sen- 
tenced to  prison  for  life  are  Negroes.     This  might  be  explained  by  the  greater 
gravity  of  Negro  crimes,  but  this  does  not  seem  true.     The  Negro  is  naturally 
good-tempered,  and  the  current  newspaper  reports  of  the  rape  of  white  women 
are  greatly  exaggerated.     On  the  other  hand,  accusation  of  crime  and  long 
sentences  for  petty  offences  have  long  been  used  as  methods  of  securing  cheap 
Negro  labour  both  for  private  and  public  purposes  in  the  South,  and  of  the  2,500 
Negroes  known  to  have  been  lynched  for  alleged  crime  in  the  last  25  years,  not 
25  per  cent,  have  been  even  accused  of  assaulting  women. 

Most  Negro  crime  arises  from  the  natural  weakness  of  slaves — petty  stealing 
and  quarrelling.  To  this  have  been  added  in  later  years  more  serious  crimes  of 
revenge  against  whites,  altercations  arising  between  employers  and  labourers, 
and  fights  and  murders  arising  from  contact  of  the  races. 

VII.  The  Negro  Problem. — The  American iNegro  problem  is  the  question  of  the 
future  status  of  the  ten  million  Americans  of  Negro  descent.    It  must  be  remem- 


SIXTH    SESSION  361 

bered  that  these  persons  are  Americans  by  birth  and  descent.  They  represent, 
for  the  most  part,  four  or  five  American  born  generations,  being  in  that  respect 
one  of  the  most  American  groups  in  the  land.  Moreover,  the  Negroes  are  not 
barbarians.  They  are,  as  a  mass,  poor  and  ignorant ;  but  they  are  growing 
rapidly  in  both  wealth  and  intelligence,  and  larger  and  larger  numbers  of  them 
demand  the  rights  and  privileges  of  American  citizens  as  a  matter  of  undoubted 
desert. 

To-day  these  rights  are  largely  denied.  In  order  to  realise  the  disabilities 
under  which  Negroes  suffer  regardless  of  education,  wealth,  or  degree  of  white 
blood,  we  may  divide  the  United  States  into  three  districts  : 

(a)  The  Southern  South,  containing  75  per  cent,  of  the  Negroes. 

(b)  The  border  States,  containing  15  per  cent,  of  the  Negroes. 

(c)  The  North  and  West,  containing  10  per  cent,  of  the  Negroes. 
In  the  Southern  South  by  law  or  custom  Negroes — 

1.  Cannot  vote,  or  their  votes  are  neutralised  by  fraud. 

2.  Must  usually  live  in  the  least  desirable  districts. 

3.  Receive  very  low  wages. 

4.  Are,  in  the  main,  restricted   to   menial  occupations   or  the  lower  grades 
of  skilled  labour  and  cannot  expect  preferment  or  promotion. 

5.  Cannot  by  law  intermarry  with  whites. 

6.  Cannot  join  white  churches  or  attend  white  colleges  or  join  white  cultural 
organisations. 

7.  Cannot  be  accommodated  at  hotels  and  restaurants  or  in  any  place  of 
public  entertainment. 

8.  Receive  a  distinct  standard  of  justice  in  the  courts  and  are  especially  liable 
to  mob  violence. 

9.  Are  segregated  so  far  as  possible  in  every  walk  of  life — in  railway  stations, 
railway  trains,  street-cars,  lifts,  &c.,  and  usually  made  to  pay  equal  prices  for 
inferior  accommodations . 

10.  Are  often  unable  to  protect  their  homes  from  invasion,  their  women  from 
insult,  and  their  savings  from  exploitation. 

11.  Are  taxed  for  public  facilities  like  parks  and  libraries,  which  they  may  not 
enter. 

12.  Are  given  meagre  educational  facilities  and  sometimes  none  at  all. 

13.  Are  liable  to  personal  insult  unless  they  appear  as  servants  or  menials  or 
show  deference  to  white  folks  by  yielding  the  road,  &c. 

To  many  of  these  disabilities  there  are  personal  and  local  exceptions.  In 
cities,  for  instance,  the  chance  to  defend  the  home,  get  an  education,  and  some- 
what better  wages  is  greater,  and  mob  violence  less  frequent.  Then  there  are 
always  some  personal  exceptions — cases  of  help  and  courtesy,  of  justice  in  the 
courts,  and  of  good  schools.  These  are,  however,  exceptions,  and,  as  a  rule,  all 
Negroes,  no  matter  what  their  training,  possessions,  or  desert,  are  subjected  to  the 
above  disabilities.  Within  the  limits  of  these  caste  restrictions  there  is  much 
goodwill  and  kindliness  between  the  races,  and  especially  much  personal  charity 
and  help. 

The  15  per  cent,  of  the  Negro  population  living  on  the  border  States  suffer  a 
little  less  restriction.  They  have  some  right  of  voting,  are  better  able  to  defend 
their  homes,  and  are  less  discriminated  against  in  the  expenditure  of  public 
funds.  In  the  cities  their  schools  are  much  better  and  public  insult  is  less 
noticeable. 

In  the  North  the  remaining  10  per  cent,  of  the  Negro  population  is  legally 
undiscriminated  against  and  may  attend  schools  and  churches  and  vote  without 
restriction.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  they  are  made  in  most  communities  to 
feel  that  they  are  undesirable.  They  are  either  refused  accommodation  at  hotels, 


362  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

restaurants,  and  theatres,  or  received  reluctantly.  Their  treatment  in  churches 
and  general  cultural  organisations  is  such  that  few  join.  Intermarriage  with 
whites  brings  ostracism  and  public  disfavour,  and  in  courts  Negroes  often  suffer 
undeservedly.  Common  labour  and  menial  work  is  open  to  them,  but  avenues 
above  this  in  skilled  labour  or  the  professions  (save  as  they  serve  their  own  race)> 
are  extremely  difficult  to  enter,  and  there  is  much  discrimination  in  wages.  Mob 
violence  has  become  not  infrequent  in  later  years. 

There  are  here  also  many  exceptional  cases  ;  instances  of  preferment  in 
the  industrial  and  political  world  ;  and  there  is  always  some  little  social 
intercourse.  On  the  whole,  however,  the  Negro  in  the  north  is  an  ostracised 
person  who  finds  it  difficult  to  make  a  good  living  or  spend  his  earnings  with 
pleasure. 

Under  these  circumstances  there  has  grown  up  a  Negro  world  in  America 
which  has  its  own  economic  and  social  life,  its  churches,  schools,  and  news- 
papers ;  its  literature,  public  opinion,  and  ideals.  This  life  is  largely  unnoticed 
and  unknown  even  in  America,  and  travellers  miss  it  almost  entirely. 

The  average  American  in  the  past  made  at  least  pretence  of  excusing  the 
discrimination  against  Negroes,  on  the  ground  of  their  ignorance  and  poverty 
and  their  tendencies  to  crime  and  disease.  While  the  mass  is  still  poor  and 
unlettered,  it  is  admitted  by  all  to-day  that  the  Negro  is  rapidly  developing  a 
larger  and  larger  class  of  intelligent  property-holding  men  of  Negro  descent ; 
notwithstanding  this  more  and  more  race  lines  are  being  drawn  which  involve 
the  treatment  of  civilised  men  in  an  uncivilised  manner.  Moreover,  the  crux  of 
the  question  to-day  is  not  merely  a  matter  of  social  eligibility.  For  many 
generations  the  American  Negro  will  lack  the  breeding  and  culture  which  the 
most  satisfactory  human  intercourse  requires.  But  in  America  the  discrimi- 
nation against  Negroes  goes  beyond  this,  to  the  point  of  public  discourtesy,  civic 
disability,  injustice  in  the  courts,  and  economic  restriction. 

The  argument  of  those  who  uphold  this  discrimination  is  based  primarily  on 
race.  They  claim  that  the  inherent  characteristics  of  the  Negro  race  show  its 
essential  inferiority  and  the  impossibility  of  incorporating  its  descendants  into 
the  American  nation.  They  admit  that  there  are  exceptions  to  the  rule  of 
inferiority,  but  claim  that  these  but  prove  the  rule.  They  say  that  amalgama- 
tion of  the  races  would  be  fatal  to  civilisation  and  they  advocate  therefore  a 
strict  caste  system  for  Negroes,  segregating  them  by  occupations  and  privi- 
leges, and  to  some  extent  by  dwelling-place,  to  the  end  that  they  (a)  submit 
permanently  to  an  inferior  position,  or  (b)  die  out,  or  (c)  migrate. 

This  philosophy  the  thinking  Negroes  and  a  large  number  of  white 
friends  vigorously  combat.  They  claim  that  the  racial  differences  between 
white  and  black  in  the  United  States  offer  no  essential  barrier  to  the  races 
living  together  on  terms  of  mutual  respect  and  helpfulness.  They  deny,  on 
the  one  hand,  that  the  large  amalgamation  of  the  races  already  accomplished 
has  produced  degenerates,  in  spite  of  the  unhappy  character  of  these  unions  ; 
on  the  other  hand,  they  deny  any  desire  to  lose  the  identity  of  either  race 
through  intermarriage.  They  claim  that  it  should  be  possible  for  a  civilised 
black  man  to  be  treated  as  an  American  citizen  without  harm  to  the  republic, 
and  that  the  modern  world  must  learn  to  treat  coloured  races  as  equals  if  it 
expects  to  advance. 

They  claim  that  the  Negro  race  in  America  has  more  than  vindicated  its 
ability  to  assimilate  modern  culture.  Negro  blood  has  furnished  thousands  of 
soldiers  to  defend  the  flag  in  every  war  in  which  the  United  States  has  been 
engaged.  They  arc  a  most  important  part  of  the  economic  strength  of  the 
nation,  and  they  have  furnished  a  number  of  men  of  ability  in  politics,  literature, 
and  art,  as,  for  instance,  Banneker,  the  mathematician  ;  Phillis  Wheatley,  the 
poet ;  Lemuel  Haynes,  the  theologian  ;  Ira  Aldridge,  the  actor  ;  Frederick 


SIXTH   SESSION  363 

Douglass,  the  orator  ;  H.  O.  Tanner,  the  artist ;  B.  T.  Washington,  the  edu- 
cator ;  Granville  Woods,  the  inventor  ;  Kelly  Miller,  the  writer ;  Rosamond 
Johnson  and  Will  Cook,  the  musical  composers ;  Dunbar,  the  poet ;  and 
Chestnut,  the  novelist.  Many  other  Americans,  whose  Negro  blood  has  not 
been  openly  acknowledged,  have  reached  high  distinction.  The  Negroes  claim, 
therefore,  that  a  discrimination  which  was  originally  based  on  certain  social 
conditions  is  rapidly  becoming  a  persecution  based  simply  on  race  prejudice, 
and  that  no  republic  built  on  caste  can  survive. 

At  the  meeting  of  two  such  diametrically  opposed  arguments  it  was  natural 
that  councils  of  compromise  should  appear,  and  it  was  also  natural  that  a  nation, 
whose  economic  triumphs  have  been  so  noticeable  as  those  of  the  United  States, 
should  seek  an  economic  solution  to  the  race  question.  More  and  more  in  the 
last  twenty  years  the  business  men's  solution  of  the  race  problem  has  been  the 
development  of  the  resources  of  the  South.  Coincident  with  the  rise  of  this 
policy  came  the  prominence  of  Mr.  B.  T.  Washington.  Mr.  Washington  was  con- 
vinced that  race  prejudice  in  America  was  so  strong  and  the  economic  position 
of  the  freedmen's  sons  so  weak  that  the  Negro  must  give  up  or  postpone  his 
ambitions  for  full  citizenship  and  bend  all  his  energies  to  industrial  efficiency 
and  the  accumulation  of  wealth.  Mr.  Washington's  idea  was  that  eventually 
when  the  dark  man  was  thoroughly  established  in  the  industries  and  had 
accumulated  wealth,  he  could  demand  further  rights  and  privileges.  This 
philosophy  has  become  very  popular  in  the  United  States,  both  among  whites 
and  blacks. 

The  white  South  hastened  to  welcome  this  philosophy.  They  thought  it 
would  take  the  Negro  out  of  politics,  tend  to  stop  agitation,  make  the  Negro 
a  satisfied  labourer,  and  eventually  convince  him  that  he  could  never  be 
recognised  as  the  equal  of  the  white  man.  The  North  began  to  give  large 
sums  for  industrial  training,  and  hoped  in  this  way  to  get  rid  of  a  serious  social 
problem. 

From  the  beginning  of  this  campaign,  however,  a  large  class  of  Negroes  and 
many  whites  feared  this  programme.  They  not  only  regarded  it  as  a  pro- 
gramme which  was  a  dangerous  compromise,  but  they  insisted  that  to  stop 
fighting  the  essential  wrong  of  race  prejudice  just  at  the  time,  was  to 
encourage  it. 

This  was  precisely  what  happened.  Mr.  Washington's  programme  was 
announced  at  the  Atlanta  Exposition  in  1896.  Since  that  time  four  States  have 
disfranchised  Negroes,  dozens  of  cities  and  towns  have  separated  the  races  on 
street  cars,  1,250  Negroes  have  been  publicly  lynched  without  trial,  and  serious 
race  riots  have  taken  place  in  nearly  every  Southern  State  and  several  Northern 
States,  Negro  public  school  education  has  suffered  a  set  back,  and  many  private 
schools  have  been  forced  to  retrench  severely  or  to  close.  On  the  whole,  race 
prejudice  has,  during  the  last  fifteen  years,  enormously  increased. 

This  has  been  coincident  with  the  rapid  and  substantial  advance  of  Negroes 
in  wealth,  education,  and  morality,  and  the  two  movements  of  race  prejudice 
and  Negro  advance  have  led  to  an  anomalous  and  unfortunate  situation.  Some, 
white  and  black,  seek  to  minimise  and  ignore  the  flaming  prejudice  in  the  land, 
and  emphasise  many  acts  of  friendliness  on  the  part  of  the  white  South,  and  the 
advance  of  the  Negro.  Others,  on  the  other  hand,  point  out  that  silence  and 
sweet  temper  are  not  going  to  settle  this  dangerous  social  problem,  and  that 
manly  protest  and  the  publication  of  the  whole  truth  is  alone  adequate  to  arouse 
the  nation  to  its  great  danger. 

Moreover,  many  careful  thinkers  insist  that,  under  the  circumstances,  the 
"  business  men's  "  solution  of  the  race  problem  is  bound  to  make  trouble  :  if  the 
Negroes  become  good  cheap  labourers,  warranted  not  to  strike  or  complain, 
they  will  arouse  all  the  latent  prejudice  of  the  white  working  men  whose  wages 


364  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

they  bring  down.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  they  are  to  be  really  educated  as  men, 
and  not  as  "  hands,"  then  they  need,  as  a  race,  not  only  industrial  training,  but 
also  a  supply  of  well-educated,  intellectual  leaders  and  professional  men  for  a 
group  so  largely  deprived  of  contact  with  the  cultural  leaders  of  the  whites. 
Moreover,  the  best  thought  of  the  nation  is  slowly  recognising  the  fact  that 
to  try  to  educate  a  working  man,  and  not  to  educate  the  man,  is  impossible.  If 
the  United  States  wants  intelligent  Negro  labourers,  it  must  be  prepared  to  treat 
them  as  intelligent  men. 

This  counter  movement  of  intelligent  men,  white  and  black,  against  the 
purely  economic  solution  of  the  race  problem,  has  been  opposed  by  powerful 
influences  both  North  and  South.  The  South  represents  it  as  malicious 
sectionalism,  and  the  North  misunderstands  it  as  personal  dislike  and  envy  of 
Mr.  Washington.  Political  pressure  has  been  brought  to  bear,  and  this  insured 
a  body  of  coloured  political  leaders  who  do  not  agitate  for  Negro  rights.  At 
the  same  time,  a  chain  of  Negro  newspapers  were  established  to  advocate  the 
dominant  philosophy. 

Despite  this  well-intentioned  effort  to  keep  down  the  agitation  of  the  Negro 
question  and  mollify  the  coloured  people,  the  problem  has  increased  in  gravity. 
The  result  is  the  present  widespread  unrest  and  dissatisfaction.  Honest 
Americans  know  that  present  conditions  are  wrong  and  cannot  last ;  but  they 
face,  on  the  one  hand,  the  seemingly  implacable  prejudice  of  the  South,  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  undoubted  rise  of  the  Negro  challenging  that  prejudice. 
The  attempt  to  reconcile  these  two  forces  is  becoming  increasingly  futile,  and 
the  nation  simply  faces  the  question  :  Are  we  willing  to  do  justice  to  a  dark 
race  despite  our  prejudices?  Radical  suggestions  of  wholesale  segregation  or 
deportation  of  the  race  have  now  and  then  been  suggested ;  but  the  cost  in  time, 
effort,  money,  and  economic  disturbance  is  too  staggering  to  allow  serious 
consideration.  The  South,  with  all  its  race  prejudice,  would  rather  fight  than 
lose  its  great  black  labouring  force,  and  in  every  walk  of  life  throughout  the 
nation  the  Negro  is  slowly  forcing  his  way.  There  are  some  signs  that  the 
prejudice  in  the  South  is  not  immovable,  and  now  and  then  voices  of  protest 
and  signs  of  liberal  thought  appear  there.  Whether  at  last  the  Negro  will  gain 
full  recognition  as  a  man,  or  be  utterly  crushed  by  prejudice  and  superior 
numbers,  is  the  present  Negro  problem  of  America. 
[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


THE    NEGRO    PROBLEM    IN    RELATION    TO 
WHITE   WOMEN 

By  FRANCES  HOGGAN,  M.D.,  London. 

IN  Africa  of  late,  as  in  America  for  some  decades,  the  cry  has  arisen 
of  danger  to  white  women  from  black  men.  It  is  a  cry  which  rouses 
every  chivalrous  instinct  in  the  human  breast ;  one  only  wonders  that 
so  little  feeling  comparatively  is  shown  when  the  white  man  is  the 
aggressor  and  the  victim  has  a  coloured  skin.  That  outrages  on 
women  are  perpetrated  in  countries  in  various  phases  of  civilisation 
is  a  terrible  and  disconcerting  fact,  and  they  are,  alas  !  more  common 
in  civilised  countries  and  in  those  on  the  outskirts  of  civilisation. 


SIXTH    SESSION  365 

In  the  outlying  districts  of  Africa,  where  Native  life  is  seen  at  its 
crudest,  white  women  have  no  fear,  and  they  pass  freely  in  and  out 
among  the  Native  population,  safe  and  unarmed,  never  dreaming  of 
danger.  It  is  when  Natives  and  low-class  white  men  come  into 
contact  with  each  other  that  the  peril  originates,  and  white  women 
begin  to  see  in  the  Native  a  possible  source  of  danger. 

The  best  minds  are  needed  to  grapple  with  the  general  Native 
problem,  and,  as  incidental  to  it,  with  the  question  of  criminal 
assaults  on  women.  If  one  studies  the  causes  which  lead  up  to  this 
crime  they  are  found  to  be  multiple  and  complex.  The  first  place 
must  be  accorded  to  polygamy,  with  its  subsidiary  customs,  in  which 
I  include  all  that  belong  to  initiation  and  its  accompanying  practices, 
now  carried  on  under  altered  conditions  of  life.  The  youth,  with  all 
his  passions  roused  into  baleful  activity  by  the  so-called  "  Native 
Schools,"  their  excitement  and  the  orgies  and  promiscuity  which 
certainly  in  some  districts  form  part  of  the  training  they  give,  leads 
often  only  partially  the  tribal  life,  which  imposed  certain  well-recog- 
nised restrictions  on  the  indulgence  of  his  appetites,  and  punished 
by  the  imposition  of  a  cattle  fine — the  most  keenly  felt  of  all  punish- 
ments— any  violation  of  the  property  or  rights  of  other  men,  whether 
of  husbands  over  wives  or  of  fathers  over  daughters.  These  youths, 
as  well  as  older  men,  are  largely  recruited  for  work  in  the  mines, 
where  they  are,  it  is  true,  subjected  to  repressive  treatment  and  con- 
finement during  most  of  their  time  in  the  compounds,  but  where 
they  are  not  under  the  immediate  direction  and  control  of  any  chief, 
a  control  which  to  them  seemed  as  natural  as,  say,  that  of  parents 
over  young  children.  The  mine  masters  and  officials  only  represent 
to  their  minds  brute  force,  to  be  evaded  wherever  possible,  whereas 
the  authority  of  the  chief  represented  something  analogous  to  law 
and  religion  combined.  It  was  undoubtedly  to  some  considerable 
extent  a  moral  influence,  for  though  lying  does  not  to  the  Native 
mind  represent  sin,  to  lie  to  his  chief  is  a  heinous  offence,  which  he 
would  tremble  to  be  guilty  of.  Thus  the  "  mine  boys,"  as  they  are 
called,  are  in  great  danger  of  becoming  moral  pariahs,  with  their 
physical  instincts  under  no  effective  control,  when  not  under 
immediate  and  visible  supervision.  Fear  is  the  only  restraining 
influence  under  this  new  regime  ;  fear,  tempered  by  reverence  for  the 
chief,  was  the  restraining  influence  at  home  in  the  tribe.  The 
inference  is  obvious  as  to  the  danger  such  persons  may  be  to  the 
community,  and  especially  to  unprotected  women,  when  out  of 
bounds  and  roaming  at  large. 

Growing  race  consciousness  is  another  factor  which,  under  some 
circumstances,  may  tend  towards  crime  of  this  nature.  The  feeling 
that  one  man  is  as  good  as  another,  if  not  kept  within  due  bounds, 


366  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

and  controlled  by  the  brotherhood  sentiment  which  produces  respect 
for  all  members  of  the  human  family  and  strict  recognition  of  the 
rights  of  all,  even  the  weakest,  may  degenerate  into  that  state  of 
feeling  which  would  lead  to  the  indulgence  of  self  at  the  expense  of 
other  and  less  powerful  selves. 

I  may  here  allude  to  a  contributory  factor  in  crime  which  only 
needs  to  be  pointed  out  to  become  patent  to  all  thoughtful  persons. 
My  own  attention  was  first  called  to  it  by  police  officials  and  others 
on  the  spot  able  to  speak  with  authority,  and  further  inquiry  con- 
firmed the  danger.  Ladies  in  South  Africa  habitually  allow  their 
Native  "  boys "  to  attend  on  them  in  their  bedrooms,  when  they 
themselves  are  either  in  bed  or  very  slightly  clothed,  oblivious  of  the 
fact  that  these  "  boys  "  are  often  grown  men,  with  fully  developed 
passions,  living  at  a  distance  from  their  wives.  The  more  extended 
employment  by  ladies  of  Native  women  in  immediate  attendance  on 
their  own  persons  would  not  only  lead  to  the  more  rapid  spread  of 
civilisation  among  Native  women,  but  it  would  also  tend  to  remove 
an  obvious  though  perhaps  remote  source  of  danger,  for  it  is  not 
themselves,  but  the  poorer  and  less  guarded  white  women  who  have 
most  reason  to  dread  attack  and  assault. 

A  great  hindrance  to  be  cleared  away  is  the  reluctance  to  employ 
Natives  in  skilled  labour,  for  fear  of  displacing  white  men.  Well, 
the  choice  lies  between  a  trained,  cheerful,  working  class,  respected 
and  self-respecting,  and  a  discontented,  shiftless,  ignorant,  and  brutal 
Native  population,  ready  to  swell  the  criminal  class,  and  constituting 
a  grave  danger  in  a  country  where  the  majority  is  so  overwhelmingly 
black.  Failure  to  realise  the  elder  brother's  position,  and  to  exercise 
wisely  the  privilege  of  guiding  Natives  out  of  tribal  into  civilised  life, 
will  result  in  national  disaster  and  the  creation  of  a  reckless  and 
unmanageable  proletariat.  If  Natives  are  denied  a  proper  and  a 
reasonable  outlet  for  their  energies  in  the  land  which  was  theirs  long 
before  the  settlement  of  whites  in  Africa,  criminality,  including 
assaults  of  all  kinds,  must  become  in  future  both  more  common  and 
more  difficult  to  cope  with.  A  just  and  generous  policy  towards 
the  ancient  owners  of  the  land  is  our  only  chance  of  escaping 
from  a  colour  conflict  of  unparalleled  magnitude,  and  no  greed  of 
wealth  or  power,  no  unworthy  jealousy  of  a  rising  and  developing 
race  whose  destinies  we  control,  should  be  allowed  to  intervene, 
and  to  choke  the  good  intentions  of  the  governing  whites  towards 
the  black  millions  who  look  to  them  for  guidance  and  light  in 
matters  spiritual  and  in  matters  temporal,  as  well  as  for  the  ideal 
towards  which  to  strive. 

[Paf>er  submitted  in  English.'] 


SIXTH   SESSION  367 

wif.;  ; 
THE    NORTH    AMERICAN    INDIAN 

By  CHARLES   ALEXANDER   EASTMAN,  M.D.  (Ohiyesa),  Amherst, 

U.S.A. 

Geographical. — The  aboriginal  nations  of  North  America  at  the 
time  of  its  discovery  were  scattered  in  small  and  more  or  less  shifting 
groups  over  the  whole  extent  of  the  continent.  Their  tribal  or  group 
names  are  so  many  and  so  variable  as  to  confuse  even  the  student ; 
but  it  is  possible  by  means  of  linguistic  and  other  traits  to  assemble 
them  all  into  several  great  families,  each  with  its  distinguishing  marks 
and  local  habitat.  Such  were  the  Abenakis,  the  Appalachians,  the 
Iroquois,  the  Algonquins,  the  Siouans,  the  Rocky  Mountain  or 
Intermontane  tribes,  the  Pacific  coast  tribes,  and  the  Alaskans. 

The  physical  characters  of  the  race  are  assumed  to  be  well 
known,  yet  are  often  incorrectly  described.  Their  colour  is  not 
"  red  "  nor  "  copper-coloured,"  but  a  warm  brown,  much  darker  in  the 
south  than  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  north  temperate  zone.  The 
head  is  generally  well-formed,  the  nose  by  no  means  universally 
Roman,  and  the  hair,  while  generally  black  and  straight,  rather  fine 
than  coarse.  According  to  the  best  opinion  obtainable,  the  total 
number  of  natives  of  North  America  at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth 
century  could  not  have  been  far  from  half  a  million.  Since  that 
period  they  have  fallen  off  in  numbers,  though  not  to  the  extent 
popularly  supposed,  and  are  now  slowly  increasing. 

Political. — The  government  of  the  first  North  American  was  the 
simplest  form  of  a  democracy.  It  was  patterned  after  the  patriarchal 
or  family  government,  and  the  clan  chief  was  really  the  most 
influential  head.  This  office  was  for  life,  and  was  to  some  extent 
hereditary,  but  if  the  next  in  succession  proved  weak  or  unworthy,  the 
people  would  reject  him  and  call  upon  their  best  and  bravest  man  to 
lead  them. 

The  chief  had  no  dictatorial  powers,  but  his  influence  was  large  in 
his  own  clan,  and  if  the  clan  chanced  to  be  a  large  one,  their  chief 
would  naturally  be  influential  in  the  councils  of  the  whole  tribe.  A 
band  was  generally  composed  of  several  clans,  and  a  tribe  or  nation 
made  up  of  numerous  bands  ;  but  in  the  old  days  there  was  no  chief 
of  an  entire  tribe  or  even  of  a  band. 

The  American  Indian  chief  was  in  reality  merely  the  authorised 
spokesman  of  his  clan,  save  as  he  might  acquire  unusual  authority  by 
rare  personal  qualities,  or,  in  later  days,  by  the  recognition  and  favour 
of  the  white  man.  All  matters  which  involved  the  welfare  or  good 
name  of  the  clan  must  be  submitted  to  the  will  of  the  entire  people, 
and  the  chief  must  abide  by  their  decision.  Much  trouble  has  come 


368  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

to  us  through  the  determination  of  the  white  man  to  negotiate  solely 
with  chiefs  and  headmen,  misunderstanding  or  ignoring  the  fact  that 
the  office  of  chief  is  mainly  honorary  and  indeed  nominal,  since  he 
has  no  command  of  an  army  nor  power  to  levy  a  tax  upon  his  people. 
American  historians  have  constantly  fallen  into  error  by  reason  of 
their  ignorance  of  our  democratic  system,  truly  a  government  of  the 
people,  one  of  personal  liberty  and  equal  rights  to  all  its  members. 

In  the  old  days  there  was  no  confederacy  worthy  the  name.  That 
of  the  Iroquois  was  conceived  after  the  advent  of  the  European 
nations.  Witnesses  to  the  fate  of  the  Pequots  and  Narragansetts, 
they  perceived  the  urgent  need  of  union  for  self-protection.  No 
taxes  were  levied,  and  there  was  no  federal  government,  strictly 
speaking — merely  a  friendly  alliance,  with  an  occasional  council  to 
discuss  their  common  policy  and  attitude  toward  the  invaders. 

The  Appalachians,  under  the  leadership  of  the  Creeks,  formed  a 
much  stronger  confederacy  at  a  somewhat  later  period,  but  from  lack 
of  material  support  they  gradually  disintegrated  and  were  one  by  one 
overthrown.  Still  later,  the  eastern  Algonquins,  led  by  the  great 
Pontiac,  attempted  to  form  a  strong  league  for  defence,  but  failed 
even  more  conspicuously  than  their  southern  brethren. 

The  Dakotas,  or  Sioux  proper,  were  natural  allies  ;  yet  after  their 
struggle  with  the  whites  began  they  also  quickly  disintegrated,  band 
after  band  seceding  until  only  a  few  of  the  boldest  held  together 
to  make  their  last  stand.  The  real  cause  of  failure  was  the  same  in 
every  case.  There  was  no  central  organisation,  adequately  supported 
by  the  whole  tribe.  The  only  true  government  was  that  of  the  clan, 
which  was  always  intact ;  but  as  chiefs  and  councillors  and  scouts 
served  without  other  compensation  than  the  honour  attached  to  the 
office,  the  duties  of  supporting  such  a  government  were  far  from 
onerous. 

The  nearest  approach  to  taxation  was  observed  in  the  case  of 
a  large  gathering  for  the  purpose  of  treaty-making  or  religious  festivi- 
ties. It  was  customary  at  such  times  to  invite  certain  of  the  old  men 
to  sit  in  council,  to  make  and  publicly  announce  such  regulations 
as  might  be  for  the  general  good.  There  were  strict  rules  governing 
the  daily  hunt,  and  vigilance  must  likewise  be  maintained  by  regular 
scouting  to  avert  the  dangers  of  a  surprise.  Those  who  served  the 
community  in  these  ways  were  supplied  with  food  by  means  of  a 
daily  distribution  of  small  sticks  coloured  red,  of  which  every  man 
who  received  one  must  deliver  a  portion  of  food  ready  cooked  at  the 
council  lodge  within  a  given  time. 

The  Indian  was  taught  from  childhood  to  esteem  the  public 
service  as  high  honour,  and  he  needed  no  further  inducement  to 
accept  gladly  the  most  dangerous  and  difficult  tasks.  No  man  could 


SIXTH   SESSION  369 

be  selected  for  an  important  duty  unless  he  was  known  to  be  of 
sound  body  and  pure  life.  Above  all,  he  must  be  a  spiritual  man  ; 
one  who  loved  the  Unseen  God,  and  whose  motives  were  in  accord 
with  the  will  of  the  "  Great  Mystery." 

It  was  the  duty  of  the  council  to  sit  in  judgment  upon  the  rare 
cases  of  murder  or  other  serious  offence  within  the  tribe.  If  found 
guilty,  a  man  might  be  exiled,  or  given  up  to  the  just  vengeance  of 
the  victim's  kin  ;  for  lesser  crimes  he  might  be  chastised,  or  his  house 
or  weapons  destroyed  by  his  fellow-warriors.  Punishment  of  this 
sort,  however,  was  a  very  grave  matter,  not  to  be  undertaken  save  by 
men  of  recognised  standing  and  with  the  full  sanction  of  the  council. 

Economic. — It  appears  that  not  freedom  or  democracy  or  spiritual 
development,  but  material  progress  alone,  is  the  evidence  of  "  civilisa- 
tion." The  American  Indian  failed  to  meet  this  test,  or  rather,  he 
made  no  attempt  to  meet  it,  being  convinced  that  accumulation 
of  property  breeds  dishonesty  and  greed,  while  concentration  of  popu- 
lation is  abnormal  and  the  mother  of  many  evils,  both  physical  and 
moral.  In  the  unnatural  and  complex  "  civilised  "  life  the  savage 
philosopher  discerned  perils  with  which  he  did  not  choose  even  to  try 
to  cope,  wisely  dreading  those  lurking  enemies  of  a  sedentary  and 
plethoric  life.  Furthermore,  his  strong  religious  sentiment  forbade 
any  effort  on  his  part  to  deface  mother  nature,  and  harness  her  forces 
for  his  own  use  or  pleasure.  The  pollution  of  streams,  the  destruction 
of  forests,  and  the  levelling  of  hills  were  to  him  a  sacrilege.  He  was 
unwilling  to  pay  the  price  of  civilisation. 

The  Indian  was  a  tiller  of  the  soil  to  a  very  limited  extent. 
He  lived  almost  entirely  upon  the  natural  products  of  the  country, 
and  his  main  dependence  was  hunting  and  fishing,  together  with 
two  native  cereals  of  great  value  (corn  and  rice),  acorns,  berries, 
wild  fruits,  and  roots  of  many  kinds.  The  food  was  always  divided 
until  it  became  abundant ;  then  the  women  began  to  gather  and 
store  provisions  for  the  colder  months  of  the  year.  They  were 
cured  by  drying,  either  over  a  slow  fire  or  in  the  sun,  and  extra 
supplies  were  often  hidden  or  "  cached  "  at  some  convenient  spot  ; 
for,  though  nearly  all  the  tribes  were  nomadic,  a  given  family  or 
clan  had  a  limited  range.  The  prairie  Indians  covered  more  terri- 
tory than  the  forest  dwellers,  and  yet  had  less  variety  of  food. 

The  love  of  possessions  was  considered  effeminate  in  a  warrior, 
and  the  woman  owned  all  property,  except  her  husband's  clothing 
and  weapons.  All  commerce  and  even  simple  barter  was  unknown. 
Our  people  were  generous  to  a  fault,  freely  bestowing  whatever 
they  had  upon  one  more  needy,  or  upon  the  stranger  who  expressed 
his  admiration  of  it. 

All  clothing  was  made  and  ornamented  by  the  women  with 

2  B 


370  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

much  skill,  according  to  the  tribal  pattern,  and  they  also  tanned 
the  skins  of  which  it  was  made.  The  tents  or  lodges  were  con- 
structed by  different  tribes  from  various  materials — rush  mats, 
birch-bark,  or  buffalo  skins,  entirely  prepared  by  the  women.  A  few 
lived  in  dwellings  made  of  poles  thatched  with  brush  or  sods. 
Canoes  were  made  by  both  sexes,  but  pipes  and  weapons  entirely 
by  the  men.  Except  in  cases  of  emergency,  to  them  fell  all 
hunting  and  fishing,  while  the  women  tilled  the  small  patches  of 
maize  or  beans,  gathered  berries,  dug  roots,  and  prepared  maple 
sugar.  Basket-weaving  was  done  by  the  women,  and  blankets  and 
pottery  made  by  both  women  and  men.  The  men  carved  the 
wooden  bowls  and  shaped  the  spoons  of  wood,  bone,  horn,  and 
shell. 

The  division  of  labour  between  the  sexes  was  natural  and  far 
from  unjust.  It  must  be  remembered  that  in  a  society  like  theirs 
there  could  be  no  merely  ornamental  members.  Upon  the  men 
devolved  those  labours  involving  the  severest  hardship,  peril  and 
exposure — war  and  the  chase ;  while  the  women  undertook  all  the 
care  of  the  home,  including  the  drudgery  of  providing  wood  and 
water. 

After  the  advent  of  the  white  man,  bringing  with  him  more 
effective  weapons,  better  implements  of  labour,  and  new  ideas  of 
industry  and  commerce,  these  simple  occupations  were  enlarged  and 
systematised,  through  observation  or  direct  teaching,  and  several 
semi-civilised  industries  developed.  Such  were  blanket-weaving  and 
sheep-herding  on  a  large  scale  in  the  south-west,  and  maple  sugar 
making  among  the  Ojibways. 

Religion. — The  religion  of  the  American  Indian  has  been  generally 
misunderstood,  and  that  by  reason  of  his  own  reticence  as  much  as 
the  intolerance  and  prejudice  of  the  outsider.  He  was  trained  from 
infancy  to  hold  the  "  Great  Mystery "  sacred  and  unspeakable. 
That  Spirit  which  pervades  the  universe  in  its  every  phase  and 
form  was  not  to  be  trifled  with  by  him  in  express  terms.  The 
Indian  cultivated  his  mind  and  soul  so  as  to  feel,  hear  and  see  God  in 
Nature.  He  distinguished  clearly  between  intellect  and  spirit,  and 
while  conceding  to  man  superior  intelligence,  as  evidenced  by  the 
gift  of  articulate  speech,  he  perceived  in  the  unerring  instinct  of  the 
dumb  creation  something  mysterious  and  divine. 

He  had  absolute  faith  in  the  immortality  of  the  spirit,  believing 
that  the  "  Great  Mystery  "  had  breathed  something  of  himself  into 
every  human  frame.  The  highest  type  of  prayer  was  offered  fasting 
and  alone  in  a  solitary  place,  if  possible  upon  a  mountain-top,  and 
was  a  true  communion  of  spirits,  far  above  all  earthly  or  selfish 
desire.  There  was  also  a  secondary  form  of  prayer  for  bodily  wel- 


SIXTH   SESSION  371 

fare  or  the  satisfaction  of  material  needs,  in  which  the  Indian 
appealed  to  his  father  the  Sun,  the  great-grandfather  Rock,  or  the 
spirits  of  animals  as  intermediaries.  The  rites  of  this  worship 
were  purely  symbolic.  He  believed  in  the  intercession  of  the 
souls  of  the  departed,  and  there  were  totems  or  emblematic  devices 
to  which  a  certain  sacredness  was  attached,  as  talismans,  not  as 
idols. 

His  religious  teachers  were  the  women,  and,  above  all,  the 
mothers,  who  cultivated  the  spiritual  nature  of  the  child  before  its 
birth,  by  thinking  pure  and  high  thoughts  in  nature's  solitudes, 
and  continued  it  later  by  the  continual  suggestion  of  a  listening 
attitude — one  of  openness  to  the  Unseen  Powers.  In  a  word,  this 
simple  religion  of  his  was  an  attitude  of  mind  rather  than  a  dogma, 
and  consisted  in  the  all  but  universal  sentiments  of  humility, 
reverence,  and  devotion. 

The  Social  Law. — The  unwritten  codes  of  the  wild  tribes  were 
not  easily  changed  nor  often  broken.  The  punishment  of  the  trans- 
gressor was  direct  and  sure.  It  should  never  be  forgotten  that 
primitive  life  on  this  continent  was  not  a  life  of  licence,  but  in 
many  respects  of  a  strict  etiquette  and  an  austere  morality. 

There  was  never  any  promiscuous  intermingling  of  the  sexes 
permitted  among  us.  Girls  and  boys  were  not  allowed  to  play 
together  after  reaching  the  age  of  ten  or  twelve  years.  No  young 
man  could  talk  to  a  girl  unless  he  desired  to  make  her  his  wife. 
Even  brothers  and  sisters  might  not  talk  and  jest  freely  together, 
but  were  expected  to  preserve  the  utmost  dignity  and  decorum. 

Marriage  was  not  allowed  within  the  clan.  It  was  considered 
that  the  reproductive  power  was  the  most  mysterious  and  sacred 
gift  of  the  Divine  to  man,  and  it  was  safeguarded  with  much 
anxiety  and  reverence.  The  honour  and  trust  given  to  woman  in 
motherhood  won  for  her  a  peculiar  precedence,  as  all-important 
among  created  beings.  The  lineage  of  our  chiefs  was  reckoned  in 
the  maternal  line,  and  the  purity  of  our  girls  was  sacredly  guarded 
by  each  succeeding  generation.  The  annual  "  Feast  of  Virgins " 
was  established  as  evidence  and  incentive  to  such  purity ;  and  the 
Sioux  had  a  custom  which  allowed  a  young  man  to  reject  his 
bride  publicly  if  upon  receiving  her  she  was  found  to  be 
unchaste. 

It  is  true  that  in  the  wild  life  a  plurality  of  wives  was  per- 
mitted under  certain  conditions.  The  reasons  for  it  are  thus  ex- 
plained. Our  young  men,  being  so  ambitious  for  honour  in  the 
"  feather  count,"  or  record  of  brave  deeds,  many  of  them  were 
killed  without  leaving  successors.  Furthermore,  it  was  customary 
to  limit  the  children  of  one  mother  to  five,  some  of  whom  would 


372  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

probably  not  live  to  maturity,  therefore  the  tribe  increased  very 
slowly,  if  at  all,  in  numbers.  The  conditions  imposed  were,  first, 
that  only  a  man  of  superb  physique  and  superior  ability  should 
have  more  than  one  wife ;  second,  that  the  wives  should  be 
sisters ;  third,  that  all  concerned  should  be  agreed  in  the  matter, 
and  it  was  thought  better  that  the  proposition  should  come 
from  the  woman's  parents.  In  this  manner,  the  blood  of  the 
family  was  kept  distinct,  and  the  relation  both  honourable  and 
happy. 

Medicine-men  were  public  servants,  asking  no  fee  for  their 
services,  and  until  commercialism  was  introduced  and  their  primi- 
tive faith  destroyed,  they  were  very  influential  and  useful  members 
of  the  community.  The  majority  were  simply  herbalists,  using 
well-tried  vegetable  remedies,  and  there  were  many  varieties  of 
mental  healers  who  undertook  to  re-create  the  physical  man  through 
spiritual  influences.  They  made  use  of  music  and  charms  to  gain 
the  attention  of  the  patient,  employed  vapour  baths  frequently  and 
occasionally  a  little  blood-letting,  but  did  not  practise  surgery  in 
any  form. 

War  was  regarded  primarily  as  a  test  and  development  of  the 
qualities  of  manhood ;  its  object  was  never  conquest  or  self- 
aggrandisement.  In  the  old  days  the  Indians  seldom  took  captives 
or  any  sort  of  plunder.  The  scalp-lock  was  merely  the  necessary 
evidence  of  success.  Most  barbarous  mutilations  of  the  body 
belonged  to  the  transition  or  "  whisky  period,"  and  it  was  only 
necessary  to  touch  the  body  of  a  fallen  enemy  at  the  risk  of  one's 
own  life  to  win  the  coveted  eagle- feather.  The  early  European 
colonists  did  not  hesitate  to  utilise  this  scalp-lock  custom  of  the 
"  savages,"  and  offered  bounties  for  scalps,  including  those  of  women 
and  children.  •'•£>" 

A  loyal  and  disinterested  friendship  was  one  of  the  finest  things 
developed  by  the  first  North  American,  who  knew  how  to  be  a 
true  comrade,  even  to  death.  Intelligence  combined  with  patriotism 
meant  leadership,  and  was  always  at  a  premium.  Of  culture  in  the 
technical  sense  he  had  none,  but  that  his  mind  was  logical  and  keen 
is  sufficiently  proved  by  his  oratory  and  his  generalship.  His  chil- 
dren were  taught  to  obey  :  silence,  self-control,  self-denial,  these  were 
the  foundations  of  character-building.  There  was  a  school  of  the 
woods  in  which  the  young  were  systematically  trained  in  body  and 
mind,  by  sports  and  native  arts  of  many  kinds,  nature-study  and 
wood-craft,  together  with  a  thorough  drill  in  tribal  history,  tradition, 
and  folk-lore. 

The  position  of  women  has  already  been  indicated  in  some 
degree.  The  mother  was  the  head  of  the  family,  and  nothing  of 


SIXTH   SESSION  373 

importance  was  determined  upon  without  her  approval.  Women 
were  admitted  to  the  society  of  the  "  medicine-lodge "  on  equal 
terms,  and  sometimes  invited  to  a  seat  in  the  council.  Some  tribes 
had  female  chiefs. 

The  Transition  Period.  First  effects  of  Civilisation. — The  first 
effects  of  contact  between  this  primitive  race,  with  its  Spartan 
virtues  and  non-progressive  philosophy,  and  the  strenuous  and 
dominant  Anglo-Saxon  race  were,  speaking  broadly,  destructive 
and  demoralising,  leading  only  after  untold  misery  to  an  era  of 
reconstruction  and  progress.  These  results  may  be  grouped  in 
two  classes :  those  which  were  natural  and  inevitable,  and  those 
which  were  the  fruits  of  a  deliberate  policy. 

The  conflicts  born  of  a  disputed  occupancy  of  the  soil  were 
doubtless  largely  inevitable.  It  has  been  plausibly  argued  that 
the  Indian  had  no  possessory  rights  in  territory  he  did  not  use 
except  as  a  hunting-ground ;  but  no  such  principle  is  found  in 
the  white  man's  law,  and  as  a  matter  of  fact  his  rights  were  recog- 
nised from  first  to  last  by  treaty  and  purchase.  Unfortunately, 
the  red  man  did  not  understand  his  white  brother.  He  innocently 
supposed  that  on  this  vast  continent  there  was  room  for  both, 
where  each  could  peaceably  develop  his  peculiar  mode  of  life.  It 
is  almost  unnecessary  to  say  that  he  was  slow  to  recognise  the 
superiority  of  an  organised  form  of  society,  and  unwilling  to  accept 
the  arts  and  letters,  customs  and  religion  of  the  invader  until 
brought  to  see  the  stern  necessity  of  so  doing  by  starvation,  oppres- 
sion, and  suffering  in  many  forms. 

It  was  equally  inevitable  that  the  vices  of  the  more  sophisticated 
race  should  be  imitated  by  the  simpler ;  and  being  in  no  degree 
immune  to  their  effects,  the  resulting  degradation  was  rapid  and 
apparently  hopeless.  Trade  for  furs  and  other  articles  of  value, 
initiated  by  the  cupidity  of  the  white  man,  helped  to  accomplish 
the  downfall  of  the  red,  by  substituting  a  desire  for  gain  for  his 
native  uncalculating  generosity,  but  yet  more  by  the  unprincipled 
use  of  strong  drink,  which  the  early  traders  found  to  be  of  invaluable 
assistance  in  controlling  and  defrauding  him.  In  the  train  of 
whisky  and  drunkenness  came  debauchery  and  diseases  caused 
by  immorality ;  then  the  hitherto  unknown  and  frightful  small-pox, 
decimating  many  tribes  and  wiping  out  whole  bands  ;  and  finally 
the  white  plague,  tuberculosis,  following  inevitably  upon  a 
sedentary  and  indoor  life  in  unsanitary  dwellings  (whose  use  was 
suggested  or  compelled  by  the  white  man),  together  with  poor  and 
insufficient  food. 

The  Christian  missionary,  especially  the  "  Black  Robe,"  pressed 
close  upon  the  heels  of  the  trader,  and  though  urged  by  the  best 


374  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

of  motives  nevertheless  made  grave  mistakes.  Misunderstanding 
and  denouncing  the  Indian's  own  religion  as  "devil-worship,"  he 
often  succeeded  only  in  overthrowing  the  native  philosophy  without 
substituting  anything  better,  and  many  of  the  early  converts  were 
such  in  name  only,  being  recruited  from  among  the  loafers  and 
sycophants  of  the  tribes,  while  the  stronger  characters  held  proudly 
aloof. 

History  makes  it  plain  to  us  that  the  European  colonists  at 
first  shared  in  the  Indians'  misconception  of  their  ultimate  relation. 
Vast  tracts  of  land  far  to  the  westward  of  the  settlements  were 
set  aside  from  time  to  time  for  their  perpetual  occupancy,  only 
to  be  again  seized  upon  in  a  few  years  as  the  country  developed. 
Finally,  each  tribe  made  its  last  stand,  fighting  with  wonderful  but 
hopeless  courage  and  temporary  success  against  overwhelming  odds, 
and  one  by  one  they  were  subdued  and  overthrown,  not  without 
the  help  of  such  means  as  the  wholesale  extermination  of  game* 
the  use  of  tribe  against  tribe,  and  even  the  bribery  and  corruption 
of  chiefs  and  headmen  to  induce  them  to  betray  their  people. 
The  horrors  and  cruelties  of  Indian  warfare  are  attributable  not 
only  to  the  desperate  situation  of  the  natives  and  fierce  resentment 
caused  by  the  continual  treaty-breaking,  but  to  their  possession 
of  knives  and  modern  fire-arms  gained  in  trade. 

Upon  their  complete  subjugation  followed  the  "reservation 
period,"  in  the  case  of  those  tribes  whose  game  was  destroyed 
necessarily  including  the  pauperising  effect  of  the  issue  of  regular 
rations  ;  and  in  this  miserable  prison  existence,  at  the  mercy  of 
petty  officials  bent  on  "  graft,"  the  manhood  of  the  Indian  suffered 
its  final  eclipse,  and  his  beggarly  apathy  was  like  that  of  a  wild 
animal  confined  in  a  zoological  garden. 

We  may  say  now  without  much  fear  of  contradiction  that  the 
reservation  policy  was  a  mistake,  the  fruits  of  a  radical  misappre- 
hension of  the  red  man's  native  capacity.  A  generation  ago  it 
was  common  to  affirm  his  absolute  inability  to  assimilate  the  white 
man's  civilisation.  There  was,  of  course,  no  such  inability,  but 
merely  a  lack  of  motive  and  opportunity  ;  in  other  words,  it  was 
a  simple  question  of  adaptation  to  environment.  Yet  this  shallow 
and  immoral  doctrine  has  been  embodied  in  such  well-known 
sayings  as  "  There's  no  good  Indian  but  a  dead  Indian,"  and  "  You 
can  no  more  civilise  an  Indian  than  you  can  civilise  a  rattlesnake  "  ; 
the  one  attributed  to  a  famous  general,  the  other  to  a  United  States 
senator.  At  the  opposite  extreme,  and  the  one  gradually  coming 
into  full  acceptance  by  a  more  enlightened  generation,  we  have 
General  Pratt's  unanswerable  logic:  "To  civilise  the  Indian,  get 
him  into  civilisation  ! " 


SIXTH    SESSION  375 

<x\  Inter-racial  Marriage. — The  intermingling  of  the  blood  of  the 
aborigines  of  America  with  that  of  their  white  conquerors  began 
at  an  early  period,  and  has  continued  in  growing  measure  to  the 
present  day.  In  their  origin  these  were  usually  mere  temporary 
alliances,  entered  into  solely  for  the  pleasure  and  convenience  of 
the  border  white  man,  and  opposed  by  the  better  class  of  Indians, 
who  saw  in  them  a  menace  to  their  racial  integrity.  The  children 
of  these  unions  form  the  numerous  and  much  abused  race  of  "  half- 
breeds,"  whose  fathers  are  of  all  nationalities,  the  French  and 
Scotch  predominating,  and  of  all  classes  from  army  officers  and 
gentlemen  through  wealthy  Indian  traders  and  rough  pioneers 
to  fugitives  from  justice.  The  great  majority  have  cast  in  their 
lot  with  their  mothers'  people  and  grown  up  as  "  Indians,"  with 
slight  if  any  advantage  over  the  mass  of  these.  The  common  slur 
which  attributes  to  the  mixed-blood  "  the  vices  of  both  races  and 
the  virtues  of  neither "  is  absolutely  unjust.  Many  of  them  have 
been  men  and  women  of  good  abilities  and  fine  character ;  and 
of  the  reckless  and  dissipated  class,  it  should  in  fairness  be  said 
that  their  weaknesses  are  due  not  to  a  mixture  of  blood  which 
has  many  times  proved  fortunate,  but  to  a  vicious  heredity  or 
indifferent  bringing  up,  or  both  together. 

Within  the  past  twenty  or  thirty  years,  and  occasionally  before 
that  time,  there  have  been  a  great  many  inter-marriages  of  a 
different  character,  between  educated  Indians  and  Caucasians ;  and 
whereas  in  the  early  days  only  Indian  women  contracted  these 
alliances,  of  late  years  almost  as  many  Indian  men  choose  Anglo- 
Saxon  wives.  Such  marriages,  based  upon  mutual  sympathy  and 
affection,  have  been  generally  happy  and  have  had  the  best 
results. 

Since  it  is  admittedly  impossible  for  the  Indian  to  continue  to 
exist  as  a  separate  race,  with  his  proper  racial  characteristics  and 
customs,  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  race  amalgamation 
is  the  only  final  and  full  solution  of  the  problem,  and  only  in  this 
sense,  implying  no  lack  of  vitality,  but  quite  the  reverse,  is  the 
American  Indian  a  "dying  race."  In  remote  parts  of  Canada, 
where  there  is  as  yet  no  pressure  of  white  population,  the  process 
may  take  a  longer  time  ;  but,  at  the  present  rate,  it  will  not  be 
two  hundred  years,  perhaps  not  even  a  hundred,  before  the  full- 
blooded  Indian  is  extinct. 

The  Outlook. — Looking  toward  the  future,  we  can  affirm  that 
the  educational  policy  of  the  last  thirty  or  forty  years,  both  in 
the  United  States  and  Canada,  built  upon  an  earlier  but  inadequate 
system  of  mission  schools,  is,  broadly  speaking,  a  success,  and 
if  adopted  much  earlier  on  the  present  large  scale  would  long 


376  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

since  have  settled  the  whole  question.  Many  millions  of  dollars, 
in  part  "  trust  funds "  belonging  to  the  tribes,  and  in  part  direct 
appropriations,  have  been  expended  for  building  and  maintaining 
a  large  number  of  Indian  schools,  with  an  army  of  white  and 
native  teachers.  Industries,  manners,  and  morals  form  an  important 
part  of  the  curriculum,  and  the  best  schools  lay  particular  stress 
upon  hygiene  and  sanitation — a  most  essential  feature,  as  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  the  Indian's  health  has  commonly  suffered  from 
close  confinement. 

However,  the  best  individual  results  have  been  attained  by 
bringing  the  young  Indian  into  direct  contact  and  competition 
with  Caucasian  youth,  as  warmly  advocated  by  General  Pratt,  a 
thinker  and  administrator  of  the  first  rank,  and  the  founder  of 
the  Carlisle  School.  The  whole  system  of  race  segregation  and 
separation  is  a  mistake,  except  as  a  temporary  expedient,  as  applied 
to  a  comparatively  small  number  of  individuals  who  can  undoubtedly 
be  trained  and  assimilated  without  serious  difficulty,  provided 
thorough  measures  are  taken.  There  is  already  a  fraction  which 
is  socially,  commercially,  and  professionally  at  one  with  the  general 
population,  while  a  majority  of  the  whole  have  received  allotments 
of  land  in  severalty,  and  have  become  citizens. 

At  the  present  time,  it  is  not  so  much  a  question  of  the  Indians 
themselves  as  of  the  Indian  Bureau  at  Washington.  Only  about 
350,000  of  the  natives  are  left,  some  260,000  of  them  in  the  United 
States,  and  these  are  pretty  well  scattered  throughout  the  western 
half  of  the  country,  completely  surrounded  by,  and  in  many  case 
intermingled  with,  the  white  population.  It  is  the  huge,  unwieldy 
system  that  has  grown  up  both  at  Washington  and  in  the  field 
that  hampers  the  development  of  the  "new  Indian"  and  tends  to 
perpetuate  his  state  of  wardship  and  partial  dependence.  The 
sooner  all  restrictions  can  be  removed,  all  specialising  institutions 
discontinued,  and  all  trust  funds  divided  per  capita,  the  better 
for  the  manhood  and  full  independence  of  the  Indian  citizen. 

There  is  much  to  be  thankful  for  in  that  the  land  question 
is  now  practically  settled.  Indian  wars  have  presumably  ceased, 
most  of  the  younger  generation  of  Indians  speak  some  English,  and 
have  at  least  a  modicum  of  education,  their  interests  are  fully 
identified  with  those  of  their  white  neighbours,  and  the  latent 
genius  of  my  race  in  art,  eloquence,  mechanics,  or  what  not  is 
in  a  fair  way  to  be  utilised  towards  the  fuller  development  of  the 
twentieth  century. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


SIXTH   SESSION  377 

THE  METIS,   OR   HALF-BREEDS,  OF   BRAZIL 
By  Dr.  JEAN  BAPTISTE  DE  LACERDA,  Rio  de  Janeiro. 

Director  of  the  National  Museum  of  Rio  de  Janeiro,  Corresponding 
Member  of  various  scientific  societies  of  Europe  and  America, 
Honorary  Professor  in  the  Faculty  of  Medicine  at  the 
University  of  Chile. 

As  the  narrow  limits  within  which  I  must  confine  myself  do  not 
allow  me  to  write  as  lengthy  a  paper  as  my  subject  requires,  I 
shall  give  only  a  short  account,  without  much  development,  dealing 
with  the  essential  and  really  important  aspects  of  the  question. 
From  the  anthropological  and  social  point  of  view,  the  question  of 
the  metis  has  an  exceptional  importance  in  Brazil ;  chiefly  because 
the  proportion  of  metis  in  its  mixed  population  is  very  high,  and 
these  products  of  the  intercourse  of  the  negro  and  the  white  are 
largely  represented  in  social  and  political  life. 

In  order  that  we  may,  a  little  later,  establish  certain  conclusions 
in  regard  to  the  future  of  the  metis  of  Brazil,  we  must  begin  by 
settling  an  anthropological  question  which  many  regard  as  still 
unsettled.  It  is  the  question  whether  we  are  to  conceive  the  whites 
and  the  blacks  as  two  races  or  two  species.  Polygenists,  basing 
their  opinion  on  the  difference  in  physical  characters  between  the 
white  and  the  black,  which  they  regard  as  deeper  than  the  differences 
that  separate  many  species  in  the  animal  world,  consider  them  to  be 
two  species  of  the  genus  Homo.  Those  who  reason  thus,  however, 
forget  that  there  is  the  same  difference  in  physical  characters  between 
various  races  of  the  same  animal  species  ;  for  instance,  in  the  species 
of  Cants  familiaris,  and  in  certain  species  of  birds,  in  which  natural 
or  artificial  selection  has  brought  about  a  diversity  of  races  with 
greater  differences  in  the  physical  characters — colour,  form,  and 
stature — than  we  find  between  the  white  man  and  the  black.  Science 
has  as  yet  no  infallible  criterion  by  which  it  can  distinguish  races 
from  species.  The  one  test  by  which  we  can  provide  a  secure 
foundation  for  this  distinction  is  the  fertility  or  infertility  of  the 
offspring  which  results  from  crossing  the  two  species  in  question. 
If  their  progeny  continue  to  reproduce  in  successive  generations,  the 
parents  constitute  a  race.  If,  on  the  contrary,  they  prove  sterile,  the 
parents  which  were  crossed  must  be  considered  species. 

Admitting  this  principle,  which  seems  to  me  sounder  physiologi- 
cally and  more  natural  than  any  of  the  others,  I  have  no  difficulty  in 
granting  that  the  white  man  and  the  black  man  are  merely  two  races, 
and  not  two  distinct  species.  Every  one  is  aware  that  the  metis,  who 


378  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

come  of  the  mating  of  the  white  and  the  black,  remain  fertile  for 
many  generations. 

While,  however,  the  whites  and  the  blacks  preserve  their  respective 
racial  characters  for  an  indefinite  period — a  quality  which  is  known 
as  their  fixity — the  metis,  or  half-breeds  born  of  their  intercourse,  do 
not.  They  are  not  a  real  race,  because  many  of  their  physical 
characters  are  not  fixed,  but  tend  to  vary  at  each  new  crossing ; 
sometimes  they  diverge  toward  the  white  type,  sometimes  toward 
the  black.  This  innate  tendency  of  the  metis,  depriving  them 
of  the  characteristic  qualities  of  a  fixed  race,  has  a  considerable 
influence  in  the  transformations  that  a  mixed  population  must 
experience  in  the  course  of  ages,  when  the  mating  of  individuals 
is  not  subject  to  precise  social  rules,  and  the  metis  are  quite 
free  to  mate  with  the  whites,  thus  giving  rise  to  offspring  which 
diverges  more  and  more,  every  time,  from  the  black  to  the  white 
type. 

That  is  the  actual  condition  of  the  mixed  population  of  Brazil. 
The  negro,  an  almost  complete  savage,  bought  in  the  African 
markets  and  transported  to  the  Brazilian  coast  by  Portuguese  traders 
during  the  first  half  of  the  last  century,  arrived  there  in  a  state 
of  the  most  abject  brutality  to  which  a  race  of  men  can  fall.  The 
adventurers  who  were  then  exploiting  the  fertile  soil  of  Brazil 
treated  them  worse  than  domestic  animals,  and  inflicted  the  most 
cruel  and  humiliating  trials  on  them.  During  the  voyage  they  shut 
them  in  the  hold  at  the  least  sign  of  revolt,  closed  the  hatches,  and 
emptied  sacks  of  lime  in  the  close  atmosphere.  Some  died  of  famine, 
others  of  thirst,  and  others  were  asphyxiated  by  the  exhalations  of 
the  crowd,  vitiating  the  air  in  which  they  lived.  The  Governments 
of  several  civilised  nations  stood  out  against  this  inhuman  conduct, 
which  did  not  press  in  the  least  on  the  conscience  of  the  murderous 
traders.  England,  amongst  other  countries,  was  compelled  to  tolerate 
piracy  in  order  to  put  an  end  to  this  disgraceful  traffic. 

Landed  on  the  coast  in  the  most  sequestered  and  least  accessible 
spots,  these  masses  of  human  beings  were  divided  into  lots  and 
sold  to  the  owners  of  the  estates,  who  did  not  scruple  to  separate  wives 
from  husbands,  children  from  parents,  according  to  the  pleasure  of  the 
bidders.  In  this  way,  for  the  cultivation  of  the  soil,  the  Portuguese 
introduced  nearly  two  million  blacks  into  Brazil.  This  unhealthy 
introduction  of  slaves  has  hampered  the  destiny  of  Brazil  down  to 
our  own  time,  and  has  had  disastrous  moral  consequences  which  only 
the  slow  action  of  time  will  wholly  efface. 

The  negroes,  as  they  arrived,  were  conveyed  to  the  interior,  where 
they  died  in  large  numbers  after  undergoing  all  kinds  of  misery. 
The  most  surprising  feature  of  the  situation  is  that  the  masters,  with- 


SIXTH   SESSION  379 

out  the  least  delicacy,  made  concubines  of  their  female  slaves,  and 
these  unions  of  white  and  black  naturally  became  very  numerous. 

In  a  very  few  years  the  districts  surrounding  the  rural  estates  had 
a  large  population  of  metis.  They  shared  the  lot  of  their  mothers, 
and  remained  under  the  yoke  of  their  common  master.  As  they  were 
more  active  and  intelligent  than  the  blacks,  they  soon  made  their 
way  into  the  homes  and  were  occupied  in  domestic  service.  Many 
of  them  won  the  esteem  of  their  masters  and  those  about  them. 
Some  of  them,  giving  proof  of  real  intelligence  and  devotion  to  their 
employers,  were,  from  a  feeling  of  gratitude,  emancipated  by  the 
latter,  and  were  given  the  rudiments  of  an  artistic  education.  In 
this  way  some  of  them  became  clever  mechanics,  carpenters,  cabinet- 
makers, and  even  tailors.  I  have  known  personally  an  emancipated 
mulatto  who  had  by  his  own  ability  obtained  the  diploma  of  a  doctor 
of  medicine,  and  was  a  credit  to  his  profession  throughout  his  life. 

The  progress  of  the  metis  up  the  social  ladder,  which  began  in 
the  time  of  their  slavery,  has  continued  to  our  own  time  in  accord- 
ance with  the  laws  of  intellectual  selection.  We  must  recognise  the 
generous  feelings  of  the  majority  of  the  Brazilian  slave-owners.  They 
showed  a  really  Christian  spirit  in  improving,  as  far  as  possible,  the 
lot  of  the  children  of  slaves  born  on  their  estates.  How  many  times 
have  we  not  seen  masters  who  did  not  hesitate  to  bring  their  little 
mulatto  slaves  to  the  family  table  ?  They  looked  after  their  food 
and  clothing,  and  treated  them  with  kindness  and  gentleness  when 
they  were  ill.  The  female  mulattoes  were  often  dressed  in  the 
fashion  of  the  hour,  wore  jewellery,  and,  acting  as  maids  of  honour, 
they  followed  the  master's  daughters  when  they  were  out  walking, 
going  to  church,  or  taking  part  in  public  festivals.  It  was  no 
less  uncommon  at  that  time  to  see  the  master's  son  accompanied  by 
a  metis  of  the  same  age  when  he  was  out  hunting  or  riding  or 
going  to  the  country  balls,  which  were  attended  by  people  of  every 
class.  As  a  rule  the  slave-owners  employed  negresses  or  mulattoes 
to  nurse  their  children.  These  fortunate  women  were  emanci- 
pated as  soon  as  their  work  was  over,  and  nearly  always  continued  to 
live  in  freedom  under  the  same  roof  and  have  various  privileges. 
The  aged  negroes  were  only  employed  in  light  occupations ;  during 
the  remainder  of  their  time  they  chatted  with  the  master's  young 
children,  telling  them  odd  stories  that  were  calculated  to  strike 
the  imagination. 

The  contact  of  the  Portuguese  and  the  negro  in  the  regions  of  the 
New  World  assumed  a  character  quite  different  from  that  of  the 
Anglo-Saxons  in  contact  with  the  same  race.  While  the  Portuguese 
did  not  hesitate  to  mix  with  the  negro  to  the  extent  of  begetting  a 
mixed  offspring,  the  Anglo-Saxon,  more  jealous  of  the  purity  of  his 


38o  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

lineage,  kept  the  negro  at  a  distance,  and  merely  used  him  as  an 
instrument  of  toil.  It  is  a  curious  and  remarkable  fact  that  neither 
the  lapse  of  time  nor  any  other  factor  has  been  able  to  alter  this  early 
attitude  of  the  North  Americans,  who  keep  the  black  race  separated 
from  the  white  population  down  to  our  own  days.  Brazil  acted 
differently.  The  whites  there  set  up  a  race  of  metis  that  is  scattered 
to-day  over  a  vast  extent  of  its  territory. 

Galton's  deductions  in  regard  to  hybridity  in  animals  cannot  be 
wholly  applied  to  human  half-breeds.  In  the  case  of  man  there  is  an 
inheritance  of  moral  and  intellectual  qualities  that  follows  no  fixed 
and  absolute  rules.  Under  the  influence  of  agencies  of  which  we  do 
not  know  the  nature,  the  intellectual  qualities  often  reach,  in  the 
mixed  progeny  of  the  white  and  black,  a  degree  of  superiority  which 
cannot  be  explained  in  terms  of  heredity,  either  remote  or  proximate. 
Some  unknown  force  gives  rise  in  them  to  an  intelligence  that 
is  capable  of  developing  to  a  pitch  that  neither  of  the  parents  could 
reach.  It  is,  in  fact,  common  to  find,  as  the  offspring  of  a  white 
of  very  mediocre  intelligence,  mated  with  a  negress  of  the  lowest 
grade  of  culture,  an  individual  of  considerable  intellectual  power ; 
just  as  if  one  of  the  effects  of  crossing  in  the  case  of  man  was 
precisely  to  improve  the  intelligence,  or  the  moral  and  reflective 
qualities  which  distinguish  individuals  of  the  two  races  crossed. 

Although  it  is  impossible  to  say  that  the  metis  are  models  of 
beauty,  either  in  their  figure  or  contour,  it  is  nevertheless  quite  true 
that,  especially  in  the  female  sex,  we  meet  types  with  graceful  and 
well-proportioned  figures.  The  voluptuous  instincts  are  strongly 
developed  in  most  of  them,  and  may  be  traced  in  their  languorous 
eyes,  thick  lips,  indolent  tone,  and  comparative  slowness  of  speech. 
As  a  rule  they  are  not  muscular,  and  they  seem  to  have  little  power 
of  resisting  disease.  Tuberculosis,  especially,  claims  many  victims 
among  them.  They  are  habitually  courageous,  bold,  intelligent,  very 
talkative,  and  extremely  imaginative.  From  the  moral  point  of  view, 
however,  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  it  is  not  possible  to  place 
a  blind  confidence  in  their  loyalty  or  their  probity. 

They  have  black  or  chestnut  hair,  inclining  to  redness  at  times  ; 
and  it  is  almost  always  curly,  very  rarely  straight.  Their  eyes  are 
of  chestnut-brown,  sometimes  a  little  greenish.  Their  teeth  are  less 
protruding  and  less  regular  than  those  of  the  black.  In  some  of  them 
the  alveolar  prognathism  and  the  dark  colouring  of  the  Malpighian 
mucous  layer  are  quite  visible.  Their  complexion  varies  consider- 
ably, from  a  dark  yellowish  or  olive  to  a  dull  white.  They  are 
usually  dolichocephalic  and  platyrrhine;  the  cephalic  and  nasal 
index,  however,  vary  over  an  extensive  scale.  As  agricultural 
workers  the  metis  are  obviously  inferior  to  the  blacks,  whose  physical 


SIXTH   SESSION  381 

robustness  and  muscular  strength  they  have  not  inherited.  They 
have  scarcely  shown  any  capacity  for  commercial  or  industrial  life. 
As  a  rule,  they  squander  what  they  have,  are  irresistibly  fond  of 
ostentation,  are  unpractical  in  their  affairs,  versatile,  and  intemperate 
in  their  enterprises.  No  one,  however,  can  dispute  that  they  are 
keenly  intelligent  and  have  a  disposition  for  letters  and  science,  and 
a  fair  political  capacity.  The  metis  of  Brazil  have  given  birth  down 
to  our  own  time  to  poets  of  no  mean  inspiration,  painters,  sculptors, 
distinguished  musicians,  magistrates,  lawyers,  eloquent  orators, 
remarkable  writers,  medical  men,  and  engineers,  who  have  been 
unrivalled  in  their  technical  skill  and  professional  ability.  As 
politicians  they  are  clever,  insinuating,  and  very  acute  in  profiting  by 
any  favourable  opportunity  to  secure  a  position  ;  they  are  usually 
energetic  and  courageous  in  the  struggle,  in  which  they  use  every 
weapon  with  equal  zest. 

From  all  this  it  is  clear  that,  contrary  to  the  opinion  of  many 
writers,  the  crossing  of  the  black  with  the  white  does  not  generally 
produce  offspring  of  an  inferior  intellectual  quality ;  and  if  these  half- 
breeds  are  not  able  to  compete  in  other  qualities  with  the  stronger 
races  of  the  Aryan  stock,  if  they  have  not  so  pronounced  an  instinct 
of  civilisation  as  the  latter,  it  is  none  the  less  certain  that  we  cannot 
place  the  metis  at  the  level  of  really  inferior  races.  They  are 
physically  and  intellectually  well  above  the  level  of  the  blacks,  who 
were  an  ethnical  element  in  their  production. 

The  co-operation  of  the  metis  in  the  advance  of  Brazil  is  notorious 
and  far  from  inconsiderable.  They  played  the  chief  part  during 
many  years  in  Brazil  in  the  campaign  for  the  abolition  of  slavery.  I 
could  quote  celebrated  names  of  more  than  one  of  these  metis 
who  put  themselves  at  the  head  of  the  literary  movement.  They 
fought  with  firmness  and  intrepidity  in  the  Press  and  on  the  platform. 
They  faced  with  courage  the  gravest  perils  to  which  they  were 
exposed  in  their  struggle  against  the  powerful  slave-owners,  who  had 
the  protection  of  a  conservative  Government.  They  gave  evidence 
of  sentiments  of  patriotism,  self-denial,  and  appreciation  during  the 
long  campaign  in  Paraguay,  fighting  heroically  at  the  boarding 
of  the  ships  in  the  naval  battle  of  Riachuelo  and  in  the  attacks 
on  the  Brazilian  army,  on  numerous  occasions  in  the  course  of  this 
long  South-American  war.  It  was  owing  to  their  support  that  the 
Republic  was  erected  on  the  ruins  of  the  empire. 

Prejudices  of  race  and  colour,  which  were  never  so  firmly  rooted 
in  Brazil  as  one  finds  them  in  the  population  of  North  America,  have 
lost  much  more  of  their  strength  since  the  Republic  was  proclaimed. 
As  the  new  regime  opened  the  door  to  all  talent,  many  able  mulattoes 
succeeded  in  gaining  admission  to  the  highest  political  offices  in  the 


382  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

country.  In  the  National  Congress,  the  courts,  higher  education,  the 
diplomatic  world,  and  the  highest  branches  of  the  administration,  the 
mulattoes  now  occupy  a  prominent  position.  They  have  a  great 
influence  on  the  government  of  the  country. 

Marriages  between  metis  and  whites  are  no  longer  disdained 
as  they  formerly  were,  now  that  the  high  position  of  the  mulatto  and 
the  proof  of  his  moral  qualities  have  led  people  to  overlook  the 
evident  contrast  of  his  physical  characters,  and  his  black  origin  is 
lost  sight  of  in  the  approximation  of  his  moral  and  intellectual 
qualities  to  those  of  the  white. 

The  mulatto  himself  endeavours,  by  marriage,  to  bring  back  his 
descendants  to  the  pure  white  type.  Children  of  metis  have 
been  found,  in  the  third  generation,  to  present  all  the  physical 
characters  of  the  white  race,  although  some  of  them  retain  a 
few  traces  of  their  black  ancestry  through  the  influence  of  atavism. 
The  influence  of  sexual  selection,  however,  tends  to  neutralise  that  of 
atavism,  and  removes  from  the  descendants  of  the  metis  all  the 
characteristic  features  of  the  black  race.  In  virtue  of  this  process  of 
ethnic  reduction,  it  is  logical  to  expect  that  in  the  course  of  another 
century  the  metis  will  have  disappeared  from  Brazil.  This  will 
coincide  with  the  parallel  extinction  of  the  black  race  in  our  midst. 
When  slavery  was  abolished,  the  black,  left  to  himself,  began  to 
abandon  the  centres  of  civilisation.  Exposed  to  all  kinds  of 
destructive  agencies,  and  without  sufficient  resources  to  maintain 
themselves,  the  negroes  are  scattered  over  the  thinly  populated 
districts,  and  tend  to  disappear  from  our  territory. 

The  mixed  population  of  Brazil  will,  therefore,  present  a  very 
different  aspect  in  another  century  from  that  which  it  has  to-day. 
The  current  of  European  immigration  increasing  every  day,  the 
white  element  of  the  population  will  after  a  time  displace  the 
elements  which  might  retain  any  of  the  characters  of  the  negro. 
Brazil  will  then  become  one  of  the  chief  centres  of  civilisation  in  the 
world.  It  will  be  the  great  market  of  the  wealth  of  America, 
exploiting  all  its  industries,  enjoying  every  facility  for  transport 
in  the  conduct  of  foreign  and  intra-continental  commerce,  and  filled 
with  an  active  and  enterprising  population,  which  will  occupy  the 
large  cities  on  the  coast  and  then  spread  over  the  vast  plains 
of  the  interior  and  along  the  winding  rivers  of  South  America. 

"Labor  et  Divitia"  is  the  motto  carved  over  the  gateway  of  the 
vast  region  of  Brazil,  in  which  there  is  room  enough  for  all  the  races 
of  the  world  to  live  in  harmony  and  prosperity. 

submitted  in  French.] 


bn  I>f-jo  '  oi  ,i 


SEVENTH    SESSION 

POSITIVE  SUGGESTIONS  FOR  PROMOTING 
INTER-RACIAL   FRIENDLINESS 


THE    RESPECT   WHICH   THE   WHITE    RACE 
OWES   TO   OTHER   RACES 

By  Baron  D'EsTOURNELLES  DE   CONSTANT,  Paris. 

IT  is  not  my  intention  to  speak  of  our  duties  ;  I  confine  myself  to  an 
appeal  to  our  self-interest. 

It  is  to  the  interest  of  the  white  race  to  form  some  clear  and 
precise  estimate  of  the  overwhelmingly  large  number  of  subject 
peoples  whom  so  far  we  have  succeeded  in  dominating,  regarding 
them,  in  our  pride,  as  definitely  inferior  to  ourselves.  That  we  should 
class  them  as  such  is,  to  a  certain  extent,  intelligible ;  for  it  is  obvious 
that  among  the  very  various  inhabitants  of  the  globe  not  all  have  been 
equally  endowed  with  like  advantages.  Some  are  favoured,  others 
hardly  treated  in  such  matters  as  climate  and  soil,  the  attitude  of 
their  neighbours,  or  the  accidents  of  their  own  history.  There  are 
native  races  who  are  truly  wretched  and  so  horribly  oppressed  by 
other  natives  that  conquest  by  the  white  man  has  been  their  help  and 
even  their  salvation.  While  admitting  this,  however,  we  are  bound  to 
add  that  our  classification  of  native  races  as  inferior  has  for  centuries 
allowed  a  minority  of  human  beings  to  take  unscrupulous  and  un- 
limited advantage  of  a  less  privileged  majority.  Would  the  infamous 
traffic  in  negroes  ever  have  been  tolerated  if  it  had  not  been  justified 
by  the  degradation  of  these  unfortunate  beings  to  the  position  of 
game  or  cattle?  And  so  embedded  in  our  customs  has  this  view 
of  them  become  that,  in  spite  of  the  abolition  of  slavery,  it  has  been 
necessary  to  found  societies  for  the  protection  of  natives  much  as  we 
found  societies  for  the  protection  of  animals. 

383 


384  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

We  have,  then,  to  make  a  considerable  advance  if  we  would  rid 
ourselves  of  race  prejudice ;  for  such  prejudice  has  its  advantages  and 
is  sometimes  no  more  than  a  pretext.  The  white  race,  while  possess- 
ing generous  instincts  which  no  one  can  refuse  to  recognise,  has,  at  the 
same  time,  in  its  position  as  the  dominant  race,  found  it  convenient 
to  regard  itself  as  superior  in  order  to  attribute  a  goodly  number 
of  abuses  to  the  necessities  of  advancing  civilisation.  As  though  it 
were  really  love  of  progress  that  impelled  us  to  despoil  native  races  of 
their  possessions. 

If  the  white  race  were  more  sincere  and  simply  put  in  practice 
those  Christian  principles  which  the  so-called  lower  races  are  accused 
of  not  knowing,  it  would  take  as  its  guide  the  most  elementary  of 
those  principles  :  "  Do  not  to  others  what  you  would  not  they  should 
do  unto  you,"  and  the  race  question,  like  the  social  question,  would 
never  arise  at  all.  But  these  principles  are  not  among  our  articles  of 
export,  and  they  are  applied  as  seldom  as  possible.  This  is  why 
I  have  often  wished  to  put  something  else  in  their  place :  to  wit,  new 
duties,  duties  really  human  and  not  simply  personal  or  national. 
With  the  actual  and  constantly  increasing  facilities  for  international 
communication,  large  duties,  universal  in  character,  will  in  the  end 
supersede  the  whole  body  of  domestic  obligations.  The  French 
Revolution  proclaimed  the  Rights  of  Man,  but  this  is  not  enough. 
We  must  now  pass  on  to  a  proclamation  more  disinterested,  more 
general,  more  international  in  kind.  The  Hague  Conferences  are 
only  a  first  step  ;  one  day  we  shall  begin  to  proclaim  the  Duties 
of  Man.  In  Article  48  of  the  Convention  for  the  peaceful  settlement 
of  international  disputes  the  word  "  duty "  has,  at  the  suggestion 
of  France,  been  inserted  for  the  first  time  in  an  international  agree- 
ment. This  is  a  beginning  ! 

Meanwhile,  without  pitching  our  demands  too  high,  let  us  respect 
other  races  rather  in  our  own  interest  than  in  theirs.  It  is  to  our 
interest  as  individuals  and  to  our  interest  as  nations. 

In  Tunis,  where — thanks  to  the  Protectorate,  the  Association 
policy,  and  the  co-operation  of  natives  in  the  Government — we  have 
avoided  the  melancholy  confusion  and  disorder  of  our  Algerian  regime 
and  have  at  least  made  things  better  than  they  were,  the  good 
colonist  has  always,  in  my  experience,  been  rewarded  by  the  friend- 
ship of  the  natives,  and  the  Government  itself  has  reaped  the  fruit  of 
its  tolerance  in  the  form  of  tranquillity,  increase  of  revenues,  and,  in 
short,  peaceful  prosperity.  Our  toleration  has  spared  us  the  neces- 
sity of  undertaking  ruinous  expeditions.  It  is  for  this  very  reason 
that  the  Protectorate  was  so  severely  criticised  by  those  who  favour 
the  policy  of  the  strong  hand. 

It  was  in  Tunis  that  I  received  my  first  training  in  the  policy 


SEVENTH   SESSION  385 

of  conciliation.  In  short,  the  explanation  of  French  success  in 
Tunis  is  that  there  we  have  tamed  our  own  pride  and  not  merely 
that  of  the  Arabs. 

It  is  justice  and  mildness  that,  in  last  resort,  are  at  the  root 
of  every  fruitful  form  of  human  activity.  Violence  only  sows 
hatred  ;  injustice  only  nurtures  reprisal. 

Every  country  where  these  self-evident  elementary  truths  are 
still  regarded  as  naive  and  childish  is  a  countujr  that  lies  under 


threat  of  ruin.     Punishment  under  one  form  or  another  awaits  it, 
and  terrible  will  this  punishment  be. 

When  foreign  rule  is  imposed  by  violence,  the  first  feeling 
inspired  in  the  native  is  a  grudging  dislike  and  contempt.  Little 
by  little  a  deep  but  silent  hatred  gathers  force,  and  all  our  organ- 
isation is  at  the  mercy  of  a  rising  which  will  break  forth  at  the 
first  favourable  opportunity. 

In  the  Far  East,  for  instance,  what  would  become  of  our  various 
establishments — French,  English,  Dutch,  German,  Russian,  Spanish, 
or  Portuguese — if  they  were  merely  isolated  stations  in  a  sea  of 
hostile  inhabitants?  The  only  possible  condition  on  which  we 
Europeans  can  keep  such  people  under  our  control  is  that  our 
conquest  of  them  should  be  a  moral  and  not  simply  a  material 
conquest.  In  other  words,  we  must  make  them  forget  the  material 
aspect  of  conquest  in  the  moral,  so  that  it  may  be  a  benefit  and 
not  a  scourge. 

I  said  long  ago  :  the  true  defence  of  our  colonies  is  the  sympathy 
of  the  native.  Against  hatred  which  waits  and  bides  its  time 
we  can  solace  ourselves  only  with  illusions — illusions  that  cheat 
none  but  the  ignorant. 

Nor  is  this  all.  We  European  colonisers  are  threatened  by  yet 
another  punishment  which  already  looms  in  sight.  Take  your 
stand  in  some  great  military  seaport,  and  watch  the  troops  returning 
from  the  colonies  with  all  the  air  and  prestige  of  conquerors.  Where 
is  the  white  man,  however  excellent,  who  can  be  perfectly  certain 
that  in  the  great  wide  spaces  of  our  various  European  colonies 
he  will  he  able  to  resist  the  terribly  demoralising  effect  of  unlimited 
power,  conjoined  with  the  influences  of  solitude  and  climate? 
Where  is  the  white  man  who  has  not  in  Africa  and  Asia  felt 
himself  to  be  more  or  less  master^  with  power  to  act  as  he  will, 
with  power  to  oppress?  .  .  . 

Thus  there  is  a  tendency — however  much  our  better  representa- 
tives may  resist  it  and  protest  against  it — a  regrettable  and 
retrograde  tendency  among  white  men  once  left  to  their  own 
devices  to  cultivate  and  foster  deliberately  a  brutality  whose  evil 
traditions  they  then  bring  back  with  them  to  their  mother-state ; 

2  c 


386  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

so  that  the  harm  we  thought  we  could  inflict  with  impunity  upon 
others  returns  on  our  own  heads.  He  whose  aim  it  was  to  rule 
has  become  a  slave.  The  poison  he  meant  to  spread  around  him 
has  entered  his  own  veins. 

Fortunately,  there  is  no  excess  which  does  not  provoke  its  own 
reaction  and  end  by  arousing  a  movement  of  protest.  Thus  among 
the  explorers  and  officers  in  our  colonies  and  the  enterprising  men 
of  action  who  are  fired  with  ideals  of  public  utility,  we  find  some 
admirable  individuals — apostles,  indeed,  atoning  by  their  virtue 
for  the  misdeeds  of  their  fellows.  As  elsewhere,  so  here,  only  with 
more  brutal  vividness,  the  struggle  goes  on  between  good  and 
evil.  On  the  one  side  are  the  old  instincts  of  pirate  and  slave- 
dealer  ;  on  the  other,  the  soul  of  the  saint.  Here,  as  elsewhere, 
he  who  rises  above  himself  exalts  therewith  both  his  country  and 
the  human  race.  But  this  does  not  solve  the  problem.  It  only 
sets  it  in  clearer  relief.  We  may  sum  it  up  as  follows :  the  white 
man  whose  only  aim  it  is  to  be  feared  by  the  native  is  alike 
detestable  and  detested.  He  is  drawing  down  upon  himself,  his 
country,  and  his  race  a  vengeance  which  perhaps  will  only  reach 
his  sons,  but  which  will  be  the  more  terrible  in  proportion  as  it 
is  slow  to  work  itself  out.  Thus  the  last  word  as  regards  the 
education  of  the  native  is  that  we  must  first  educate  the  white 
man,  cultivate  the  spirit  of  justice,  sink  our  pride  and  respect 
the  rights  of  others. 

These  high-sounding  words  were  once  words  only.  They  were 
laughed  at  But  to-day  they  live,  they  are  spread  abroad,  they 
arrest  attention.  Say  what  one  will,  have  I  not  seen  them  triumph 
at  the  two  Hague  Conferences  where  the  representatives  of  so-called 
"  inferior  "  races  have  entered  freely  into  discussion  with  those  of  the 
greater  Powers,  have  secured,  amid  universal  applause,  the  victory  of 
wiser  and  more  generous  principles,  and  have  made  Force  begin  to 
bend  before  Right  ? 

I  know  well  that  this  is  only  a  beginning.  But  these  great 
discussions  serve  to  induct  us  in  the  pathway  which  leads  to  the 
discovery  of  the  world  and  the  better  understanding  of  our  own 
nature.  These  international  meetings  have  the  happy  effect  of 
stimulating  education  among  the  nations  represented — national 
education,  moral  education,  and,  in  fine,  general  education.  They 
teach  us  to  discipline  ourselves  and  our  egoism  ;  they  illumine 
our  conscience,  and  show  us  where  our  true  interest  lies.  The  rest 
will  then  be  added  unto  us.  White  men  will  win  more  respect  and 
love  in  so  far  as  they  are  really  superior  and  not  merely  stronger 
and  better  educated. 

Already  great  headway  has  been  made.     It  was  an  enormous  step 


SEVENTH   SESSION  387 

in  advance  when,  at  the  Hague  Conference,  all  States,  irrespective  of 
race  or  size,  were  accorded  one  vote  each,  of  precisely  equal  value. 
There  will  be  no  going  back  upon  this.  Each  nation  must  have 
its  own  voice,  its  own  right,  its  own  share  in  the  world's  work. 

We  are  at  the  dawn  of  a  new  era.     Our  concern  now  is  to  hold 
fast  that  which  we  have    gained.     Let    us    each   grasp  our    oppor- 
tunity by  contributing  through  the  channels  of   our    own  national 
organisation  to  the  organisation  of  mankind  in  general. 
[Paper  submitted  in  French.] 

::,:-,.!  V'fr&I--  ;.«w  ;£(>8[   ni  f.niiO  Mia  itfV/  crij        hi  h  an  Iteti 

INTERNATIONAL    LAW,    TREATIES,    CONFER- 
ENCES,  AND   THE    HAGUE   TRIBUNAL 

By  Dr.  WALTHER  SCHUCKING, 

Professor  of  Law   at  the   University  of  Marburg,  Associate  of  the 
Institute  of  International  Law. 

I.  Extension  of  the  Commonwealth  of  International  Law. — There 
has  always  been  a  reciprocal  relation  between  facts  and  law,  and  the 
development  of  the  law  has  ever  proceeded  in  such  a  way  that  every 
change  in  the  facts  has  given  rise  to  new  rules,  which  must  answer 
the  new  needs.  As  long  as  the  civilised  States  of  Europe  lived 
their  own  special  lives,  the  commonwealth  of  international  law  was 
restricted  to  the  "  Christian  States  of  Europe."  The  inhabitants  of 
the  other  countries  of  the  world  were  only  comprised  in  this  inter- 
national range,  in  so  far  as  they  were  subject  to  the  domination  of 
the  colonising  Powers  of  Europe.  From  the  time,  however,  when 
the  United  States  of  America  formed  an  independent  polity,  inter- 
national law  lost,  from  the  geographical  point  of  view,  its  European 
character  (1783).  The  rapid  development  of  general  commercial 
relations  led  to  an  extension  of  the  common  principles  of  inter- 
national law  to  every  part  of  the  world. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  revolt  of  the 
colonies  of  Central  and  South  America  led  to  their  establishment 
as  independent  States,  but  here  again  there  was  question  only  of 
descendants  of  the  Latin  world  in  Europe  and  of  a  Christian 
civilisation.  The  extension,  however,  did  not  stop  there.  Quite 
apart  from  the  extraordinary  political  expansion  of  the  colonising 
Powers  of  Europe,  which,  during  the  last  few  generations,  have 
succeeded  in  incorporating  into  their  respective  States  subjects  of 
a  different  race,  living  under  the  most  diverse  legal  forms,  and 
including  them  passively  in  the  common  range  of  international 
law,  the  characteristic  feature  of  recent  development  is  that  the 


388  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

mutual  approach  of  races  has  had  the  effect  of  enrolling  non- 
Christian  and  non-European  States  among  the  representatives  of 
international  law. 

The  events  of  the  Crimean  war  led  to  the  administration  of 
Turkey  by  a  "European  concert,"  as  it  used  to  be  called  (1856). 
At  the  same  time  the  Hellespont  was  declared  free,  and  the  first 
Power  of  Mongolian  origin  encroaching  upon  Africa  and  Asia  was 
admitted  on  an  equal  footing  in  the  commonwealth  of  States.  By 
the  treaties  concluded  between  1894  and  1896  Japan,  on  account  of 
its  peculiar  development  and  its  strict  observance  of  the  law  of 
nations  during  the  war  with  China  in  1894,  was  implicitly  included 
in  the  commonwealth  of  civilised  States  by  the  suppression  of  consular 
jurisdiction.  This  success  was  even  more  important  to  the  Mongol 
race  than  the  preceding,  since  the  genuine  Turks  could  not  be 
regarded  as  pure  Mongols  on  account  of  their  crossing  with  the 
Aryan  and  Semitic  races.  San  Domingo,  the  mulatto  republic,  and 
Haiti,  the  negro  republic,  in  the  West  Indies,  are  to-day  indisputably, 
and  with  full  rights,  included  in  the  commonwealth  of  States,  and 
represent  in  it  an  element  of  Ethiopian  or  negro  race. 

We  see,  then,  that  the  three  races  of  men  are  already  represented 
among  the  forty-three  states  of  the  international  commonwealth 
(Lichtenstein,  San  Marino,  and  Monaco  being  excluded  on  account 
of  their  small  proportions).  It  is  beyond  question  that  other  non- 
Christian  and  non-European  races  will  before  long  be  admitted  into 
this  group  of  civilised  States.  The  question  is  already  raised  whether 
China,  Persia,  and  Siam,  which  were  represented  at  the  two  inter- 
national Hague  Congresses,  ought  not  to  be  regarded  as  subject  to 
international  public  law. 

The  Chinese  Empire,  which  has  four  hundred  million  inhabitants, 
is  imitating  Japan  in  remodelling  its  civilisation  on  European  lines. 
Its  impending  entrance  into  the  group  of  civilised  nations  will  be  an 
event  of  considerable  importance  to  the  Mongol  race.  The  admission 
of  Siam  into  the  corporation  of  international  law,  for  which  the  way 
has  been  prepared  by  the  reforms  of  the  late  King  Chu-La-Long- 
Korn,  will  strengthen  the  Mongol  element ;  while  the  admission  of 
the  Persians  will  bring  a  people  of  Caucasian  origin  into  the 
commonwealth  of  international  law,  which  was  established  by  the 
cognate  Indo-Germanic  race.  The  complete  international  equality 
of  Persia,  China,  and  Siam  will  be  indicated,  as  in  the  case  of  Japan, 
by  the  absolute  and  thorough  opening  of  the  country  to  the  citizens 
of  all  civilised  States,  and  will  at  the  same  time  bring  about  a 
peaceful  and  a  closer  approach  of  the  various  races.  The  other,  the 
"  semi-civilised  "  States  —  Liberia,  Abyssinia,  and  Morocco  —  will 
before  long  come  into  contact  with  the  commonwealth  of  inter- 


SEVENTH   SESSION  389 

national  law.  The  chief  objections  that  were  brought  against  the 
Republic  of  Liberia,  in  regard  to  the  claim  of  equality  of  rights, 
have  disappeared  with  the  concession  of  that  equality  to  the  negro 
republic  of  San  Domingo,  as  was  stated  above.  The  Chamitic 
branch  of  the  Caucasian  race  will  shortly  be  represented  in  the 
family  of  States  by  the  Moors  and  the  Abyssinians,  whose  States 
have  attracted  the  attention  of  the  colonising  Powers  of  Europe. 
Finally,  Afghanistan  and  the  small  independent  States  of  the 
Himalaya,  Bhutan,  Nepaul,  and  the  small  Arabian  States,  will 
also  be  drawn  into  the  circle  of  civilised  States,  assuming  that  they 
maintain  their  independence. 

In  every  case  the  expansion  proceeds  by  the  advance  of  some  of 
the  non-European  States  to  the  rank  of  equal  members  in  the  sphere 
of  international  law,  by  the  progressive  Europeanisation  of  the  non- 
European  parts  of  the  world.  The  semi-civilised  States  are  already 
recognised  as  contracting  parties,  and  international  law  holds  good 
for  the  full  extent  of  these  contracts.  It  remains  for  them  to  raise 
their  status  to  such  a  level  that  they  will  be  entitled  to  equal  rights 
in  international  law;  while  the  States  which  have  an  older  civilisation 
are  bound  to  deduce  the  necessary  juristic  consequences  from  the 
new  situation,  and,  setting  aside  racial  prejudice,  recognise  non- 
European  States  as  equal  members  in  the  international  commonwealth 
of  law. 

2.  Treaties  and  Associations  of  States. — The  commonwealth  of 
international  law  has  not  merely  been  geographically  enlarged,  and 
made  to  include  a  larger  number  of  subjects,  in  the  last  few  gene- 
rations ;  juristic  life  within  its  sphere  has  become  infinitely  more 
active.  It  is  usually  said  that  the  idea  of  a  community  of  interests 
was  developed  in  the  course  of  the  nineteenth  century.  It  seems  to 
me  more  correct  to  say  that  we  have  for  some  time  felt  the  need  of 
having  an  international  organisation  in  harmony  with  the  inter- 
national community  of  interests.  This  tendency  is  seen  in  the 
large  number  of  collective  contracts.  In  each  case  they  effect  a 
union  of  a  certain  number  of  States  for  the  regulation  of  some  matter 
of  international  importance.  In  this  way  smaller  associations  for 
special  purposes  have  been  formed  within  the  large  circle  of  public 
international  law.  The  fact  that  the  most  different  races  of  men  are 
interested  in  these  particular  associations,  or  at  least  in  one  or  other 
of  them,  is  extremely  important  in  view  of  the  mutual  approach 
of  races. 

In  point  of  fact  we  have  not  only  the  passive  participation  of 
certain  colonial  territories,  introduced  by  a  European  Power  into 
its  own  association  (for  instance,  England  bringing  all  its  colonies 
into  the  International  Union  of  Berne  for  the  protection  of  Literary 


390  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

and  Artistic  Works  in  1886),  but  we  also  find  a  large  number  of 
sovereign  and  vassal  States  of  non-European  origin  taking  part  on 
an  equal  footing  in  these  associations  of  States.  We  can  find  in 
the  midst  of  the  universal  commonwealth  of  States  some  that  have 
not  reached  the  general  level.  Turkey  and  Zanzibar,  for  instance, 
were  associated  with  the  "Congo  Act"  in  1885.  Turkey,  Japan, 
and  China  belong  to  the  more  restricted  association  which  was 
formed  in  1888  to  guarantee  the  free  navigation  of  the  Suez  Canal. 
Japan,  China,  Persia,  Siam,  and  Egypt  are  associated  in  the 
"  International  Union  for  the  Publication  of  Customs'  Tariffs," 
established  at  Brussels  in  1890. 

The  Universal  Postal  Union,  which  was  founded  by  the  Paris 
Convention  (1878)  at  the  proposal  of  Germany,  is  another  example ; 
it  embraces  nearly  the  whole  of  the  inhabited  earth.  Japan,  Persia, 
Siam,  Egypt,  and  Tunis  belong  also  to  the  Universal  Telegraphic 
Union,  founded  in  1865,  which  was  the  first  administrative  common- 
wealth of  international  law.  Turkey,  San  Domingo,  Japan,  and 
Tunis  are  also  participating  members  of  the  "  International  Contract 
for  the  Protection  of  Submarine  Telegraphic  Cables."  Japan  and 
Persia  are  likewise  members  of  the  International  Radiotelegraphic 
Union  of  1908.  Japan  has  already  joined  the  International  Union 
for  the  Propagation  and  Unification  of  the  Metrical  System.  Tunis, 
Japan,  and  San  Domingo  belong  to  the  International  Union  for  the 
Protection  of  Industrial  Property  (1883),  and  Haiti,  Tunis,  Japan, 
and  Liberia  belong  to  the  Berne  Convention  (1886)  for  the  Protection 
of  Literary  and  Artistic  Works.  Egypt,  Persia,  and  Tunis,  at  least, 
all  joined  the  International  Union  of  Public  Hygiene  in  1903, 
the  convention  establishing  which  was  completed  at  Rome  in  1907. 
Turkey,  China,  Persia,  Egypt,  and  even  Abyssinia,  took  part  in  the 
International  Agricultural  Union  founded  at  Rome  in  1905,  on  the 
praiseworthy  initiative  of  the  King  of  Italy.  The  Act  and  the 
Conference  of  Brussels  for  the  Suppression  of  the  Slave-trade,  to 
which  Turkey,  Zanzibar,  Persia,  and  Liberia  have  given  their 
adhesion,  prove  that  the  most  different  races  can  unite  on  matters 
which  are  not  merely  of  commercial  and  economic  interest;  and 
we  have  further  evidence  of  the  humanitarian  tendency  of  these 
countries  in  the  Brussels  Act  for  the  Regulation  of  Arms — Turkey 
and  Liberia  alone,  of  the  above-named  Powers,  being  associated 
in  this  Act. 

Special  authorities  have  been  created  in  each  case  to  ensure  the 
carrying  out  of  the  projects  which  are  contemplated  in  the  various 
collective  contracts  I  have  just  quoted.  The  International  Com- 
mission, however,  for  the  carrying  out  of  the  Act  for  the  Navigation 
of  the  Congo  has  never  intervened,  and  the  International  Commission 


SEVENTH   SESSION  391 

for  carrying  out  the  contract  on  the  Suez  Canal  was  suppressed  in 
virtue  of  an  understanding  between  France  and  England  (1904). 
The  other  common  administrative  entities  which  we  have  enumerated 
above  have  special  organs  of  their  own.  They  have  international 
conferences,  international  offices,  directing  staffs,  international  com- 
missions, and  arbitration  tribunals.  Apart  from  the  "  International 
Union  for  the  Suppression  of  the  Slave-trade,"  all  the  administrative 
associations  of  public  international  law  employ  the  international 
conference  as  their  chief  instrument.  In  the  case  of  the  Universal 
Postal  Union  this  conference  is  entitled  a  Congress,  and  its  sittings 
are  arranged  by  contract.  International  offices  have  been  formed 
and  developed  on  the  model  of  the  most  important  central  offices 
of  the  kind ;  those  of  the  International  Telegraphic  Union  and  the 
Universal  Postal  Union  are  at  Berne.  The  International  Office  of 
Radiotelegraphy  is  incorporated  in  the  office  of  the  International 
Telegraphic  Union.  There  are  also  at  Berne  the  office  of  the  Union 
for  the  Protection  of  Industrial  Property,  and  that  of  the  Union  for 
the  Protection  of  Works  of  Letters  and  Art.  The  International 
Office  of  Weights  and  Measures,  and  that  of  Public  Hygiene,  founded 
respectively  in  1903  and  1907,  are  at  Paris.  The  Central  Offices 
for  the  Suppression  of  the  Slave-trade  are  at  Zanzibar  and  at 
Brussels.  In  the  latter  city  is  also  the  office  for  the  Publication 
of  Customs'  Tariffs.  The  International  Agricultural  Institute  is 
at  Rome. 

These  central  offices  are  not  organs  of  the  individual  State,  but 
committees  of  international  law,  of  which  they  are  the  international 
representatives.  Switzerland  and  Belgium  have  been  appointed  the 
representatives,  respectively,  for  the  supervision  and  direction  of 
the  function  of  the  Telegraphic  Union  at  Berne,  with  its  two  sub- 
divisions :  the  Universal  Post  Office  and  the  central  offices  for  the 
Protection  of  the  Rights  of  Authors  at  Berne ;  and  the  office  for 
the  Publication  of  Customs'  Tariffs  and  for  the  Suppression  of  the 
Slave-trade  at  Brussels.  On  the  other  hand,  the  International 
Unions  of  Weights  and  Measures  and  of  Public  Hygiene  have 
created  special  authorities,  independent  of  the  territorial  power,  and 
to  these  is  confided,  among  other  functions,  the  supervision  of  the 
corresponding  international  office.  This  type  of  organisation  has 
rightly  been  described  as  the  best  for  central  international  offices, 
because  it  withdraws  them  entirely  from  the  exclusive  control  of 
the  State  in  which  they  are  situated.  Such  an  international  com- 
mission is  set  up  by  the  International  Union  of  Weights  and 
Measures  at  Paris ;  it  is  composed  of  forty  members,  who  must 
all  belong  to  different  States,  and  they  are  elected  by  the  Conference 
of  States,  which  meets  at  Paris  at  least  once  in  six  years.  There 


392  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

is  a  similar  commission,  the  Committee  for  the  Supervision  of  the 
International  Office  of  Public  Hygiene  at  Paris,  which  must  meet 
at  least  once  a  year,  each  State  is  represented  by  a  delegate  chosen 
by  itself.  The  sphere  of  action  of  this  committee  will  probably  be 
enlarged  by  the  incorporation,  sooner  or  later,  of  the  earlier  Sanitary 
Commissions  of  Constantinople,  Egypt,  Tangiers,  and  Teheran. 
These  commissions  are  connected  with  the  police  and  penal  force 
in  the  sphere  of  their  activity.  Finally,  we  have  mentioned  the 
Arbitration  Tribunal  as  an  organ  of  these  international  unions  of 
States.  This  Tribunal  is  enforced  for  certain  judicial  questions  in 
connection  with  the  Universal  Postal  Union,  and  is  optional  for  the 
Radiotelegraphic  Union. 

We  have  now  surveyed  the  collective  civilising  work  which  has 
already  been  accomplished  by  the  races  of  the  East  and  the  West  by 
means  of  the  particular  Unions  of  international  law,  of  which  the 
structure  is  known  to  us.  It  is  needless  to  insist  further  on  the  great 
importance  these  Associations  would  have  in  securing  a  closer 
approach  of  the  various  races  of  men,  if  they  were  extended  as 
widely  as  possible,  like  the  Universal  Postal  Union.  It  is  further 
desirable  that  those  administrative  groups  of  international  public 
law,  whose  sphere  of  action  does  not  yet  extend  beyond  the  States 
of  Europe  and  America,  should  include  the  States  of  alien 
races. 

That  applies,  for  instance,  to  the  International  Geodesical  Union, 
with  an  office  at  Potsdam,  founded  in  1864  on  the  initiative  of 
Prussia,  which  has  a  purely  scientific  object.  It  applies  again  to 
the  International  Union  for  the  Regulation  of  the  Manufacture  of 
Sugar,  which  has  an  office  at  Brussels  ;  Peru  is  the  only  American 
State  that  belongs  to  it.  Above  all,  it  is  desirable  that  the  extension 
of  the  network  of  railways  should  be  accompanied  by  the  territorial 
transformation  of  the  International  Union  of  Railway  Transport, 
which  is  as  yet  confined  to  Europe ;  it  was  established  at  Berne  in 
1890,  and  has  its  central  office  there. 

The  importance  of  this  development  appears  to  be  even  greater 
when  we  reflect  that  there  already  exist  in  these  conventions  the 
groundwork  of  a  code  of  international  commercial  law,  with  regula- 
tions for  civil  procedure.  Similarly,  the  extension  of  the  sphere  of  the 
law  of  universal  exchange,  which  is  in  process  of  development,  and 
private  international  maritime  law,  with  which  three  diplomatic 
conferences  have  already  been  occupied,  so  that  they  should  be 
more  widely  recognised  according  to  the  exigencies  of  the  relations 
of  commerce  and  navigation,  is  absolutely  necessary.  The  States 
of  all  races  would  thus  find  themselves  interconnected,  and  we 
should  in  the  end  be  led  to  elaborate  a  law  for  the  whole  commerce 


SEVENTH   SESSION  393 

of  the  world.  The  great  work  of  the  codification  of  private  inter- 
national law  is  conducted  primarily  and  partially  within  the  purely 
European  circle,  but  we  already  see  the  modest  beginning  of  a 
universal  law  in  the  fact  that  Japan  took  part,  in  1904,  in  the  fourth 
conference  on  this  subject. 

Thus  the  problem  of  the  closer  approach  of  the  various  races 
of  men  is  not  restricted  to  the  creation  of  associations  between  States 
that  already  exist ;  it  is  also  directed  to  secure  a  larger  participation 
in  the  efforts  of  the  civilised  States  of  Europe,  with  a  view  to 
creating  international  laws  for  each  juristic  point  that  has  a  world- 
wide importance. 

3.  The  Importance  of  the  Hague  Conferences  and  of  the  Court  of 
Arbitration. — During  the  last  ten  years  we  have  to  record,  besides 
the  expansion  of  the  commonwealth  of  international  law  and  the 
establishment  of  certain  important  associations,  the  profound  modi- 
fication that  the  commonwealth  of  law  has  undergone  in  its  juristic 
structure.  This  transformation  consists  in  the  fact  that  the  common- 
wealth has  converted  itself  into  a  union  of  organised  States.  The 
great  commonwealth  has  become  a  world-wide  union  of  States. 
This  is  a  result  of  the  Hague  Conferences,  of  which  the  importance 
to  civilisation  is  not  sufficiently  recognised.  It  is  the  dawn  of  a 
new  era  of  a  world-wide  confederation  of  States.  There  was  a  time 
when  the  Caesars  of  Rome,  from  one  centre,  dominated  the  whole  of 
the  known  world,  and  the  great  powers  of  the  Middle  Ages,  the  Empire 
and  the  Papacy,  endeavoured  to  restore  this  universal  monarchic 
domination.  Then  the  universal  monarchy  of  the  Middle  Ages  dis- 
solved into  an  aggregation  of  Western  States.  In  our  time  these 
States,  augmented  by  those  of  the  Far  East  and  of  parts  of  the  world 
that  were  unknown  to  the  Romans,  are  forming  one  great  whole. 

The  importance  of  the  first  Hague  Conference  does  not  consist 
in  the  codification  of  the  laws  of  continental  warfare,  which  was 
accomplished  there,  but  in  the  establishment  of  the  Court  of  Arbi- 
tration. The  States  which  participated  in  the  first  Hague  Conference 
— among  which  the  Asiatic  States,  China,  Japan,  Persia,  and  Siam 
were  included  from  the  outset — really  organised  themselves  into  a 
"  Confederation  of  States,"  when  they  created  a  common  instrument 
for  maintaining  peace  in  the  commonwealth  of  international  law. 
It  matters  little  whether  or  no  this  title  was  immediately  given 
to  the  new  creation  ;  in  view  of  more  timid  minds  it  is  as  well 
that  this  was  not  done.  But,  as  jurists,  we  are  wont  to  speak  of 
an  association  of  States  wherever  we  have  a  plurality  of  States 
with  certain  organs  in  common.  In  erecting  a  common  tribunal, 
the  civilised  world  created  at  the  same  time  a  union  of  international 
law,  controlling  the  commonwealth  of  international  public  law. 


394 

Although  in  reality  the  permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  as  yet 
consists  only  of  a  list  of  names  from  which  the  contending  parties 
must  choose  their  judges  for  each  dispute,  there  is  nevertheless  an 
international  office  and  commission,  entitled  the  Council  of  Admini- 
stration, just  as  in  the  case  of  particular  associations  under  the 
law  of  nations.  A  periodical  international  Conference  was  not 
contemplated  at  first,  but  it  has  been  found  necessary  for  nearly 
all  the  Unions  of  international  law,  as  well  as  for  the  general  union 
of  States.  The  first  Hague  Conference  (1899)  was  followed  by  a 
second  in  1907.  The  latter  did  not  break  up  without  expressing 
a  hope  of  meeting  again  not  later  than  1915,  and  of  making  about 
two  years'  preparation  for  this  third  Conference.  Thus  the  periodical 
character  of  the  Hague  Conferences  is  secured  in  fact,  if  not  in  law, 
and  they  will  be,  as  in  the  case  of  special  associations,  the  principal 
organ  of  the  Union  of  States.  In  comparison  with  this  completing 
of  the  commonwealth  of  international  law  by  the  association  of 
States,  the  other  achievements  of  the  first  Hague  Conference  are 
of  secondary  importance.  The  fact  that  in  neither  Conference  was 
any  practical  measure  taken  in  regard  to  the  limitation  of  arma- 
ments does  not  diminish  the  service  done  in  the  direction  of 
codifying  international  law. 

Like  every  progressive  organisation,  the  Association  of  States 
is  engaged  in  creating  its  code.  The  first  Hague  Conference, 
amongst  other  things,  codified  the  law  of  continental  warfare,  and 
extended  the  Geneva  Convention  to  maritime  law.  When  the 
Geneva  Convention  for  continental  warfare  had  been  revised  in 
1906,  the  rules  of  war  were  completed  at  the  second  Hague 
Conference,  and  restrictive  rules  were  imposed  in  regard  to  certain 
important  points  of  maritime  warfare,  such  as  the  question  of 
submarine  mines.  In  its  entirety,  however,  the  codification  of  the 
law  of  maritime  warfare  had  to  be  referred  to  the  third  Conference, 
though  the  preliminary  work  was  done  by  the  Maritime  Conference 
of  London  in  1909,  in  which  only  a  restricted  group  of  Powers, 
among  which  we  are  pleased  to  find  Japan,  took  part. 

One  may  say  in  a  general  way  that,  in  the  codification  of  the 
law  of  war,  in  which  up  to  that  time  there  was  frequently  much 
question  of  power,  the  States  have  already  elucidated  the  most 
difficult  chapters,  and  that  the  codification  of  the  rules  of  the  law 
of  peace — for  instance,  in  regard  to  the  condition  of  envoys  and 
consuls — is  a  thousand  times  easier.  Consequently,  if  the  codifica- 
tion of  the  law  of  war  has  already  been  accomplished  in  great  part, 
the  further  step  of  incorporating  the  whole  in  a  complete  codified 
system  may  be  expected  before  long.  In  this  code  all  the  rules 
which  apply  to  the  pacific  solution  of  international  conflicts  must 


SEVENTH   SESSION  395 

find  a  place,  as  well  as  those  which  had  to  be  created  by  the 
preceding  Conferences  :  the  Institute  of  International  Commissions 
of  Inquiry,  and  the  Code  of  Procedure  of  the  Hague  Tribunal. 
Even  before  this  code  is  completed,  the  international  association  of 
States  is  beginning  to  consolidate  itself,  in  virtue  of  a  process  which 
converts  the  law  of  nations  into  a  universal  public  law.  The 
association  of  States,  which  was  established  in  the  first  Hague 
Conference,  had  still  the  typical  character  of  particular  Unions ; 
it  was  distinguished  from  them  by  the  circumstance  that  it  was 
not  an  administrative,  but  a  judicial  association,  that  was  set  up, 
and  that  the  whole  civilised  world  took  part  in  it.  Moreover,  the 
association  of  States  that  was  established  had  a  purely  co-operative 
structure  in  harmony  with  the  character  of  the  older  international 
law.  This  commonwealth,  therefore,  consisted  only  in  relations  of 
State  to  State — relations  which  did  not  affect  the  sovereignty  of 
any  one  of  them.  States  alone  could  appeal  to  the  Hague  Tribunal ; 
and  it  depended  on  themselves  alone  whether  they  appealed  or  no, 
on  account  of  the  optional  character  of  the  Arbitration  Court. 

The  second  Hague  Conference  created,  in  the  "  International 
Prize  Court,"  an  institution  which  gives  quite  a  new  character  to 
the  association  of  States.  This  Court  is  not  optional ;  the  number 
of  its  members  and  its  competence  are  settled  once  for  all ;  the 
judges  have  to  give  a  solemn  assurance  that  they  will  act  in  the 
interest  of  the  association  of  States.  In  questions  of  fact  and  law, 
the  legal  procedure  is  to  pass  from  the  national  courts  to  the 
international  court.  The  International  Prize  Court  may  abolish 
national  laws  when  they  involve  any  departure  from  justice  and 
equity ;  it  may  also  create  new  laws  when  no  recognised  law  exists. 
But,  above  all,  any  private  individual  who  has  suffered  an  injury, 
.whether  he  belongs  to  a  neutral  State  or  to  one  of  the  parties  to 
the  war,  may  invoke  the  protection  of  the  International  Prize  Court 
against  an  unfavourable  decision  of  the  hostile  State  which  has 
effected  the  capture ;  and  the  injured  citizen  of  the  hostile  State 
cannot  be  prevented  from  doing  this  by  the  country  of  his  origin, 
as  may  happen  in  the  case  of  a  neutral  citizen. 

It  has  been  said  in  explanation  of  this  contradiction  of  the 
previous  rules  of  international  public  law,  that  in  this  case  the 
contract  is  concluded  between  the  States  in  favour  of  a  third  party  ; 
but  those  who  say  this  seem  to  overlook  the  fact  that  the  private 
individual  can  never  be  a  third  person  according  to  the  older  law 
of  nations.  It  has  been  said  that  in  future,  in  the  case  of  prizes, 
the  individual  citizen  would  be  regarded  as  a  subject  of  international 
law  ;  it  is  more  correct  to  say  that  the  law  of  nations  has  really 
jlost  its  specific  character  on  this  point  The  organisation  of  the 


396  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

world  has  proceeded  so  far  that  international  law  is  being,  as  was 
already  said,  converted  into  a  world-wide  public  law.  Von  Liszt 
rightly  says  that  the  agreement  in  regard  to  the  International  Prize 
Court  is  the  first  deliberate  step  of  the  co-operative  organisation 
towards  becoming  a  dominating  organisation.  But  when  we  speak 
of  a  dominating  organisation  we  do  not  mean,  as  in  the  earlier 
terminology,  an  association  under  international  law,  but  an  asso- 
ciation under  public  law.  The  sovereignty  of  States  is  secured 
within  the  sphere  of  the  association  of  public  law  only  by  the 
provision  that  the  whole  organisation  rests  on  a  contract  which 
may  be  nullified  at  the  end  of  twelve  years.  In  the  meantime  we 
should  have,  so  to  say,  a  temporary  confederation  as  the  basis  of 
the  association  of  the  Prize  Court. 

We  have  here  a  prospect  beyond  all  our  hopes  for  the  develop- 
ment of  international  law.  It  was  an  inconsistency  on  the  part  of 
the  German  Empire,  on  whose  initiative  this  court  was  founded,  to 
have  frustrated  the  establishment  of  a  universal  obligatory  Arbitra- 
tion Tribunal.  The  German  delegate,  Zorn,  rightly  said  that  an 
obligatory  arbitral  jurisdiction  would  encroach  much  less  on  the 
sovereignty  of  States,  seeing  that  the  obligation  would  be  relative 
and  would  be  rejected  in  all  cases  in  which  the  honour,  the  inde- 
pendence, or  the  vital  interests  of  a  State  were  at  stake.  The 
German  Empire  cannot  very  well  sustain  this  contradictory  atti- 
tude. The  Universal  Arbitration  Court  has  been  developing,  since 
more  than  a  hundred  contracts  between  States  have  been  concluded, 
in  which  on  each  occasion  two  States  made  the  Arbitration  Court 
obligatory.  The  development  of  international  law  seeks  to  replace 
the  individual  contract  by  a  collective  contract ;  the  triumph  of  the 
obligatory  Arbitration  Court  is  assured  by  this  fact.  The  Powers 
have  already  unanimously  adopted,  in  the  second  Hague  Con- 
ference, a  resolution  recognising  the  principle  of  the  obligatory 
sentence  of  an  arbitrator,  and  affirming  that  certain  differences  are 
of  a  nature  to  be  submitted  to  the  obligatory  judgment  of  an 
arbitrator,  without  restriction. 

Thus  the  constitution  of  an  International  Prize  Court  will  help 
to  bring  into  existence  the  obligatory  Court  of  Arbitration.  One 
cannot,  of  course,  be  content  when  there  is  question  of  an  obligatory 
judgment,  with  the  former  Permanent  Court,  which,  as  is  well  known, 
merely  consists  of  a  list  of  names.  It  will  be  necessary  either  to 
make  the  Prize  Court  accessible  to  common  jurisdiction  or  add  to 
the  "  Permanent  Arbitration  Court "  a  really  permanent  court  in  the 
shape  of  the  "  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice,"  which  the  second  Confer- 
ence had  proposed.  Unfortunately,  this  project  could  not  be  pre- 
sented for  the  signature  of  the  whole  Conference,  as  they  had  not 


SEVENTH   SESSION  397 

been  able  to  come  to  agreement  either  in  regard  to  the  number  of 
judges  or  the  duration  of  their  functions.  No  agreement  was  reached 
because,  on  the  one  hand,  the  number  of  the  judges  would  have  to  be 
limited,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  small  States — to  the  detriment 
of  progress — would  not  surrender  their  rights  in  the  formation  of  the 
Court.  In  reality,  the  dogma  of  the  equal  right  of  all  States  is 
destroyed  by  the  fact  that  in  the  Prize  Court  the  seats  are  dis- 
tributed on  a  graduated  scheme.  This  dogma  was  only  valid  so  far 
as  States  lay  side  by  side  without  any  connection.  The  progressive 
organisation  of  the  world  demands  a  distribution  of  votes  in  propor- 
tion to  the  virtual  importance  of  each  State  in  the  body  of  the 
Union. 

The  possibility  of  the  appearance  of  the  individual  as  plaintiff 
before  the  International  Prize  Court  helps  in  another  direction  to 
fill  a  gap  in  the  law  of  nations.  It  is  true  that,  in  the  interests  of 
peace,  the  second  Hague  Conference  recognised  up  to  a  certain  point 
the  doctrine  of  Drago :  in  future  armed  force  cannot  be  employed 
against  a  debtor  State  to  ensure  the  fulfilment  of  its  obligations,  but 
the  private  individual  always  depends  on  the  good-will  or  the  energy 
of  his  country.  If  the  second  Hague  Conference  has  granted  the 
individual  the  right  to  submit  to  the  International  Prize  Court  the 
legality  of  certain  acts  of  war  by  which  he  has  suffered,  there  is  no 
reason  why  a  Hague  Court  should  not  be  made  accessible  to  the 
complaints,  in  private  law,  of  the  citizens  of  one  State  against 
another,  and  why  a  creditors'  court  should  not  be  set  up  for  such 
cases.  This  innovation  should  be  carried  into  effect  by  the  third 
Hague  Conference. 

Lastly,  we  have  the  question  whether  the  world -wide  confedera- 
tion of  States  will  restrict  itself  to  judicial  functions.  Its  natural 
development  implies  that  it  should  take  charge  of  the  adminis- 
trative associations,  such  as  the  Universal  Postal  Union,  which 
spread  over  the  whole  world ;  and  that,  moreover,  it  should  incor- 
porate the  corresponding  authorities,  and  bring  into  action  new 
associations  of  the  same  kind  with  their  proper  authorities. 

What  the  most  profound  of  German  thinkers — Kant — regards  as 
the  great  problem  of  humanity,  a  problem  "  toward  the  solution  of 
which  nature  herself  impels  us,"  namely,  "  the  constitution  of  a 
human  society  with  common  control  of  the  law,"  is  already  being 
solved. 

We  started  from  the  fact  that  the  disturbance  of  social  con- 
ditions by  the  unparalleled  extension  of  commerce  has  reacted 
upon  law,  and  we  referred  at  the  beginning  of  this  dissertation  to 
the  relations  between  the  facts  and  the  law.  New  facts  modify  the 
law,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  significance  of  new  laws  points  to 


398  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

new  forces.  If,  in  the  future,  as  von  Liszt  says,  every  citizen  of  a 
constituent  State  in  the  Association  of  States  is  a  conjoint  subject — 
a  citizen  simultaneously  of  the  State  and  the  Confederation — who 
will  venture  to  calculate  the  significance,  in  regard  to  the  mutual 
approach  of  the  races  of  men,  of  the  proud  words  that  every  man 
will  be  able  to  repeat  in  all  places :  Civis  mundi  sum  ? 

[Paper  submitted  in  French.] 
y.fii,-  <j .  /  -is; 

INTERNATIONAL   LAW  AND  SUBJECT  RACES 

By  Sir  JOHN  MACDONELL,  C.B., 

Professor  of  Comparative  Lawy   University  of  London ;  Master 
:bn:  °f  tne  Supreme  Court. 

I  PROMISED,  somewhat  rashly,  your  Secretary  to  contribute  to  the 
proceedings  of  the  Congress  a  paper  on  International  Arbitration,  a 
subject,  the  importance  and  opportuneness  of  which  no  one  in  these 
days  questions.  On  reflection,  however,  it  appeared  to  me — and  I 
think  that  your  Secretary  admitted — that  while  of  interest  for  all 
who  sympathise  with  the  objects  of  the  Congress,  arbitration  had 
only  indirect  bearings  upon  much  of  its  primary  work.  Great  though 
the  achievements  of  Arbitration  have  already  been,  great  though  its 
future  is  likely  to  be,  one  must  not  be  blind  to  its  limitations.  It 
is  an  instrument  for  settling  disputes  between  Governments ;  in 
particular,  disputes  likely  to  give  rise  to  difficulties  between  States 
which  diplomacy  fails  to  settle.  No  doubt  some  of  these  questions 
are  at  bottom  racial ;  such,  for  example,  are  the  recurring  difficulties 
as  to  emigration  between  China  and  Japan  on  the  one  hand  and 
Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies  and  the  United  States  on  the  other 
hand.  These  difficulties  take  an  economic  form  ;  they  originate  in 
racial  antagonism  and  prejudice.  And  even  when  no  racial  element 
is  obviously  and  indisputably  present,  the  real  though  latent  difficulty 
in  the  way  of  a  settlement  of  disputes  may  be  the  repugnance  or 
distrust  arising  from  race  prejudice  and  misunderstanding. 

International  Arbitration  does  not  touch,  nor  is  it  proposed  that 
it  should  touch,  many  internal  and  domestic  questions  profoundly 
interesting  to  races  which  are  not  dominant.  I  take  almost  at 
random  racial  questions  which  happen  to  be  of  late  uppermost :  the 
condition  of  the  Jews  in  Russia  and  Poland  ;  the  Poles  under 
Russian  rule  ;  the  Roumanians  in  Hungary  ;  the  Finns  in  Russia  ;  the 
Macedonians  and  Armenians  in  Turkey;  the  East  Indians  in  South 
Africa ;  the  natives  of  the  Congo  State  under  Belgian  rule.  Inter- 
national Arbitration  does  not  help  to  solve,  except  very  remotely 
and  indirectly,  the  problems  which  these  names  recall.  To-day  each 
State  says,  and  will  long  continue  to  say,  "  I  must  be  master  in  my 


SEVENTH   SESSION  399 

own  house."  That  position  must  be  accepted — at  all  events  for  the 
time.  We  must  look  elsewhere  for  a  solution  (so  far  as  possible)  of 
some  of  the  great  problems  due  to  differences  and  collisions  of  races. 

But — and  it  is  the  chief  object  of  my  inquiry — it  may  be  of 
interest  to  endeavour  to  examine  whether  the  ends  which  the 
originators  of  the  Congress  had  in  view  cannot  be  furthered  by 
other  means  than  arbitration  ;  and,  in  particular,  by  a  clearer  recog- 
nition of  duties  to  subject  races  than  now  exists ;  by  better  organisa- 
tion of  existing  agencies,  and  by  the  creation  of  new  organisations. 
I  am  sensible  of  the  difficulty  of  making  useful  suggestions  as  to 
questions,  so  many,  so  varied  in  character,  and,  it  may  be  said,  with 
so  little  in  common.  Not  even  a  Leibnitz  or  a  Humboldt  or  other 
great  organisers  of  science  could  survey  the  whole  of  the  vast  field 
and  map  it  out  with  full  knowledge.  My  suggestions  are  offered 
only  as  hints  which  may  elicit  discussion  and  help  clarify  ideas.  A 
further  prefatory  admission  is  needed.  Great  are  the  limitations  of 
all  machinery  and  organisations  in  accomplishing  the  chief  aims  in 
view.  The  walls  of  racial  prejudice  will  not  yield  to  mere  organisa- 
tion ;  the  spread  of  knowledge,  the  spirit  of  charity,  and  new  ideals 
are  the  only  solvents. 

At  the  outset  is  the  question :  How  far,  if  at  all,  is  International 
Law  applicable  to  the  relations  between  subject  and  dominant, 
between  civilised  and  uncivilised,  races  ?  According  to  one  view, 
they  are  not  in  any  way  applicable  ;  according  to  another,  they  are  so, 
but  only  partially,  and  with  many  qualifications.  I  pass  over  as  not 
meriting  notice  in  this  Congress  the  contention  which  is  rarely  nowa- 
days made  in  so  many  words,  that  a  high  degree  of  civilisation  carries 
with  it  a  right  to  impose  the  will  of  the  superior  upon  the  inferior ; 
that  as  between  them  might  is  right  and  that  the  former  may  do 
exactly  as  they  think  fit  in  virtue  of  their  superiority.1 

Turning  to  statements  less  uncompromising,  I  proceed  to  cite 
those  of  one  or  two  writers.  The  first  is  by  Mr.  John  Stuart  Mill : — 

"  There  is  a  great  difference  (for  example)  between  the  case  in  which  the 
nations  concerned  are  of  the  same,  or  something  like  the  same,  degree  of 
civilisation,  and  that  in  which  one  of  the  parties  to  the  situation  is  of  a  high, 
and  the  other  of  very  low,  grade  of  social  improvement.  To  suppose  that  the 
same  international  customs,  and  the  same  rules  of  international  morality,  can 
obtain  between  one  civilised  nation  and  another,  and  between  civilised  nations 
and  barbarians,  is  a  grave  error,  and  one  which  no  statesman  can  fall  into,  how- 
ever it  may  be  with  those  who,  from  a  safe  and  unresponsible  position,  criticise 
statesmen.  Among  many  reasons  why  the  same  rules  cannot  be  applicable  to 


1  Trione  (Gli  Stati  Civili  Nei  toro  Ropporti  Guiridici  cot  Popoli  Barbari,  p.  14) 
refers  to  Ize,  who  cites  Hegel  and  Cousin  as  holding  this  opinion.  In  Ihering's  Gcist 
des  rdmischen  Rechts,  vol.  i.,  p.  i.,  are  some  remarkable  assertions  of  the  right  of  power- 
ful civilised  nations  to  force  their  commerce  upon  Eastern  nations. 


400  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

situations  so  different,  the  two  following  are  among  the  most  important.  In  the 
first  place  the  rules  of  ordinary  international  morality  imply  reciprocity.  But 
barbarians  will  not  reciprocate.  They  cannot  be  depended  on  for  observing 
any  rules.  Their  minds  are  not  capable  of  so  great  an  effort,  nor  their  wills  suffi- 
ciently under  the  influence  of  distant  motives.  In  the  next  place  nations  which 
are  still  barbarous  have  not  got  beyond  the  period  during  which  it  is  likely  to 
be  for  their  benefit  that  they  should  be  conquered  and  held  in  subjection  by 
foreigners.  Independence  and  nationality,  so  essential  to  the  due  growth  and 
development  of  a  people  further  advanced  in  improvement,  are  generally  impedi- 
ments to  them.  ...  A  violation  of  great  principles  of  morality  it  may  easily  be  ; 
but  barbarians  have  no  rights  as  a  nation,  except  a  right  to  such  treatment  as  may, 
at  the  earliest  possible  period,  fit  them  for  becoming  one.  The  only  moral  laws 
for  the  relation  between  a  civilised  and  a  barbarous  Government  are  the  uni- 
versal rules  of  morality  between  man  and  man "  (Dissertations,  Hi.,  p.  167). 

I  have  quoted  this  passage  as  expressing  the  views  of  those — and 
they  are  many — who  lay  stress  on  the  absence  of  reciprocity  and  the 
benefits  of  civilisation  as  justifying  the  application  of  different  rules 
from  those  which  are  in  force  between  civilised  States.  Bluntschli 
lays  stress  on  the  second  of  the  above  grounds  : — 

"  Lorsque  la  contree  qui  ne  fait  partie  du  territoire  d'aucun  etat  est  possedee 
par  des  tribus  barbares,  ces  dernieres  ne  peuvent  pas  etre  expulsees  par  les 
colons  des  nations  civilisees  ;  on  les  laissera  emigrer  en  paix  et  leur  fournira  un 
dedommagement  equitable.  L'Etat  colonisateur  a  le  droft  d'etendre  sa  souve- 
rainete  sur  le  territoire  occupe  par  des  peuplades  sauvages  pour  favoriser  la 
civilisation  et  1'extension  des  cultures"  (p.  280). 

Here  is  another  way  of  putting  the  same  doctrine  : — 

"C'est  le  droit  naturel,  non  le  droit  international,  qui  est  applicable  aux 
rapports  des  nations  civilisees  avec  les  nations  de  1'Asie.  .  .  .  En  Asie  le  droit  in- 
ternational se  transforme  en  droit  nalurel,  lequel  exige  egalement  que  la  parole 
donnee  soit  executee  consciencieusement,  que  la  vie  et  la  propriete  d'autrui 
soient  reconnues  saintes  et  inviolables,  que  les  mauvais  instincts  et  passions 
cedent  leur  place  aux  impulsions  justes,  honnetes  et  genereuses"  (Martens,  "La 
Russie  et  1'Angleterre  dans  1'Asie  Centrale,"  Revue  de  Droit  International,  1879, 
p.  241). 

This  is  the  way  in  which  the  problem  presents  itself  to  some 
other  modern  writers  : — 

"  Der  Unterschied  in  der  Kultur  berechtigt  den  Europaischen  Staat  nicht,  im 
Verkehr  mit  einem  minderkultivierten  Volke,  z.  B.,  Papua,  alle  Regeln  des 
Volkerrechts  ausser  Acht  zu  lassen.  Es  ist  vielmehr  davon  auszugehen,  dass 
jeder  Staat  die  Grundrechte  eines  jeden  andern — wenn  auch  von  wenig  gebil- 
deten  Menschen  geleiteten — Staates  so  lange  durchaus  respektert,  als  es  die 
Ausiibung  der  eigenen  Grundrechte  irgend  gestattet "  (Gareis,  p.  40). 

"  European  States  will  be  obliged,  partly  by  their  sense  of  honour,  partly  by 
their  sense  of  their  interests,  to  be  guided  by  their  own  artificial  rules  in  dealing 
with  semi-civilised  States  when  the  latter  have  learned  enough  to  make  the 
demand,  long  before  a  reciprocal  obedience  to  those  rules  can  be  reasonably 
expected  "  (Hall,  6th  ed.,  pp.  40,  41). 

These  statements  are,  for  several  reasons,  not  satisfactory ;  if 
not  inaccurate,  they  lack  precision  and  definiteness.  In  the  first 


SEVENTH   SESSION  401 

place,  the  modern  practice  of  nations  and  the  teaching  of  modern 
writers  do  not,  on  the  whole,  whatever  may  be  done  on  particular 
occasions,  accord  with  some  of  these  opinions.  Modern  text-books 
treat,  sometimes  at  great  length,  the  relations  and  duties  of  civilised 
States  to  inferior  or  backward  races.  In  point  of  fact  there  has 
always  been  some  recognition  of  duties  by  civilised  nations  to  un- 
civilised or  semi-civilised  nations  with  which  the  latter  have  been 
brought  into  contact  :  recognition  generally  imperfect ;  often  com- 
patible with  gross  cruelty ;  often  serving  as  a  cover  or  excuse  for 
wrong-doing.  One  of  the  chief  subjects  of  discussion  among  the 
earliest  students  of  International  Law  (e.g.y  Francisco  Victoria  and 
Baldasarre  de  Ayala)  was  the  relations  and  duties  of  the  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  conquerors  to  the  indigenous  inhabitants. 

Further  it  is  to  be  noted  that  there  is  not  a  clear  line  of  separation 
between  civilised  and  barbarous  nations  ;  they  often  differ  from  each 
other  by  small  degrees  ;  the  sharp  distinction  drawn  in  the  passage 
which  I  have  quoted  from  Mill  between  civilised  nations  and  barbar- 
ous, does  not  help  one  in  solving  the  actual  problems,  which  for  the 
most  part  relate  to  the  dealings  of  nations  with  different  types  of 
civilisations,  the  relative  value  of  which  in  the  eyes  of  impartial 
observers,  if  such  existed,  might  be  dubious.  What  is  the  test  of 
superiority  ?  There  is  the  often  suggested  test  of  proficiency  in  war, 
according  to  which  the  Turks  some  centuries  ago  were  probably 
supreme  among  all  nations,  the  Italians,  contemporaries  of  Michael 
Angelo  and  Leonardo  da  Vinci,  not  excepted.  There  is  the  test  of 
wealth ;  a  test  the  justice  of  which,  if  applied  to  individuals,  would 
be  denied.  There  is  the  test  of  morality,  the  existence  of  a  legal 
moral  code  and  conformity  of  conduct  thereto,  and  a  test  the  applica- 
tion of  which,  if  possible,  might  lead  to  startling  results.  Nor  is  the 
distinction  between  the  progressive  and  non-progressive  races  so  clear 
to  modern  ethnologists  as  it  was  to  those  who  knew  little.  The  so-called 
stationary  races  are  often  merely  those  whose  changes  are  unrecorded. 
As  Professor  Royce  justly  remarks,  this  test  has  never  been  so  fairly 
applied  by  civilised  nations  as  to  give  exact  results.  So  long  as  there 
exists,  what  M.  Tarde  calls,  the  "  irresistible  orgueil  primitif  que  porte 
toute  tribu,si  infime  qu'elle  soit,  a  se  considerer  superieure  a  ses  voisons," 
the  application  of  a  well-accepted  test  is  impossible.  The  superiority 
for  which  writers  such  as  Gobineau  and  Houstin  Chamberlain  claim 
will  never  be  conceded  ;  but  what  is  clear  is  that  the  world  would  be 
the  poorer  if  one  type  of  civilisation  were  to  be  universal ; z  what  we 
cannot  be  sure  of  is,  that  an  unpromising  race,  if  left  to  itself,  may 
not  be  the  starting-point  of  a  development  which  will  enrich  mankind. 

1  See  the  disheartening  facts  as  to  the  benefits  of  civilisation  collected  by  Bastian, 
Der  Mensch  in  der  Geschichte,  Hi.,  p.  233,  &c. 

2  D 


402  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

I  am  only  summarising  the  teaching  of  a  great  majority  of  writers 
when  I  say  that,  apart  from  the  conventions  which  I  am  about  to 
mention,  some  at  least  of  the  rules  of  International  Law  are  assumed 
by  almost  all  writers  to  apply  to  such  communities  ;  even  as  to  com- 
munities outside  the  purview  of  International  Law,  there  are  duties 
to  be  performed,  duties  which  may  be  stated  and  formulated.  At  all 
events  this  holds  good  of  communities  with  regular  Governments, 
though  with  social  organisations  and  moral  ideas  unlike  our  own. 

One  of  the  most  characteristic  modern  developments  in  the 
relations  between  States  generally,  between  dominant  and  subject 
races,  is  the  establishment  of  Protectorates  by  powerful  States  over 
the  weaker,  some  of  the  latter  being  on  a  plane  of  civilisation  equal 
to  that  of  the  former.  Gradually  are  being  evolved  principles  as  to 
the  reciprocal  duties  of  protecting  or  protected  States,  including  the 
treatment  of  the  indigenous  inhabitants. 

A  few  words  as  to  the  conventions  to  which  I  have  referred.  There 
exists  a  group  of  treaties  by  which  some  of  the  chief  States  of  the 
world  bind  themselves  to  perform  certain  duties  towards  the  non- 
dominant  races  or  parts  of  them.  One  universally  recognised  duty  is 
that,  chiefly  in  the  interest  of  inferior  or  backward  races,  the  slave 
trade,  dependent  necessarily  upon  supplies  from  such  races,  should  be 
put  down  and  should  be  treated  as  a  heinous  crime.  I  am  not  writing 
the  history  of  the  Slave  Trade  or  the  Emancipation  Movement  I 
merely  recall  the  pronouncement  of  the  Allied  Powers  at  Vienna 
in  1815,  and  at  Verona  in  1822,  and  the  Quintuple  Treaty  of  1841. 
A  landmark  in  the  history  of  the  subject  is  the  Berlin  Conference 
of  1884-5.  It  elucidated  principles,  it  concentrated  action  ;  it  was 
the  beginning  of  a  new  policy  as  to  the  Slave  Trade  on  land  as  well 
as  sea.  By  Article  VI.  of  the  Berlin  Act  the  Powers  agreed  to  watch 
over  the  preservation  of  the  native  tribes  and  to  care  for  the  improve- 
ment of  their  conditions,  of  their  moral  and  material  well-being,  and 
to  help  in  suppressing  slavery  and  especially  the  Slave  Trade. 
Article  IX.  was  as  follows  : — 

"  Conformement  aux  principes  du  droit  des  gens,  tels  qu'ils  sont  reconnus 
par  les  puissances  signataires,  traite  des  esclavcs  etant  interdite,  et  les  operations 
qui,  sur  terre  ou  sur  mer,  fournissent  des  esclaves  a  la  traite  devant  etre  egale- 
ment  considerees  comme  interdites,  les  puissances  qui  exercent,  ou  qui  exerce- 
ront,  souveraincte  ou  une  influence  dans  les  territoires  forma  nt  le  bassin 
conventionnel  du  Congo,  declarent  que  ces  territoires  ne  pourront  servir  ni  de 
marche  ni  de  voie  de  transit  pour  la  traite  des  esclaves,  de  quelque  race  que  ce 
soit.  Chacune  de  ces  puissances  s'engagent  a  employer  tous  les  movers  en  son 
pouvoir  pour  mettre  fin  a  ce  commerce  et  pour  punir  ceux  qui  s'en  occupent." 

Among  the  latest  measures  of  consequence  was  the  Brussels 
Anti-Slavery  Act  of  July  20,  1890,  which  came  into  force  on 
October  I,  1892.  The  Powers  exercising  sovereignty  or  a  protec- 


SEVENTH   SESSION  403 

torate  in  Africa  bound  themselves  (Article  III.)  to  pursue  gradually, 
according  as  circumstances  permit,  "  la  repression  de  la  traite, 
chacune  dans  ses  possessions  respectives  et  sous  sa  direction 
propre."  By  Article  XV.  they  further  bound  themselves  to  watch 
"  les  routes  suivies  sur  leur  territoire  par  les  trafiquants  des  esclaves, 
d'y  arreter  les  convois  en  marche  ou  de  les  poursuivre  partout  ou 
leur  action  pourrait  s'exercer  le"galement."  Posts  were  to  be  estab- 
lished (Article  XVI.)  on  such  routes,  with  a  view  to  intercept  convoys 
and  liberate  the  slaves.  Chapter  III.  deals  with  the  repression  of 
the  traffic  on  the  high  seas.  Another  set  of  international  regula- 
tions related  to  the  sale  of  liquor  (Chapter  VI.).  The  Brussels  Act 
also  contained  restrictions  on  the  importation  of  fire-arms.  Article 
VIII.  stated  that  one  of  the  conditions  of  the  development  of  the 
slave  trade  was  the  free  introduction  of  weapons,  and  accordingly  it 
forbade  their  importation,  except  in  certain  circumstances,  in  a 
defined  area.  Articles  XC.  and  XCI.  of  the  General  Act  say: 

"Justement  preoccupees  des  consequences  morales  et  materielles  qu'entraine 
pour  les  populations  indigenes  1'abus  des  spiritueux,  les  Puissances  signataires 
sont  convenues  d'appliquer  les  Articles  XCI.,  XCII.,  et  XCIII.  dans  une  zone 
delimitee  par  le  2O*ma  degre  latitude  nord  et  par  226me  degre  latitude  sud,  et 
aboutissant  vers  1'ouest  a  1'ocean  Atlantique  et  vers  Test  a  1'ocean  Indien  et  a  ses 
dependances,  y  compris  les  des  adjacentes  au  littoral  jusqu'a  100  milles  marins 
de  la  cote." 

"  Dans  les  regions  de  cette  zone  ou  il  sera  constate  que,  soit  a  raison  des 
croyances  religieuses,  soit  pour  autres  motifs,  1'usage  des  boissons  distillees 
n'existe  pas  ou  ne  s'est  pas  developpe,  les  Puissances  en  prohiberont  1'entree. 
La  fabrication  des  boissons  distillees  y  sera  egalement  interdite." 

Article  XCII.  binds  the  signatories  to  impose  in  possessions  or 
protectorates  not  subject  to  prohibition  an  import  duty  of  1 5  francs 
per  hectolitre  for  the  first  three  years  and  25  francs  afterwards. 
It  was  found  that  in  the  districts  not  subject  to  the  prohibitive 
regime  the  importation  of  spirits  was  rapidly  increasing,  and 
accordingly  the  Powers  agreed  at  a  subsequent  Conference  held  in 
Brussels  in  1899  (Martens,  Recueil,  xxv.,  543)  to  raise  the  import 
duty  to  70  francs. 

It  is  a  matter  of  terminology,  as  to  which  I  shall  not  presume  to 
dogmatise,  whether  the  agreements  which  I  have  mentioned  form 
part  of  International  Law  or  whether  they  are  to  be  designated 
merely  as  indications  of  a  common  policy.  I  cannot  say  that 
those  are  unreasonable  who  hold  that  "  PAssemble'e  de  Berlin  a 
de'montre'  qu'elle  ne  voyait  point  en  eux  des  associations  ou  des 
individus  en  dehors  de  la  communaute*  du  droit  des  gens."1 

It  is  at  least  plain  from  this  brief  recital  of  facts  that  there  is 
some  recognition  of  the  duties  of  great  States  to  weak  and  subject 
1  Engelhardt,  quoted  by  Trione,  p.  18. 


404  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

races  ;  some  recognition,  too,  of  the  need  of  joint  action ;  some 
agreement  as  to  these  duties.  It  is  no  less  true  that  these  duties 
are  still  imperfectly  recognised  ;  that  many  points  of  importance 
are  left  unsettled  ;  and  that  the  organisation,  official  and  non-official, 
needed  to  make  them  really  effective  is  imperfect  and  rudimentary. 
The  development  of  a  code  of  duties  of  nations  towards  the  less 
fortunate  or  less  gifted,  or  more  backward,  races  may  require  time ; 
considering  the  slow  rate  at  which  the  code  of  duties  of  civilised 
nations  towards  each  other  was  worked  out,  it  was  possible  that 
this  new  chapter  may  require  much  time.  But  some  principles  seem 
already  fairly  well  recognised,  and  among  them  these — 

1.  If  certain  races  are  in  the  position  of  minors,  not  fit  in  their 
their  present  condition  to  be  their  own    masters,  those  who  claim 
superiority  and  control  ought  to  justify  their  position  as  guardians. 
The   greater   the   unfitness   of  the   former,   the   greater   the   duties 
imposed  on  the  latter.     Every  Government   asserting  the  right   to 
control  the  destinies  of  such  races  ought  to  show  by   its  conduct 
that  it  is  not  acting  towards  its  wards  as  an  unjust  guardian  ;  that 
it  is  not  exploiting  their  labour  or  squandering  their  estates.     Could 
we  say  that  the  Native  departments  of  all  Governments  with   an 
indigenous  population  under  their  control,  even   now  satisfied   the 
test :  "  The  measure  of  your  duties  is  their  alleged  unfitness  "  ?    What 
is  no  less  clear  is  that  in  many  respects  the  so-called  guardians  are 
the  least  capable  of  judging  fairly  whether  they  have  fulfilled  such 
duties.     No  other  judge  may  have  jurisdiction  ;  that  circumstance 
does  make  them  the  less  fallible. 

2.  There  ought  to  be  less  of  the  intolerance  of  modern  civilisa- 
tion, equal  to  that  of  religious  fanaticism  ;  scarcely  surpassed  by  any 
displayed  by  the  Spanish  conquerors  of  Mexico  or  Peru.     If  they 
were  merciless,  they  had  fewer   means  of  carrying  out  their  will, 
and  they  had  at  all  events  moments  of  contrition  and  doubts  whether 
their  work  was  altogether  good  in  the  eyes  of  Heaven,  while  the 
self-satisfaction  of  modern  civilisation  is  rarely  broken  by  an  admis- 
sion of  failure.     I  am  tempted  to  cite,  if  only  as  a  rebuke  to  self- 
complacency  which  is  too  common  on  this  point,  a  remarkable  docu- 
ment entitled :  "  The  true  confession  and  protestation  in  the  hour  of 
death,"  by   one  of  the   first   Spanish   conquerors   of  Peru,   named 
Marcio  Serra  de  Lejesama,  in  1589.     Lejesama  begins  by  declaring 
that  he  desires  to  relieve  his  mind  and  to  give  notice  to  his  Catholic 
Majesty  King  Philip  of  his  regret  that  he  h?d  taken  part  in  the 
discovery  and  conquering  of  the  lands  of  the  Yncas. 

"  The  said  Yncas,"  proceeds  the  repentant  Conquisador,  "  governed  in  such  a 
way,  that  in  all  the  land  neither  a  thief,  nor  a  vicious  man,  nor  a  bad  dishonest 
woman  was  known.  The  men  all  had  honest  and  profitable  employment.  The 


SEVENTH   SESSION  405 

woods  and  mines  and  all  kinds  of  property  were  so  divided  that  each  man  knew 
what  belonged  to  him,  and  there  were  no  law-suits.  The  Yncas  were  feared, 
obeyed,  and  respected  by  their  subjects  as  a  race  very  capable  of  governing. 
But  we  took  away  their  land,  and  placed  it  under  the  government  of  Spain,  and 
made  them  subjects.  Your  Majesty  must  understand  that  my  reason  for  making 
this  statement  is  to  relieve  my  conscience,  for  we  have  destroyed  this  people 
by  our  bad  examples.  Crimes  were  once  so  little  known  among  them  that  an 
Indian  with  one  hundred  thousand  pieces  of  gold  and  silver  in  his  house  left  it 
open,  only  placing  a  little  stick  across  the  door  as  a  sign  that  the  master  was  out, 
and  nobody  went  in.  But  when  they  saw  that  we  placed  locks  and  keys  on  our 
doors,  they  understood  that  it  was  from  fear  of  thieves,  and  when  they  saw  that 
we  had  thieves  amongst  us,  they  despised  us.  All  this  I  tell  your  Majesty  to 
discharge  my  conscience  of  a  weight  that  I  may  no  longer  be  a  party  to  these 
things.  And  I  pray  God  to  pardon  me,  for  I  am  the  last  to  die  of  all  the  dis- 
coverers and  conquerors,  as  it  is  notorious  that  there  are  none  left  but  me  in  this 
land  or  out  of  it,  and  therefore  I  now  do  what  I  can  to  relieve  my  conscience."  ' 

I  may  not  have  searched  diligently  enough,  but  in  the  many 
narratives  of  modern  explorations,  conquerors  and  pioneers  of 
civilisation,  I  can  recall  few  expressions  of  regret  so  deep  as  that  of 
the  confession  by  the  Spanish  conqueror,  few  cases  in  which  the 
conscience  of  a  modern  explorer  or  promoter  smites  him,  and  he 
is  filled  with  doubts  whether  it  was  right  to  break  up  tribal 
organisations  and  convert  into  masses  of  shifting  atoms  what  were 
once  strong  cohesive  organisations,  the  rudiments  of  nations,  if 
not  nations  full  grown.  Even  when  no  cruelties  have  been  practised 
towards  native  races,  when  on  the  contrary  there  has  been  a  desire 
to  deal  fairly  with  them,  the  results  have  often  been  disastrous.  The 
old  tribal  system  is  broken  up,  the  best  land  is  seized  by  settlers; 
the  natives  are  stinted  either  in  regard  to  pasturage  or  hunting 
grounds.  They  are  lured  away  by  the  attraction  of  high  wages, 
and  they  become  broken  tribeless  men  ;  imitating  the  worst  vices 
of  their  new  masters ;  cut  off  from  their  old  nation ;  the  authority 
of  their  chiefs  gone,  no  authority  replacing  for  these  children  of 
Nature  that  which  has  been  destroyed. 

Some  of  these  evils  are  inevitable ;  it  is  the  fashion  to  say  or 
assume  that  all  of  them  are  so.  Strange  change  of  opinion,  in  old 
days  it  was  supposed  that  the  forces  of  Nature — the  flood,  the 
storm,  the  lightning,  the  elements,  the  difficulties  of  distance,  were 
uncontrollable — all  the  very  forces  which  modern  science  bends  to 
its  will.  Alongside  this  confidence  in  the  docility  of  physical  forces, 
prevails  a  spirit  bordering  on  fatalism  in  regard  to  the  habits  and 
conditions  of  men  ;  a  disbelief  in  the  efficiency  of  laws  or  measures 
to  avert  or  ameliorate  a  process  of  disintegration  such  as  I  have 
described ;  a  conviction  that  man  is  not,  as  to  his  economical  con- 
ditions, the  master  of  his  own  fate  or  that  of  his  kind.  I  am  not 

1  Quoted  in  the  Introduction  to  the  Travels  of  Piedro  de  Ciez  de  Leon,  Hakluyt 
Society,  1864,  p.  xxxii,  n. 


406  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

going  to  turn  aside  to  discuss  all  the  questions  here  mooted  ;  ques- 
tions far  beyond  my  powers.  But  I  am  justified  in  mentioning 
certain  dominant  prejudices,  taking  many  forms,  which  have  done 
mischief  and  are  still  at  work,  in  dealing  with  the  aborigines.  One 
of  these  is  an  undue  sense — undue  in  any  large  view  of  the  matter — 
of  the  value  of  the  present  prevalent  form  of  civilisation.  It  appears 
in  the  assumption  that  there  is  one  form  of  society  to  which  all 
others  must  conform  on  pain  of  perishing.  This  prejudice  makes 
people  forget  how  many  different  types  of  civilisation  there  have  been 
— the  Greek,  the  Roman,  the  Christian,  the  theocratic,  the  military, 
the  industrial  type — and  that  there  has  never  been  agreement  as 
to  their  merits. 

If  the  intolerance  of  civilisation,  with  its  compelle  intrare,  has 
done  harm,  mischievous,  too,  has  been  the  notion  that  the  so-called 
uncivilised  world  is  made  up  of  races  all  of  a  piece  ;  whereas  under 
the  vague  description  "  uncivilised "  are  grouped  a  multitude  of 
people  radically  different  from  each  other  ;  strong  and  weak,  good 
and  bad,  progressive  and  stationary  ;  some  with  the  self-denying 
virtues  in  which  are  the  roots  of  political  aptitude ;  others  un- 
stable, egotistical  and  incohesive.  In  the  eighteenth  century  it  was 
the  fashion  for  a  school  of  political  writers  here  and  in  France  to 
hold  up  the  Otaheitans  and  South  Sea  Islanders  as  models  to 
mankind ;  as  the  uncorrupted  natural  men  whom  Rousseau  ex- 
tolled ;  and  to  contrast  them  with  the  debased  creation  of  civilisa- 
tion with  his  luxury,  his  vices,  his  shame,  and  his  crimes.  Diderot 
and  Voltaire  delighted  in  placing  the  site  of  the  Garden  of  Eden 
in  a  latitude  and  longitude  not  far  from  those  of  Otaheite,  though 
by  the  way  they  perhaps  glided  lightly  over  the  fact  that  some 
of  these  happy  and  virtuous  people  ate  other  happy  and  virtuous 
people.  Read  the  accounts  of  the  early  navigators  who  visited 
these  islands — Cook's  and  Wallis's,  for  example — and  you  see  that 
those  so-called  savages  had  virtues  of  their  own,  were  courteous, 
gentle,  and  contented,  and  had,  in  the  broad  acceptation  of  the  term,  a 
civilisation  of  their  own.  Here  are  the  words  of  an  English  traveller 
who  lately  visited  an  island  in  one  of  the  great  African  lakes. 

"  Happy  little  island,  and  happy  islanders  !  War  never  comes  nigh  them. 
They  know  nothing  of  the  outside  world.  They  seem  to  wish  for  nothing. 
Why  should  they  ?  They  have  all  they  want.  May  it  be  centuries  before 
civilisation  with  its  innumerable  attendant  evils  finds  out  and  robs  little  Kisi 
of  the  peace  and  contentment  it  now  enjoys !"("  Circumnavigation  of  Lake 
Bangweolo,"  by  Mr.  Weatherley,  Geographical  Journal,  1898,  p.  254).  (For  an 
account  of  a  people  with  many  of  the  best  attributes  of  real  civilisation,  see  Mr. 
Torday*s  recently  published  Notes  Etltnographiqucs  sur  les  Bakuba  el  les  Bushongo.) 

Let    me   quote   the   words   in   which   William    Penn — sagacious 


SEVENTH    SESSION  407 

and  spacious-minded  statesman  who  foresaw  the   difficulties  which 
lay  ahead — describes  the  Indians  of  Pennsylvania  as  he  knew  them. 

"  Don't  abuse  them,  let  them  have  justice,  and  you  win  them.  The  worst 
is  they  are  the  worse  for  the  Christians,  who  have  propagated  their  vices  and 
yielded  them  traditions  for  ill,  and  not  for  good  things.  .  .  .  In  liberality  they 
excel,  nothing  is  too  good  for  their  friend  ;  give  them  a  fine  gun,  coat  or  other 
thing,  it  may  pass  twenty  hands  before  it  sticks ;  light  of  heart,  strong 
affections,  but  soon  spent ;  the  most  merry  creatures,  that  live,  feast,  and  dance 
perpetually ;  they  never  have  much,  nor  want  much  ;  wealth  circulates  like 
the  blood  ;  all  parts  partake,  and  though  none  shall  want  what  another  has, 
yet  exact  observance  of  property  "  ("  A  General  Description  of  the  Province  of 

Pennsylvania,"  Penn's  Works,  p.  703). 

J          '  '  v   '  •"        >'ij  oi  .->bfK>n  nwa 

3.  I    note   a   further    point.     That    the   conditions   upon   which 
treaties    between   civilised    Governments,   not    uncivilised    or  semi- 
civilised    communities,    should    be    wholly   different    from    treaties 
concluded   between  equals.     I  am  quoting   a  rule  of  law,  but   one 
based   on  good   sense,  when  I  say  that   contracts  to  which  minors 
are  parties  are  voidable  unless   to  their  advantage.     We  all    know 
how  wantonly  this  has  been  disregarded  ;  how  the  indigenous  inhabi- 
tants have  been  tricked  out  of  their  lands ;  how  a  colour  of  legality 
has  been  given  to  gross  frauds  (Deherpe,  Essai  sur  le  developpement 
de  toccupation,   1903,  p.  76).     I    fully  believe   that  such  frauds,  are 
much  rarer  than  they  were — the  opportunity  for  them  now  seldom 
occurs.     But  the  principle  above  stated  needs  to  be  set  down  clearly. 

4.  It   seems   a   truism    to   say   that    these   races   should    retain 
their  means  of  existence  ;   a  truism  unfortunately  often  questioned 
in    practice;    a    truism   with   far-reaching   consequences   as    to   the 
land   of  tribes,  as   to   the  operations  of  promoters,  and   as   to   the 
granting  of  concessions.     This  principle  implies  a  land  system  made 
for  them  as  well  as  for  the  whites;  where  they  preponderate  in  number, 
one  may  fairly  claim  made  more  for  them  than  for  the  latter. 

The  Act  of  Berlin  of  February  26,  1885,  laid  down  certain 
useful  rules  (Articles  XXXIV.  and  XXXV.)  as  to  the  assumption  of 
a  protectorate  over  territories  on  the  coast  of  the  African  Continent 
and  the  conditions  of  occupation.  These  rules  relate  only  to  the 
rights  of  parties  to  the  Act ;  they  are  silent  as  to  the  rights  of  the 
indigenous  population  in  the  land.  It  did  not  condemn  the  doctrine 
that  such  land  if  not  occupied  by  a  civilised  state  was  res  nullius, 
or  prescribe  the  conditions  upon  which  treaties  relating  to  such  land 
should  be  recognised.1 

1  A  proposal  to  that  effect  by  Mr.  Kasson,  the  representative  of  the  United  States, 
was  put  forward  but  rejected.  The  above  is  substantially  in  agreement  with  the  pro- 
posal of  Martitze,  Annuaire,  Institut  du  Droit  International,  ix.,  p.  280.  "  IX.  Le  droit 
international  impose  a  la  nation  occupante  le  devoir  de  veiller  a  la  conservation,  a 
1'education,  et  a  1'amelioration  du  bien-etre  moral  et  materiel  des  populations 
indigenes,"  &c, 


4o8  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

It  might  also  be  thought  a  truism,  were  it  not  so  often  dis- 
regarded, to  say  that  the  indigenous  population  should  have  the 
opportunities  of  development  in  their  own  way — which  means 
education  suited  to  their  needs ;  no  forcible  conformity  to  one  type. 

5.  The  principle  above  stated  implies  something  of  reverence — at 
all  events  respect — towards  these  backward  races ;  a  desire  to  preserve 
their  customs  and  law  (so  far  as  not  cruel  and  mischievous). 

So  much — and  it  is  necessarily  imperfect — as  to  a  few  of  the 
doctrines  which  have  already  obtained  partial  recognition,  but  which 
need  explicit  statement  and  application.  Next,  as  to  the  organisa- 
tion needed  to  give  effect  to  them.  In  these  days  we  at  once  think 
of  Parliaments.  But  all  the  non-dominant  races  cannot  have  Parlia- 
ments. Yet  they  may  have  voices  ;  not  merely  for  the  expression  of 
political  grievances,  but  for  the  maintenance  and  preservation  of  types 
of  character  and  ideals ;  for  the  furtherance  of  national  literature 
with  racial  elements ;  for  the  preservation  of  their  institutions  and 
monuments  in  art  and  literature ;  organs  for  the  attainment  of  aims 
which  the  State  does  not  necessarily  secure  and  often  destroys  or 
imperils. 

(a)  First  and  foremost  there  should  be  fairly  frequent  meetings 
such  as  the  present ;  gatherings  from  time  to  time  when  the  whole 
situation  may  be  reviewed,  when  people  of  different  races  may  draw 
together,  when  the  different  forms  which  the  same  movement  may 
take  may  be  studied.  If  we  must  trust  to  public  opinion,  as  is  said, 
then  public  opinion  should  be  enlightened  by  such  gatherings  as 
these.  Sympathy  ought  to  go  hand  in  hand  with  knowledge,  and  it 
might  be  the  object  of  such  gatherings  to  study  the  scientific  bases 
of  truth,  if  any,  underlying  the  theories  as  to  race,  and  to  discriminate 
between  the  mass  of  illusions  and  prejudices  and  scientific  teaching. 
There  should  be  more  and  more — and  fortunately  already  there  are 
many — societies  representative  of  the  interests  of  races.  In  no 
country,  so  far  as  I  know,  can  Governments  do  all  that  is  needed  ; 
in  some  they  may  be  positively  hostile  to  objects  which  certain  races 
have  much  at  heart.  Some  time  ago  a  few  of  my  friends  formed  the 
South  African  Native  Races  Committee.  Its  main  object  was  to  obtain 
and  diffuse  accurate  information  as  to  the  native  population  of  South 
Africa.  Perhaps  its  chief  work  so  far  has  been  to  bring  about  the 
formation  of  two  similar  societies  in  that  country.  Of  late  it  has 
endeavoured  to  aid  in  procuring  funds  for  the  establishment  of  a 
college  for  South  African  natives.  I  cannot  but  think  there  is 
plenty  of  room  for  societies  with  like  objects. 

(£)  My  last  suggestion  is  difficult  to  state  without  saying  too  much 
or  too  little,  without  seeming  to  question  or  ignore  the  power  of 
diplomacy  and  the  Press.  Often  of  late  it  must  have  been  borne  in 


SEVENTH   SESSION  409 

upon  many  that  it  was  desirable  to  obtain  accurate  information  as  to 
some  of  the  questions  with  which  this  Congress  is  concerned — 
information  not  only  accurate,  but  universally  accepted  as  such  ; 
co-operation  by  inquirers  whose  competence  or  disinterestedness 
could  not  be  questioned.  Perhaps  some  day  such  investigators, 
forming  a  staff  of  trustworthy  experts,  will  be  available  to  throw 
light  upon  questions  as  to  which  official  and  non-official  accounts 
differ.  

To  sum  up  these  suggestions : — Closely  connected  with,  if  not  a 
part  of,  International  Law  is  a  group  of  duties  on  the  part  of  domi- 
nant races  to  those  under  their  control  or  influence.  These  duties, 
now  imperfectly  recognised,  may  be  made  clearer;  they  may  be 
enlarged ;  the  observance  of  them  may  be  made  stricter  by  wise 
co-operation.  Prizing  and  preserving  diversity  of  race,  we  may 
attain  to  something  like  unity  in  spirit  and  policy. 
[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 

'    b? 


PERIODICAL   PEACE   CONFERENCES 

By  M.  JAROUSSE  DE  SILLAC, 

Permanent  Secretary  of  the  French  Preparatory  Commission  for  the 
Third  Hague  Conference. 

"The  law  of  nations  is  naturally  based  on  the  principle  that  the 
various  nations  ought  to  do  as  much  good  as  possible  to  each  other 
during  peace,  and  as  little  harm  as  possible  during  war." — MONTES- 
QUIEU, Esprit  des  Lois,  iii.  i. 

WHEN,  at  the  command  of  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  Count  Muravieff 
convoked  the  first  Peace  Conference,  by  his  circular  of  the  i2/24th  of 
August,  1898,  scarcely  any  one  foresaw  the  importance  that  the 
enterprise  would  one  day  have.  It  seemed  at  the  time,  in  the  eyes 
of  the  writer  Mommsen,  to  be  a  typographical  error  in  the  history 
of  the  world.1 

In  order  to  understand  the  future  development  of  these  Peace 
Conferences,  which  are  now  periodical,  it  is  enough  to  examine  the 
earlier  state  of  things  and  the  progress  already  made. 

The  object  of  the  first  Russian  proposal  was  very  restricted  ;  it 
aimed  only  at  bringing  together  a  certain  number  of  Powers  for  the 
purpose  of  studying  the  possibility  of  "  limiting  "  armaments  in  order 
to  lessen  the  financial  burdens  of  States.  But  the  exchange  of  views 
which  preceded  the  holding  of  this  "disarmament  conference"  having 
1  Le  Temps,  May  15,  1899. 


410  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

shown  that  the  chances  of  success  were  very  slender,  a  second 
Muravieff  circular  (January  2,  1899)  enlarged  the  original  pro- 
gramme, adding  to  it,  especially,  "the  possibility  of  preventing 
armed  conflicts  by  pacific  means,"  and  the  regulation  of  the  "  laws 
and  customs  of  war." 

These  two  new  subjects  changed  the  character  of  the  gathering, 
and  even  the  title  of  it  was  modified.  From  that  point  it  was 
called  "  Peace  Conference."  Indeed  the  Conference,  yielding  to  the 
pressure  of  things,  soon  converted  the  accessory  into  the  principal, 
relegated  to  the  second  place  the  premature  question  of  disarma- 
ment, and  endeavoured  to  justify  its  title  by  concentrating  its 
efforts  on  the  "  pacific  settlement  of  international  conflicts."  Finally, 
the  second  Conference,  which  met  in  1907,  emphasised  this  tendency 
and  gave  a  much  broader  development  to  the  initial  idea  of  the  Tsar. 

The  work  of  the  two  Conferences  has  clearly  given  us  for  the 
future  a  plan  of  action  that  we  may  sum  up  in  the  following  three 
points  :  Regulate  war,  maintain  peace,  and  organise  the  society  of 
civilised  States. 

We  will  examine  the  three  points  in  succession,  asking  in  each 
case  what  has  been  done  by  the  first  two  Conferences,  and  what 
remains  to  be  done  by  future  Conferences. 

I.  THE  REGULATION  OF  WAR. — What  has  been  done. — The  delegates  to  the 
Hague  Conferences  have  been  blamed  for  concerning  themselves  with  war. 
They  ought,  on  the  contrary,  to  be  praised,  for  nothing  better  shows  their  sense 
of  realities. 

Nations  ought  to  have  normal  and  pacific  relations  with  each  other.  But 
these  relations  may  be  interrupted,  and  give  way  to  violence.  It  is  impossible 
to  overlook  this  contingency.  We  must,  on  the  contrary,  foresee  it,  and  lay 
down  rules  to  restrict  the  evils  that  result  from  it. 

The  principles  of  the  law  of  nations  in  this  regard  were  distributed,  either 
in  special  works,  or  in  projects  that  had  not  been  ratified,  such  as  that  of 
the  Brussels  Conference  (1874). 

The  task  of  the  Hague  Conferences  consisted  in  collecting,  unifying,  in  a 
word,  codifying  them.  It  has  assuredly  not  exhausted  the  question,  but  it  has 
established  a  common  law  on  a  large  number  of  important  points. 

The  chief  need  was  to  define  the  relations  of  belligerents  to  each  other, 
and  let  them  know  what  they  might,  or  might  not,  do.  Hence  the  conven- 
tions elaborated  at  The  Hague  on  the  following  subjects  :— 

Opening  of  hostilities. 

Laws  and  customs  of  war  on  land. 

Conduct  of  hostile  merchant-ships.  'jJuJa  ishijiD 

Transformation  of  merchant-ships  into  war-ships. 

Submarine  mines. 

Bombardment  by  naval  forces. 

Adaptation  of  the  Geneva  Convention  to  maritime  war. 

To  take  account  of  the  exigencies  of  war  in  so  far  as  they  are  unalterable 
and  allow  the  attainment  as  quickly  as  possible  of  the  aim  of  all  war,  the 
reduction  of  the  enemy ;  but  at  the  same  time  to  introduce  as  much  humanity 


SEVENTH   SESSION  411 

and  loyalty  as  possible  into  the  relations  between  the  States  engaged  in  conflict 
and  between  the  citizens  of  those  States — that  is  the  general  idea  which  inspires 
the  "war  legislation"  laid  down  by  these  conventions. 

Another  point  to  be  considered  was  the  situation  in  which  neutrals  were 
placed  in  time  of  war,  and  their  rights  and  duties — a  most  important  point  in 
view  of  the  modern  conception  of  neutrality.  In  time  of  war  neutral  States  are, 
as  it  were,  spectators  of  the  conflict,  and  for  two  reasons  it  is  inadvisable  that 
the  war  should  spread  to  them  ;  in  the  first  place,  they  themselves  escape  the 
evils  which  come  of  it,  and,  in  the  second  place,  they  maintain  the  security  and 
authority  that  are  necessary  for  them  to  obtain  a  hearing  from  the  belligerents 
with  a  view  to  pacification.  In  order  to  allow  them  to  assume  this  character, 
the  ground  had  to  be  prepared  by  the  framing  of  a  legislation  of  neutrality. 
That  is  the  tendency  of  the  agreements  on  the  following  points : — 

Rights  and  duties  of  neutral  Powers  and  private  persons  in  cases  of 

war  on   land. 

Rights  and   duties  of   neutral   Powers  in   case  of   maritime  war. 
Declaration  in  relation  to  the  law   of   maritime  war  (blockade,   contra- 
band, assisting  the   enemy,  &c.). 

The  latter  "  declaration  "  was,  it  is  true,  elaborated  by  the  Naval  Conference 
held  at  London  in  1909,  but  this  may  be  regarded  as  a  sequel  to  the 
Peace  Conference,  since  its  object  was  to  facilitate  the  working  of  the  Prize 
Court. 

Lastly,  the  Conferences  dealt  with  the  provision  of  sanctions  for  the  observ- 
ance of  the  laws  of  warfare  ;  they  are  as  yet  modest  sanctions,  but  they  never- 
theless represent  an  entirely  new  path  that  had  not  hitherto  been  taken 
by  conventional  law.  The  most  important  is  "the  pecuniary  indemnity" 
inflicted  on  the  belligerent  party  that  shall  violate  the  convention  on  the  laws  of 
warfare  (art.  3).  There  are  others,  however,  such  as  the  loss  of  the  right  of 
inviolability  by  any  parliamentarians  who  shall  be  guilty  of  an  act  of  treason 
(art.  34),  the  resumption  of  hostilities  in  case  of  the  violation  of  an  armistice 
(art.  40),  the  loss  of  the  benefits  of  neutrality  (art.  17  of  the  convention  on 
neutrals),  &c. 

What  remains  to  be  done.  —The  work  of  the  codification  of  the  law  in  time 
of  war  has  its  programme  marked  out  for  the  next  Peace  Conferences.  It  will 
continue  to  have  two  chief  ends  in  view  :  (i)  to  humanise  war  as  much  as 
possible,  without  attempting  to  oppose  the  military  application  of  inventions, 
which  might  prove  to  be  a  fruitless  task;  and  (2)  to  define  and  strengthen 
more  and  more  the  position  of  neutrals,  so  as  to  preserve  them  from  the 
contagion  of  hostilities  and  allow  them  to  use  their  collective  influence  in 
an  attempt  to  pacify  the  belligerents. 

In  these  two  respects  the  existing  conventions  will  doubtless  need  improving 
and  modifying.    Other  questions  will  be  raised,  most  of  which  have  already  been 
profoundly  studied  by  the  Institute  of  International  Law  and  the  Interparlia- 
mentary Union.    The  following  may  be  given  as  examples : — 
Right  of  capture  at  sea  (respect  for  private  property). 
Limitation  of  blockade  to  war-ports. 
Neutrality  of  certain  inter-oceanic  straits  and  canals. 
Effect  of  war  on  treaties  and  on  private  contracts. 
Regulation  of  aerial  navigation  in  time  of  war. 

We  have  here  a  considerable  amount  of  work  to  go  on  with,  and  the  useful- 
ness of  it,  as  long  as  the  possibility  of  war  lasts,  cannot  be  disputed. 

II.  THE  MAINTENANCE  OF  PEACE.— What  has  been  done.— In  this  regard  the 
first  two  Conferences  have  elaborated  quite  an  international  code  under  the 
name  of  "  Convention  for  the  Pacific  Settlement  of  International  Conflicts  "  and 


412  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

"  Convention  Concerning  the  Limitation  of  the  Use  of  Force  for  the  Recovery 
of  Contracted  Debts."  There  are,  further,  certain  "  declarations  "  inserted  in  the 
final  act  which  prepare  the  way  for  improvements.  Finally,  the  "  Prize  Court  " 
has  for  its  object  the  juridical  control  of  a  series  of  special  conflicts. 

The  object  of  all  these  dispositions  is  the  same  :  to  secure  for  States  the 
power  to  adjust  their  differences  without  recourse  to  arms. 

"  Mediation  "  is  the  first  procedure  that  suggests  itself.  It  is  conducted  by 
one  or  more  Powers  friendly  to  the  conflicting  parties,  and  the  mediator, 
appointed  by  common  agreement,  has  to  "  reconcile  the  opposing  claims."  The 
chief  difference  between  this  system  and  arbitration  is  that  the  findings  of  the 
mediator  are  in  no  sense  binding  upon  the  parties,  and  are  not  necessarily  based 
on  a  definition  of  their  rights. 

Next  to  this  diplomatic  means  we  have  the  juridical  ways  of  ending 
conflicts.  In  such  litigation  we  must  distinguish  between  questions  of  fact 
and  questions  of  law.  To  elucidate  the  former  "international  commissions  of 
inquiry  "  have  been  instituted.  To  settle  the  latter  the  rules  of  arbitration  have 
been  defined. 

The  commission  of  inquiry  has  merely  to  throw  light  on  facts  that  are  in 
dispute  between  two  States,  and  make  a  report  with  the  utmost  impartiality. 
One  indisputable  result  of  this  procedure  is  to  put  an  end  to  public  discussion  of 
questions  that  inflame  the  national  sentiments  of  the  two  peoples.  The  effect 
was  very  gratifying  in  connection  with  the  Hull  incident. 

Then  there  is  "  arbitration,"  which  has  to  control  litigation  between  States 
by  means  of  judges  of  their  own  choice  and  on  a  basis  of  respect  for  the 
right. 

Two  chief  methods  are  used  in  fixing  arbitration  among  the  habits  of  nations  : 
(i)  The  conclusion  of  treaties  between  two  States  stipulating  that  there  shall  be 
recourse  to  arbitration  "  in  all  cases  that  they  think  possible  to  submit  to  it." 
Thanks  to  the  indications  given  in  the  text  (art.  40)  the  number  of  arbitration 
treaties  is  now  considerable  (about  120).  (2)  The  creation  of  a  "  Permanent 
Arbitration  Court."  This  court  is  a  kind  of  college  of  arbitrators,  four  being 
chosen  from  each  State.  A  practical  procedure  makes  it  possible  to  appoint 
speedily  three  or  five  arbitrators  from  amongst  them.  These  arbitrators  meet, 
deliberate,  and  formulate  their  verdict  in  accordance  with  settled  rules.  The 
Hague  Tribunal  thus,  in  a  celebrated  phrase,  makes  arbitration  "easy  and 
honourable  "  for  States.  The  latter  seem  to  appreciate  it,  and  use  it  more  and 
more.  (Examples  :  the  Casablanca  affair,  1909 ;  the  Anglo-American  conflict  in 
regard  to  the  North-Atlantic  Fisheries,  1910,  the  Savarkar  affair,  1911,  &C.) 

In  order  that  this  Tribunal  may  be  set  to  work  as  frequently  as  possible,  it 
has  been  recognised  that  the  Powers  which  are  foreign  to  a  dispute  have  a 
"  duty  "  which  obliges  them  to  remind  parties  about  to  declare  war  "  that  the 
Permanent  Court  is  open  to  them "  (art.  48).  This  "  advice "  cannot  be 
regarded  as  an  unfriendly  act.  On  the  other  hand,  one  of  the  Powers  at 
variance  may  address  to  the  Hague  Bureau  a  note  informing  it  that  it  is 
disposed  to  accept  arbitration,  and  the  Bureau  must  at  once  make  this  decla- 
ration known  to  the  other  Power.  As  the  first  American  delegate  recalled  in 
1907,  the  President  of  the  United  States  has  on  several  occasions  discharged 
this  "  duty,"  and  thus  prevented  a  number  of  wars  between  South  American 
States. 

The  "  International  Prize  Court "  also  must  be  included  among  the  means 
devised  for  the  pacific  settlement  of  international  disputes. 

Finally,  the  convention  in  regard  to  "  contractual  debts "  absolutely  forbids 
the  use  of  force  to  recover  them.  An  exception  is  made  when  the  adverse 
party  has  refused  arbitration,  or  will  not  obey  the  verdict.  It  follows  that 
differences  of  this  nature  must  be  submitted  to  arbitrators  in  all  cases. 


SEVENTH   SESSION  413 

Hence  this  and  disputes  relative  to  maritime  prizes  form  two  subjects  in 
regard  to  which  all  States  accept  the  operation  of  an  international  jurisdiction. 

What  remains  to  be  done. — Future  Conferences  must  continue  to  codify 
international  law :  (i)  by  improving  and  increasing  the  means  of  maintaining 
peace  ;  (2)  by  denning  the  principles  not  yet  codified,  on  which  are  based  the 
relations  of  States  to  each  other.  The  points  that  may  engage  particular 
attention  in  both  these  regards  are  as  follows : — 

Sanctions. — It  has  often  been  observed  that  the  engagements  entered  upon  by 
States,  and  especially  arbitration  conventions,  were  devoid  of  sanctions.  In 
point  of  fact,  nevertheless,  the  sentences  of  arbitrators  are  always  carried  out. 
On  the  other  hand,  in  recent  times  Governments  have  shown  the  greatest 
concern  that  they  should  not  be  regarded  as  the  aggressors  in  the  wars  in  which 
they  have  been  engaged.  These  two  results  have  a  common  origin  :  the  fear  of 
the  verdict  of  public  opinion,  the  desire  to  have  the  appearance  of  right  on  one 
side,  and,  consequently,  the  support  of  neutrals. 

What  is  the  meaning  of  all  this  ?  It  is  because  neutral  opinion  tends  to 
become  a  moral  force  that  may  with  the  greatest  ease  be  converted  into 
material  assistance.  We  have  here,  then,  in  latent  form,  a  moralising  force 
which  the  Peace  Conferences  must  develop  and  organise.  In  doing  this,  they 
will  confine  themselves  to  developing  the  idea  contained  in  germ  in  article  48, 
which  lays  upon  neutrals  the  duty  of  pacification,  and  upon  the  Hague  Bureau 
the  part  of  intermediary  on  the  eve  of  conflicts. 

In  order  to  give  solidity  to  neutral  opinion  and  enable  it  to  throw  its  whole 
weight  on  the  side  of  the  right,  we  must  define  what  the  right  is.  We  may  start 
from  the  evident  principle  that  a  State,  when  attacked  by  another,  is  in  a  position 
of  legitimate  defence.  But  the  real  aggressor  is  not  always  the  one  who  first 
crosses  the  frontier.  It  is  easy  to  provoke  a  declaration  of  war.  We  need, 
therefore,  a  criterion  that  will  enable  neutrals  to  distinguish  the  aggressor.  Such 
a  criterion  exists.  It  is  enough  to  define  it  in  a  text  that  is  inspired  by  the 
following  idea  :  the  right  is  not  to  be  judged  by  the  claims  advanced  by  a  State 
or  the  military  operations  it  conducts,  but  by  the  fact  that  the  State  has  declared 
its  readiness  to  have  recourse  to  arbitration,  while  the  opposite  f^rty  has  refused 
to  have  recourse  to  it  or  to  submit  to  the  sentence  passed.  The  refusal  of 
arbitration  is  the  precise  feature  that  will  enable  neutral  opinion  in  nearly  every 
case  to  range  itself  on  one  side. x 

When  we  have  thus  succeeded  in  forming  neutral  opinion  on  a  juridical 
principle,  it  will  be  time  to  consider  in  what  way  it  may  make  itself  felt,  when 
necessary.  Probably  its  moral  influence  will  suffice,  as  a  rule. 

Mediation. — This  is  a  convenient  and  plastic  procedure  in  certain  cases,  and 
one  that,  in  the  present  circumstances,  may  help  to  adjust  differences  of  a 
political  and  territorial  character,  which  States  would  hesitate  to  submit  to 
arbitration.  This  implement,  indicated  by  the  Paris  Congress  of  1856,  and  the 
General  Act  of  Berlin  of  February  26,  1885,  and  regulated  by  the  Hague  Con- 
ferences of  1899  and  JQ0?.  might  be  materially  improved.  In  the  first  place,  it 
does  not  seem  to  be  indispensable  to  have  recourse  to  one  or  more  other 
Powers ;  it  has  been  observed  that  certain  constituted  bodies  or  private 
individuals  would  be  just  as  capable  of  playing  the  part  of  mediator  in 
conditions  that  exclude  even  more  effectively  any  trace  of  national  interest. 

It  has  also  been  proposed  to  conclude  treaties  making  it  obligatory  to  have 
recourse  to  a  mediator  in  certain  cases,  and  to  draw  up  articles  of  mediation 
corresponding  to  articles  40  and  48. 

The  more  practical  of  these  propositions  could  be  inserted  in  title  1 1  of  the 


1  Compare  G.  Moch,  Du  Droit  de  legitime  Defense,  1910. 


4i4  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

Convention  on  the  Settlement  of  International  Conflicts. x  We  should  thus  have 
ready  at  hand  two  solutions  instead  of  one — mediation  and  arbitration,  either  of 
which  might  be  used  according  to  the  nature  of  the  dispute. 

Arbitration. — The  second  Conference  achieved  results  and  work  in  this 
respect  that  indicate  the  path  to  be  followed.  The  possibility  of  submitting 
certain  categories  of  differences  to  obligatory  arbitration  without  reserve  has 
been  recognised  by  the  whole  of  the  States.  Six  of  these  categories  have  been 
admitted  by  thirty-two  States,  and  two  other  categories  are  now  recognised  by 
all  civilised  States ;  they  are  the  questions  of  contractual  debt  and  maritime 
prizes.  What  has  been  admitted  for  these  two  cases  can  easily  be  admitted  for 
a  larger  number.  As  to  other  differences,  in  regard  to  which  we  have  still  to 
take  account  of  the  habitual  reserves  of  national  honour,  vital  interests,  &c., 
it  is  logical  to  regard,  not  merely  "juridical  differences,"  but  every  kind  of 
conflict,  since  States  always  have  the  right  to  refrain  from  arbitration  on  the 
ground  of  "  reserves."  The  meaning  and  interpretration  of  these  reserves  might 
be  defined  as  in  the  Italo-Belgian  Treaty  of  November  18,  1910."  In  this  way 
we  should  restrict  the  optional  character  in  this  clause  that  was  criticised  in 
the  discussions  of  1907. 

Lastly,  we  might  eliminate  such  of  these  reserves  as  do  not  seem  to  corre- 
spond to  realities,  and  are  due  to  vague  phraseology.  It  is  desirable  that  a  chain 
of  arbitration  treaties,  on  the  bases  already  admitted,  should  link  together  all  the 
civilised  States  that  meet  in  the  third  Conference. 

But  nothing  should  prevent  such  of  them  as  wish  to  go  further  from  taking 
advantage  of  the  opportunity  afforded  by  the  meetings  to  bind  themselves  by  a 
more  extensive  treaty,  and  thus  constitute  a  restricted  union  of  obligatory 
arbitration. 

Arbitration  Court  and  Court  of  International  Justice. — This  question  will  be 
treated  later  (see  Part  III,  "Organisation  of  the  Society  of  States"). 

International  Duty.3 — In  continuation  of  the  effort  of  the  first  two  Con- 
ferences, it  would  be  well  to  seek  some  practical  means  of  enabling  Powers  to 
discharge  this  duty. 

There  are  two  difficulties  in  the  way  of  discharging  it : — 

1.  Although,   according  to  the  texts,   "the  advice  to  have  recourse  to  the 
Permanent  Court"  must  be  regarded  as  a  "friendly"  act,  a  Power  always 
hesitates  to  be  the  first  to  break  the  silence  observed  by  the  others,  and  interfere 
officially  in  the  dispute  between  two  other  States.    It  is  therefore  necessary  to 
find  some  procedure  that  will  make  the  steps  collective,  instead  of  isolated  ;  it 
would   thus  have  more  weight,   and  the  responsibility  would  be  divided.     In 
order  to  realise  this,  could  not  one  of  the  permanent  organs  of   the  Hague 
institutions  ("Administrative  Council"  or  "Arbitration  Bureau")  be  charged 
with  gathering,  on  the  eve  of  the  conflict,  the  opinion  of  the  Powers  as  to 
the  opportuneness  of  discharging  the  "  duty  "  defined  to  article  48,  and  trans- 
mitting to  the  two  conflicting  parties  the  replies  of  the  States  that  desire  to 
fulfil  their  duty  ? 

2.  The  other  difficulty  is :  at  what  precise  moment  does  a  dispute  become 
dangerous,  and  when  is  there  occasion  to  gather  the  opinion  of  neutral  Powers  ? 
In  this  respect  full  discretion  might  be  left  to  the  international  organ,  and,  that 


1  See  N.  I',  .lit is,  "L'Avenir  de  la  Mediation,"  Revue  ile  Droit  International  Public, 
1910,  p.  136. 

"  "Declaration"  annexed  to  the  "obligatory  arbitration  treaty"  concluded  on 
November  18,  1910,  between  Belgium  and  Italy. 

3  See  article  48  of  the  Convention  for  the  Pacific  Settlement  of  International 
Conflicts. 


SEVENTH    SESSION  415 

no  time  may  be  lost,  it  should  be  allowed  to  correspond  directly  and  telegraphi- 
cally with  each  of  the  interested  States. 

Limitation  of  Armaments. — As  is  known,  the  first  two  Conferences  have  not 
attained  this  object.  They  confined  themselves  to  expressions  of  desire,  but  the 
execution  seems  to  be  impeded  by  considerable  difficulties.  The  insecurity  that 
still  exists  in  the  world,  and  the  absence  of  adequate  sanctions  in  favour  of 
juridical  solutions,  make  any  diminution  of  the  armament  of  a  State  seem  to  be 
a  menace  to  its  existence.  Each  wants  to  overtake  its  neighbour,  and  the 
progress  of  inventions  causes  an  incessant  rivalry.  Nevertheless,  the  loss  of 
productive  labour  and  money  is  so  evident  that  the  excessive  armaments  will,  no 
doubt,  engender  a  feeling  of  weariness  even  in  the  richest  States.  Then  it  will 
be  time  to  think  of  "  limitation,"  but  at  the  same — or,  rather,  before  then — we 
shall  have  to  secure,  in  a  more  binding  way,  the  juridical  settlement  of  disputes. 
We  may  further  observe  that  "  limitation  of  armaments  "  is  not  synonymous  with 
"  disarmament,"  and  does  not  at  all  preclude  the  possibility  of  war. 

Codification  of  Other  Principles  of  International  Law. — It  goes  without  saying 
that  the  various  devices  which  we  have  reviewed  belong  to  the  codification  of 
international  law,  and  indeed  form  the  most  important  part  of  it,  since  they  aim 
at  the  direct  maintenance  of  peace.  But  in  order  to  attain  this  result  more 
securely  it  is  further  necessary  to  define  the  principles  on  which  the  normal 
relations  of  nations  are  based.  It  has  been  written  (art.  37)  that  the  arbitrators 
might  give  their  decision  "on  the  basis  of  respect  for  the  right."  But  what  is 
this  right  ?  The  Powers  have  wholly  failed  to  tell  us.  We  must  therefore  con- 
vert into  conventional  law  those  parts  of  law  which  have  not  yet  been  codified. 
That  will  be  a  long  and  difficult  task.  Among  questions  that  might  be  first 
approached  we  may  quote  the  following  : — 

Responsibility  of  States ; 

Regulation  of  diplomatic  and  consular  immunities ; 
International  routes  of  communication ; 
Executive  measures  in  regard  to  foreign  States  ; 

III.  THE  ORGANISATION  OF  THE  SOCIETY  OF  STATES. — The  word  "society" 
has  many  different  meanings  (commercial,  philanthropic,  scientific  societies, 
&c.),  but  it  may  be  said,  in  its  widest  application,  to  mean  any  assemblage  of 
individuals  or  groups  of  individuals  with  common  rules  in  view  of  the  pre- 
servation of  their  common  interests. 

There  is,  therefore,  such  a  thing  as  a  society  of  civilised  States.  On  many 
points  these  States  have  similar  interests,  and  the  number  of  these  increases 
every  day  with  the  means  of  communication,  exchange,  and  progress  of  all 
kinds.  This  interdependence  and  community  of  interests  have  been  affirmed 
by  Congresses  which  dealt  with  European  and  world-wide  questions,  such  as 
those  of  Vienna  (1815),  Paris  (1856),  and  Berlin  (1878).  The  creation  of  the 
offices  of  universal  Unions  has  given  tangible  form  to  these  interests,  and  given 
them  a  purely  international  expression. 

But  it  fell  to  the  two  Peace  Conferences  really  to  organise  the  society  of 
States  by  bestowing  on  it  the  first  elements  of  a  political  society.  Mere  germs 
as  yet,  these  elements  may,  as  they  develop,  constitute  a  legislative,  a  judiciary, 
and  an  administrative  organisation,  the  whole  being  co-ordinated  by  a  "  declara- 
tion of  principles,"  of  which  the  bases  have  already  been  laid  down. 

As  we  review  these  creations,  scattered  over  the  various  texts  of  the  Hague 
Conferences  in  1899  anc^  I9°7>  we  see  the  actual  formation  of  this  society  of 
States,  with  the  sole  object  of  safeguarding  common  interests,  while  respecting 
the  complete  sovereignty  and  the  actual  prerogatives  of  its  members.  These 
are  the  principal  elements  of  it : — 

Declaration  of  Principles. — It  is  contained  in  the  preamble  of  the  Convention 


416  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

for  the  pacific  settlement  of  international  conflicts,  and  defines,  with  rare 
felicity  of  phrase,  the  fundamental  interests  of  States,  the  end  toward  which 
they  tend,  and  the  law  that  ought  to  control  their  relations.1 

In  this  preamble  the  great  interests  to  safeguard  are  "  the  maintenance  of 
general  peace"  and  the  bonds  of  "international  solidarity."  Peace  and  soli- 
darity :  these  two  explain  the  power  that  impels  modern  nations  to  form  a  group 
and  legislate  in  common. 

The  end  to  aim  at  is  "  the  security  of  States  and  the  welfare  of  peoples." 

Finally,  the  means  of  preserving  these  interests  and  attaining  this  end  are 
"to  extend  the  empire  of  law,"  to  "strengthen  the  feeling  of  universal  justice," 
and  to  "  consecrate  the  principles  of  equity  and  law." 

Just  as  there  is  a  Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man,  so  there  is  now  a  Declara- 
tion of  the  Rights  of  States  in  regard  to  each  other,  and  it  marks  no  less  im- 
portant a  date  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

We  must  now  see  what  application  has  been  made  of  these  principles  in 
1899  and  1907. 

Elements  of  an  International  Legislative  Organisation. — The  "  Peace  Con- 
ference" has  henceforth  all  the  characters  of  an  assembly  charged  with  the 
duty  of  elaborating,  subject  to  the  ratification  of  each  Government,  laws  that 
apply  to  the  whole  of  civilised  States  (twenty-six  States  in  1899,  forty-four  in  1907). 

Each  State  is  represented  by  several  delegates  (diplomatists,  jurisconsults, 
technical  experts,  &c.),  who  are  appointed  by  the  national  executive  power,  so 
that  the  representation  is  diplomatic. 

As  to  the  aim  of  the  Conference,  it  presents  certain  analogies  with  that  of  a 
Parliament ;  its  task  is  to  legislate  on  general  subjects  connected  with  points  of 
law,  and  to  elaborate  international  law,  just  as  Parliaments  elaborate  national 
law.  But  there  is  a  difference  in  the  fact  that  the  resolutions  of  the  Conference 
are  formed  ad  referendum,  or  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  States.  Another 
analogy  with  the  parliamentary  method  is  that  commissions  and  subcommissions 
are  set  up  for  the  study  of  each  question.  A  president,  reporter,  and  secretary 
are  generally  appointed  for  each,  and  the  conclusions  are  presented  in  a  report 
to  the  full  assembly. 

The  consequences  of  the  vote,  however,  are  very  different  from  those  of  a 
parliamentary  vote.  Each  State  has  only  one  voice,  and  the  majority  does  not 
give  the  law  to  the  minority.  A  declaration  is  not  adopted  unless  it  is  unani- 
mously admitted.  In  point  of  fact,  however,  when  there  are  very  few  States 
opposed  to  a  proposal  or  an  article,  they  are  content  to  "  make  reserves  "  on  the 
point  they  do  not  accept,  without  opposing  the  conversion,  "  almost  unani- 
mously," of  the  text  voted  into  international  law." 

1  Preamble  of  the  Convention  : — 

The  Sovereigns  and  heads  of  States  represented  "  animated  with  a  strong  desire  to 
assist  in  the  maintenance  of  general  peace  ; 

"  Resolved  to  promote  with  all  their  efforts  the  friendly  settlement  of  international 
conflicts  ;  recognising  the  solidarity  that  unites  the  members  of  the  society  of  civilised 
nations  ; 

"  Desiring  to  extend  the  empire  of  law,  and  strengthen  the  sentiment  of  inter- 
national justice  ;  convinced  that  the  permanent  institution  of  an  arbitrational  jurisdic- 
tion, accessible  to  all,  in  the  midst  of  the  independent  Powers,  can  effectually  contri- 
bute to  this  result ; 

"  Considering  the  advantages  of  a  general  and  regular  organisation  of  arbitrational 
procedure  ;  believing  with  the  august  initiator  of  the  international  Peace  Conference 
that  it  is  important  to  consecrate  by  international  agreement  the  principles  of  equity 
and  law  on  which  security  of  States  and  welfare  of  peoples  are  based,"  &c. 

•  As  happened  in  regard  to  the  "  Convention  relative  to  the  Prize  Court,"  which 
was  adopted  by  only  thirty-three  States,  yet  inserted  in  the  Hague  Acts. 


SEVENTH   SESSION  417 

What  gives  these  meetings  a  special  character,  in  harmony  with  the  genera 
idea  of  a  legislative  assembly,  is  their  periodicity  and  the  fact  that  they  are 
convoked  by  the  collective  will,  and  not  by  that  of  a  single  governing  head. 
In  this  way  the  third  Peace  Conference  will  be  convoked,  about  seven  years 
after  the  second,  and  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  principle  of 
periodicity  will  be  definitely  recognised. 

Once  the  periodicity  is  settled,  what  else  is  there  to  be  done  in  order  to  give 
these  international  gatherings  the  utmost  possible  influence  and  authority  ? 

The  most  urgent  need  is  to  frame  a  "  regulation  "  enabling  the  delegates  to 
conduct  their  deliberations  methodically.  The  difficulty  in  regard  to  the  conse- 
quences of  the  vote,  in  particular,  ought  to  be  settled.  In  what  way  can  a  text 
be  incorporated  in  international  law  with  the  authority  that  belongs  to  all  the 
deliberations  of  the  Peace  Conferences  ?  That  is  the  fundamental  difficulty, 
and  it  is  a  delicate  one  to  remove.  A  good  deal  was  said,  during  the  Conference 
of  1907,  about  the  need  of  obtaining  "  quasi-unanimity."  That  is  a  vague 
expression,  and  should  be  abandoned.  It  would  be  simpler  to  admit  that  the 
texts  voted  by  a  sufficient  number  of  States  (say,  three-fourths)  might  be 
inscribed  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Conference,  and  remain  open  for  the 
adhesion  of  the  other  States.  A  similar  method  was  adopted,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
for  several  of  the  conventions  voted  in  1907  (especially  that  relating  to  the  Prize 
Court),  and  seemed  to  cause  no  inconvenience  to  any  State,  since  each  was  free 
to  denounce  the  conventions  or  refuse  to  adhere  to  them.  But  to  make  the 
methods  applicable  in  all  cases  would  it  not  be  to  suppress  the  right  of  veto 
which  a  very  small  number  of  Powers  might  use  in  order  to  prevent  the  great 
majority  of  the  others  from  agreeing  upon  the  proposal  they  wish  to  realise  ? 

The  question  of  periodicity  also  should  be  settled  in  such  a  way  that  the 
Conferences  may  take  place  at  a  fixed  date,  without  any  need  of  governmental 
initiative  or  any  negotiations  to  convoke  them. 

Elements  of  Judiciary  Organisation. — We  find  them  at  present  in  the  following 
form  : — 

(1)  Permanent  Arbitration  Court ; 

(2)  Prize  Court ; 

(3)  Plan  of  a  Court  of  Justice. 

The  first  of  these  institutions  has  already  proved  its  value  ;  its  optional 
character  and  the  liberty  it  leaves  the  parties  to  choose  the  judges  have  been 
the  causes  of  its  success.  In  a  word,  it  was  adapted  to  the  conditions  of  the 
period  in  which  it  was  created,  and  it  may  be  said  that  it  has  already  played  a 
great  part ;  it  has  familiarised  States  with  the  practice  of  arbitration.  These 
results  prove  incidentally  that  it  is  better  not  to  outrun  the  general  advance  of 
ideas,  and  to  build  up  with  the  co-operation  of  all,  even  if  the  edifice  falls  short 
of  perfection  on  that  account.  The  optional  Arbitration  Court  deserves  to  be 
maintained  such  as  it  is,  therefore.  For  the  time  being  it  represents  a  real  useful- 
ness, and  has  given  proof  to  States  of  its  convenience  and  its  lofty  impartiality. 

The  Prize  Court  has  quite  a  different  character.  In  this  case  the  judges  are 
chosen  in  advance  ;  they  are  permanent,  and  they  receive  a  salary  as  long  as  the 
sessions  last.  Moreover,  the  Powers  undertake  to  accept  the  verdict  of  the 
Court  whenever  a  dispute  arises  concerning  maritime  prizes. 

Its  jurisdiction  is,  therefore,  obligatory. 

The  Conference  wished  to  go  a  step  further  and  create  a  " Court  of  Justice" 
with  permanent  judges.  The  proposal  was  elaborated,  voted,  and  annexed  to 
the  final  act  of  1907.  But  it  has  not  yet  been  carried  out,  on  account  of  a  defect 
in  the  system  of  nominating  the  judges. 

On  this  point,  therefore,  we  have  still  to  find  a  solution.  At  the  same  time 
more  unity  and  harmony  might  be  introduced  into  the  judiciary  power  of  the 

2  E 


4i8  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

Conferences.  Is  the  name  "Court  of  A rbitral  Justice"  quite  in  harmony  with 
the  reality?  The  word  "arbitral"  implies  that  the  judges  are  chosen  on 
the  occurrence  of  a  certain  dispute,  and  that  their  powers  expire  afterwards. 
As,  however,  in  this  case  it  is  a  question  of  permanent  judges,  would  it  not 
be  better  to  call  it  a  "Court  of  International  Justice"? 

In  principle  this  Court  ought  to  be  optional,  and  only  recommend  itself  to  the 
use  of  States  by  the  convenience  it  offers  them.  In  certain  disputes,  however, 
would  it  not  be  better  to  have  it  acting  as  an  obligatory  jurisdiction  ?  It  would 
seem  that  the  restricted  subjects  that  give  occasion  for  obligatory  arbitration 
would  find  judges  already  marked  out  in  this  Court ;  would  it  not,  therefore,  be 
advisable  for  the  States  to  come  to  an  understanding  to  bring  certain  disputes 
before  it  on  account  of  its  exceptional  competence  and  its  permanence  ? 

Lastly,  just  as  a  special  Court  has  been  created  to  deal  with  questions  of 
maritime  prizes,  we  may  hope  to  see  special  Chambers  to  deal  with  certain 
other  subjects  which  require  a  particular  competence  in  the  judges.  In  this 
way  we  should  have  a  judiciary  organisation  properly  adapted  to  the  various 
contingencies  of  conflict,  with  a  unity  that  may  be  shown  in  the  following 
table  :— 

I.  Arbitration  Court  (optional). 

II.  Court  of  Justice  (obligatory  in  certain  cases,  optional  in  the  rest). 
Chambers  :  (i)  of  private  international  law  ; 

(2)  of  administrative  disputes  (matters  of  universal  Unions) ; 

(3)  of  tariff  questions  ; 

(4)  of  maritime  prizes,  &c. 

Elements  of  an  Administrative  Power. — Up  to  the  present  the  Powers  have 
expressed  no  desire  to  create,  outside  each  of  them,  a  permanent  power  repre- 
senting the  international  collectivity,  and  capable  of  arriving  at  decisions  in  the 
general  interest.  It  goes  without  saying  that  no  such  power  yet  exists,  and  the 
difficulties  of  a  political  character  that  might  oppose  the  creation  of  it  are  such 
that  we  cannot  even  think  of  discussing  them  here. 

But  there  are  already  international  administrations  charged  with  the 
execution  of  certain  decisions  or  with  certain  services  of  interest  to  all  States 
collectively.  We  may  be  permitted  to  see  in  them  the  germ  of  a  real  inter- 
national authority,  which  the  future  will  develop. 

There  are,  in  the  first  place,  the  "  offices  "  of  the  Unions  which  are  organs 
with  functions  of  an  administrative  character  applying  to  the  international  com- 
munity. (For  instance,  the  offices  for  the  following  matters  :  literary  copy- 
right, industrial  ownership,  weights  and  measures,  geodesy,  postal  union, 
railways,  sanitary  questions,  agriculture,  &c.)  There  are  also  international 
organs  to  which  certain  States  have  delegated  a  partial  executive  power,  such  as 
the  Danube  Commission,  or  a  full  right  of  decision,  such  as  the  Commission  of 
the  Sugar  Union. 

Moreover,  the  Peace  Conferences  have  created  other  elements  of  inter- 
national administration.    They  are  : — 
The  Administrative  Council; 

The  Arbitration  Bureau :  (i)  The  official  name  of  this  Bureau  is,  in 
accordance  with  the  1907  Convention :  "  International  Bureau  of 
the  Permanent  Arbitration  Court";  and 
The  Preparatory  Committee. 

The  first,  composed  of  representatives  of  the  States  at  The  Hague,  has  the 
task  of  administration  and  control  in  matters  affecting  international  justice 
(Arbitration  Court,  Prize  Court,  and,  eventually,  Court  of  Justice).  It  is  this 
bureau,  in  particular,  that  controls  the  expenditure,  and  divides  it  among  the 
States. 


SEVENTH   SESSION  419 

The  Arbitration  Bureau  has  several  duties.  It  serves  as  a  registry  to  the  Court 
which  it  has  to  convoke,  when  the  occasion  arises.  It  forms  the  archives,  and 
must  keep  in  them  all  the  official  documents  relating  to  arbitration  (sentences, 
treaties,  &c.).  Lastly,  and  especially,  it  has,  in  case  of  a  conflict  between  two 
Powers,  to  transmit  to  the  interested  party  "  the  note  containing  the  declara- 
tion "  that  the  other  party  "would  be  disposed  to  submit  the  dispute  to  arbitra- 
tion." Modest  as  this  character  of  intermediary  is,  it  has  a  certain  importance 
from  the  fact  that  it  is  exercised  in  the  name  of  all  the  other  States. 

As  to  the  "  Preparatory  International  Committee,"  its  duty  is,  according  to 
the  final  Act  of  1907,  to  draw  up  the  programme,  and  to  settle  the  form  of 
organisation  and  procedure,  of  the  next  Conference.  The  Committee  is  there- 
fore invested  with  two  functions  :  the  preparation  of  international  laws,  and  the 
organisation  of  the  periodical  meeting  at  the  Hague. 

Thus,  at  the  present  time  we  have  a  sort  of  fragmentary  distribution  of  the 
international  authority  among  four  kinds  of  elements.  There  seems  to  be  an 
obvious  need  of  co-ordination  between  these  administrative  institutions,  which 
are  now  scattered  and  disunited. 

In  what  form  could  this  co-ordination  be  effected  ?  Would  it  be  well,  for 
instance,  to  set  up  an  International  Committee,  of  which  the  first  function 
would  be  to  watch  over  the  maintenance  of  the  Society  of  States  and  secure 
respect  for  the  principles  on  which  it  is  based  ?  Should  the  Committee  for 
this  purpose  fuse  together  certain  functions  of  the  Administrative  Council,  the 
Preparatory  Council,  and  the  Hague  Bureau,  establishing  at  the  same  time  a 
connection  between  the  offices  of  the  Unions  ? 

The  third  Peace  Conference  will  have  to  settle  these  questions,  and  find  the 
best  means  of  securing  unity  of  direction  in  all  that  concerns  the  common 
interests  of  States.  That  may  be  one  of  the  most  interesting  tasks  of  future 
Conferences. 

It  goes  without  saying  that  the  future  will  have  to  decide  whether  it  is 
advisable  to  seek'means  of  enforcing  respect  for  international  laws.  It  is  useless 
now  to  look  so  far  ahead.  It  is  enough  for  the  present  to  affirm  that  force 
should  be  placed  more  and  more  at  the  service  of  the  law  of  nations.  We 
have  only  to  glance  at  the  actual  evolution  to  see  where  it  is  leading  us.  By  a 
distinctly  modern  procedure  the  nations  have  in  several  cases  formed  inter- 
national forces :  the  Chinese  expedition,  the  occupation  of  Crete,  the  policing 
of  Macedonia,  &c.  The  formula  has  been  found.  When  the  opinion  of  neutrals 
becomes  conscious  of  itself,  when  it  is  accustomed  to  define  itself  with  perfect 
clearness  on  the  eve  of  a  conflict,  the  moral  force  that  results  from  it  will  be 
only  a  prelude  to  the  material  force  that  is  at  its  command. 

The  periodical  Peace  Conferences  will  thus  see  their  activity  extend  in  the 
direction  of  an  organisation  of  the  Society  of  States. 

[Paper  submitted  in  French.'] 


EIGHTH    SESSION 

POSITIVE  SUGGESTIONS   FOR  PROMOTING  INTER- 
RACIAL FRIENDLINESS  (continued) 


THE    PRESS   AS   AN   INSTRUMENT  OF  PEACE 
By  ALFRED  H.  FRIED,    Vienna. 

NEW  ideas  need  publicity  in  the  struggle  for  their  realisation. 
In  earlier  times  the  number  of  those  who  were  concerned  about 
public  affairs  was  much  smaller  than  it  now  is.  Publicity  was,  there- 
fore, easier  to  attain.  The  propaganda  of  new  ideas  went  from  mouth 
to  mouth,  and  was  effected  in  meetings  and  by  means  of  books. 
Great  revolutions  were  brought  about  in  this  way.  To-day  it  is 
otherwise.  Interest  in  the  development  of  things  has  permeated 
nearly  every  stratum  of  the  population  in  civilised  countries.  There 
are  now  few  who  stand  aside  indifferently.  The  spoken  word,  oral 
propaganda,  and  the  printed  book,  are  now  far  from  adequate  to 
attain  this  very  extensive  publicity.  The  instrument  we  must  use  for 
this  purpose  is  the  Press.  It  is  the  Press  that  influences  public 
opinion  ;  but  it  is  also  the  Press  that  puts  the  greatest  obstacles  in  the 
way  of  new  ideas. 

Men  of  different  countries  and  zones  generally  know  each  other 
to-day  by  means  of  the  Press.  Only  the  very  few  have  occasion, 
in  spite  of  the  enormous  development  of  commerce,  to  make  the 
acquaintance  of  foreign  peoples  and  lands  by  personal  observation. 
Whatever  they  hear  of  them  they  hear  from  the  daily  papers.  In 
this  way  the  Press  has  become  the  most  important  medium  of  com- 
munication. It  forms  views  and  judgments  which  spread  with 
extraordinary  speed  over  the  whole  earth.  The  overwhelming 
majority  of  the  inhabitants  of  our  planet  hear  and  see  through  the 
Press  what  is  occurring  in  various  parts  of  the  world. 

But  the  extreme  importance  of  the  Press  has  no  fitting  recognition 
in  the  way  in  which  it  is  organised  to-day.  As  a  rule,  the  newspaper 

420 


EIGHTH   SESSION  421 

is  a  business  concern,  like  any  other  commercial  enterprise.  It  serves 
either  the  material  interest  of  the  publisher  or  the  interest  of  some- 
body that  uses  it  for  influencing  the  masses.  This  interest  colours 
all  its  news  and  comments.  Only  what  is  to  the  interest  of  the  con- 
trollers of  the  paper  finds  its  way  into  the  Press.  Anything  else  is 
suppressed  or — what  is  worse — misinterpreted.  Hence  the  views  of 
most  men  are  to  a  great  extent  influenced  by  the  interest  of  the  few 
who  run  the  paper  as  a  commercial  concern. 

Certainly  there  is  in  civilised  countries  a  Press  that  is  conscious 
of  its  civilising  mission,  and  does  not  need  to  flatter  the  moods  of  the 
masses  or  pander  to  their  lower  interests.  These  organs,  however, 
are  not  yet  as  numerous  as  they  ought  to  be  in  the  interest  of  civilisa- 
tion. Moreover,  their  influence  on  the  masses  is  limited  by  the 
preponderance  of  organs  that  make  a  speculation  of  the  lower  tenden- 
cies of  the  general  masses.  The  bulk  of  the  people  demand  sensation. 
The  journals,  therefore,  which  pander  to  this  demand  will  have  the 
largest  editions  and  make  the  most  profit. 

Hence  it  is  that  the  far  greater  part  of  the  Press  in  all  countries, 
and  especially  those  journals  that  appeal  to  the  largest  number  of 
people,  and  are  hungrily  swallowed  by  millions  of  readers,  take  no 
interest  in  promoting  civilisation  and  the  peaceful  development  of 
peoples  and  races.  Their  only  interest  is  to  oust  their  rivals  in 
providing  the  greatest  possible  sensations,  and  so  secure  the  largest 
editions. 

The  consequences  of  this  are  most  mischievous.  In  the  first 
place,  millions  of  readers  learn  nothing  of  the  great  activity  of  civili- 
sation in  our  time ;  for  this  action  is  not  sensational,  but  slow  and 
silent.  Secondly,  they  learn  all  the  more  of  uncivilised  activity — of 
crimes,  violence,  and  unrest.  They  are  led  to  form  the  erroneous 
opinion  that  the  world  is  full  of  crime  and  is  simply  kept  under 
control  by  force.  Thirdly,  the  great  haste  with  which  news  is 
published,  in  view  of  rival  papers,  leads  to  a  good  deal  of  inaccuracy, 
and  the  reader  has  a  very  bad  account  of  the  real  events.  Fourthly, 
the  announcements  very  frequently  do  not  correspond  to  facts.  They 
are  inventions.  But  when  they  have  once  been  put  in  circulation 
by  the  Press,  they  persist  obstinately  in  the  minds  of  the 
readers,  and  things  that  never  happened  at  all  are  regarded  as 
realities. 

The  most  mischievous  effect  of  journals  of  this  kind  is  in  running 
counter  to  the  peaceful  development  of  nations  and  races.  Peace  and 
the  normal  tenor  of  international  life  are  not  interesting  as  a  rule. 
Peaceful  events  have  no  element  of  sensation.  Hence  the  Press  that 
needs  sensation  as  a  condition  of  its  existence  has  no  interest  in 
serving  the  cause  of  peace.  It  has  all  the  more  interest  in  inflaming 


422  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

peoples  against  each  other.  The  mere  danger  of  a  bloody  encounter, 
a  war,  or  a  revolution,  attracts  curiosity  and  ensures  millions  of 
readers.  Any  occurrence,  therefore,  that  has  an  anarchic  character, 
and  is  calculated  to  engender  hatred  and  agitation,  is  described  at  the 
greatest  length.  The  slightest  embittered  utterance  is  telegraphed. 
The  most  trivial  detail  that  suggests  the  possibility  of  an  inter- 
national conflict  is  exaggerated  and  drawn  out  until  the  reader 
fancies  that  there  is  immediate  danger  of  an  armed  conflict.  These 
journals  do  nothing  to  allay  public  feeling  and  promote  a  better 
understanding  when  there  is  a  conflict.  Their  interest  is  to  fan  the 
excitement  and  inflame  the  people.  The  worse  the  international 
agitation  the  more  business  will  they  do. 

Although  no  war  has  taken  place  in  Europe  for  forty  years,  and 
the  majority  of  its  inhabitants  are,  like  the  majority  of  civilised  people 
everywhere,  opposed  to  war,  this  section  of  the  Press  has,  neverthe- 
less, announced  that  war  was  about  to  break  out  at  least  two  or  three 
times  every  year.  The  failure  of  their  prophecies  does  not  seem 
to  injure  them.  The  general  masses  whom  they  reach  have  short 
memories  ;  they  see  and  hear  only  the  events  of  the  day.  They  have 
already  forgotten  the  events  of  the  previous  week.  But  while  they 
have  poor  memories,  they  have  very  acute  feelings.  The  hatred  that  is 
preached  and  instilled  into  them  from  one  end  of  the  year  to  the  other 
takes  deep  root  in  their  subconsciousness,  and  to-day  the  majority 
of  the  inhabitants  of  any  country  regard  the  inhabitants  of  other 
countries  as  wicked  and  criminal,  and  worthy  only  of  their  contempt. 

In  this  way  all  the  views  of  a  generation  are  poisoned.  The 
Press  to  which  I  have  referred  is  a  poisoner  of  civilisation.  The 
man  who  kills  by  poisoning  is  not  only  he  who  pours  out  the  poison 
that  may  kill  a  man,  but  also  he  who  prevents  an  antidote  from 
being  administered  in  time.  That  is  the  tendency  of  the  sensational 
Press.  They  prevent  the  general  masses  from  obtaining  the  informa- 
tion that  would  pacify  them,  and  give  them  a  more  correct  view 
of  the  life  and  activity  of  neighbouring  nations. 

This  demand  for  sensation  and  the  satisfaction  of  the  demand  by 
inflaming  the  masses  are  responsible  for  the  frame  of  mind  which 
now  maintains  the  illusion  of  armed  peace — an  illusion  that  keeps 
alive  the  possibility  of  a  warlike  conflict. 

In  this  we  have  a  very  grave  menace  to  civilisation.  All  the 
achievements  of  our  civilisation  are  without  effect  as  long  as  it  is 
possible  for  a  certain  commercial  Press  to  poison  the  mass  of  the 
people  in  all  countries.  The  most  brilliant  discoveries,  which  might 
raise  humanity  to  a  supreme  height,  lose  their  significance  as  long  as 
there  is  a  Press  that  can  bring  minds  down  to  the  level  of  the  man  of 
the  lake-villages  or  the  prehistoric  cave. 


EIGHTH   SESSION  423 

If  we  wish  to  promote  the  good  understanding  of  races  and 
nations,  to  serve  the  interests  of  civilisation,  and  especially  to  derive 
the  utmost  profit  from  our  technical  advances,  we  must  first  cut  out 
this  cancer  from  the  body  of  the  nations  and  put  an  end  to  the 
sensational  Press. 

We  have  to  struggle  against  the  brood  of  a  more  fearful  dragon 
than  the  fabulous  beasts  of  antiquity,  which  the  early  heroes  have 
been  inscribed  in  the  book  of  history  for  destroying. 

The  task  is  not  easy,  but  that  must  not  prevent  us  from  under- 
taking it.  All  the  great  deeds  of  civilisation  have  been  difficult.  In 
every  country  we  see  the  pioneers  of  civilisation  at  work  solving 
much  more  difficult  problems.  Why  should  not  this  greatest  of  all 
the  evils  that  afflict  civilisation  yield  to  the  united  effort  of  all  right- 
minded  men? 

The  simplest  means  is,  naturally,  to  cut  the  ground  from  under 
this  pernicious  section  of  the  Press — in  other  words,  to  make  the 
masses,  by  a  spread  of  education,  immune  against  the  poison  that 
threatens  them.  But  this  is  also  the  slowest  means,  and  needs  many 
generations  for  its  accomplishment.  Assuredly,  we  must  not  lose 
sight  of  it.  But  we  must  associate  it  with  another  method,  which 
promises  a  more  speedy  success.  This  is  to  support  the  respectable 
Press  in  its  struggle  for  life,  to  win  the  public  gradually  over  to  it,  to 
make  it  so  much  appreciated  that  people  will  at  length  be  in  a 
position  to  distinguish  between  the  sensational  and  the  civilised 
Press. 

Two  years  ago  I  put  forward  the  proposal  to  establish  an  "  Inter- 
national Union  of  the  Peace  Press,"  which  would  have  the  aim  of 
making  the  Press  gradually  helpful  to  the  cause  of  peace  and  mutual 
understanding. 

My  chief  idea  was  that  there  are  already  in  various  countries  a 
fairly  large  number  of  persons  and  journals  which  do  their  best  to 
promote  this  mutual  understanding. 

These  elements,  already  numerous,  but  scattered,  must  first  be  united, 
and  formed  into  an  organisation  which  will  have  the  name  of  the 
"  International  Union  of  the  Peace  Press"  The  pacific  writers  who 
already  exist  in  various  countries  will  thus  be  organised. 

The  establishment  of  such  a  Union  will  be  a  great  advantage  in 
itself.  //  will  have  an  influence  by  the  very  fact  that  it  exists.  It  will 
show  that  there  is  a  body  of  men,  scattered  over  the  world,  who  are 
working  through  the  Press  for  peace.  It  will  bring  to  general 
knowledge  the  contrast  of  the  respectable  and  the  mischievous  Press, 
and  so  have  a  greater  influence  on  the  public  than  the  isolated 
writers  would  have. 

Such  an  organisation,  which  could  easily  be  established,  will — 


424  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

(1)  Become  a  centre  of  crystallisation,  gradually  attracting  the 
best  elements  out  of  the  Press  on  the  other  side. 

(2)  At  once  make  its   influence  felt   on    the    Press,   raising  its 
tone,  and  so  become  immediately  an  important  factor  in  the  attain- 
ment of  peace.1 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  such  an  undertaking  is  feasible.  If  it 
looks  like  a  conflict  of  a  dwarf  with  a  giant,  we  must  not  allow  this 
superficial  impression  to  dismay  us.  Very  large  and  useful  institu- 
tions have  begun  on  a  very  small  scale,  yet  they  have  attained  their 
end  in  virtue  of  the  integrity  and  wholesomeness  of  their  principles. 
Nor  is  it  quite  correct  in  this  case  to  speak  of  a  combat  of  dwarf  and 
giant.  The  struggle  to  win  the  Press  for  peace  is  a  spiritual,  not  a 
material,  struggle,  and  therefore  we  must  take  account  of  the  weight 
of  the  idea.  Further,  we  must  not  overlook  the  sympathetic  dis- 
position we  may  rely  on  finding,  in  Governments  as  well  as  peoples. 
We  may  see  that  Governments  often  use  the  Press  as  a  trumpet,  and, 
directly,  or  indirectly,  foster  the  cry  of  war  ;  but  we  must  not  forget 
that  the  warlike  and  inflammatory  attitude  of  a  section  of  the  Press 
is  often  very  much  disliked  by  statesmen,  who  are  more  and  more 
disposed  publicly  to  condemn  such  tactics.  It  is  true  that  all  states- 
men are  not  sufficiently  honourable  to  cry,  with  Winston  Churchill  : 
"  God  preserve  us  from  our  patriotic  Press !  "  or,  like  the  late  English 
Minister  of  Public  Works,  Harcourt,  to  stigmatise  a  certain  class  of 
publicists  as  "  the  pickpockets  of  politics  and  enemies  of  the  human 
race."  Nevertheless,  in  every  country  the  cases  are  increasing  in 
which  the  leaders  of  foreign  politics  complain  of  the  Press  that 
hampers  their  work.  In  the  year  1894  the  Austro-Hungarian 
minister  Count  Kalnocky  recommended  the  peace  societies  to  pay 
attention  to  the  daily  Press  and  its  announcements.  Only  lately 
Count  Aehrenthal  complained  of  "  the  irresponsibles  of  the  Press 
who  hamper  our  efforts  to  come  to  an  understanding  with  Italy"  ; 
and,  at  the  same  time  Tittoni  described  "the  exaggerations  and 
criminal  provocation "  in  the  Press  as  "  the  main,  if  not  the  only, 
menace  to  the  peace  of  Europe." 

And  the  peoples?  Most  of  the  journalists  who  write  on  the 
bellicose  side  do  so  under  the  impression  that  they  are  consulting  the 
taste  of  the  public.  They  do  not  know  how  seriously  mistaken  they 
are ;  how  much  their  bellicose  spirit  disgusts  the  thoughtful  public. 
And  it  is  only  the  thoughtful  public  with  whom  they  have  to  reckon. 
The  greater  part  of  those  who  form  no  ideas  of  their  own  on  inter- 
national politics  are  not  a  hindrance  to  the  cause  of  peace.  It  has,  in 
the  general  public  of  the  civilised  world,  a  larger  following  than  its 
opponents,  or  even  than  some  of  us,  imagine.  The  ideas  and  the 
1  For  further  details  address  the  author  at  7,  Wiederhofergasse,  Vienna,  Austria. 


EIGHTH   SESSION  425 

activity  of  a  Peace  Press  are  welcomed  by  a  large  body  of  the 
people.  It  is  inconceivable  that  the  idea  and  the  work  of  the  Union 
should  not  have  the  support  of  all  right-minded,  active,  and  earnest 
men.  The  circumstances  are,  therefore,  very  favourable  for  the 
founding  of  the  Union.  The  times  are  ripe.  What  we  have  to  do 
must  be  done.  It  can  no  longer  be  deferred.  The  imperative  need 
and  the  favourable  circumstances  give  us  every  hope  of  success. 

May  the  great  Races  Congress,  which  is  itself  a  sign  of  the 
awakening  of  the  feeling  of  solidarity  in  the  world,  not  hesitate  to 
give  its  support  to  this  plan.  It  will  thus  further  the  realisation  of 
the  idea,  and  so  contribute  to  removing  the  greatest  obstacle  to  the 
advance  of  civilisation,  in  removing  the  poisoners  of  humanity. 
[Paper  submitted  in  German.] 


INTERNATIONAL    LANGUAGE 

By   Dr.    L.   L.    ZAMENHOF,    Warsaw   (Poland}, 
Originator  of  the  International  Language  "  Esperanto" 

ALTHOUGH  our  Congress  bears  the  title  of  "  Races  Congress,"  I  trust 
you  will  allow  me  to  speak  in  this  paper  of  peoples  as  well  as  of 
races.  Both  words  indicate  ethnological  groups  of  human  beings  ; 
they  differ  only  in  the  wideness  of  their  range.  We  find  the  same 
relations,  though  possibly  on  a  comparatively  larger  scale,  between 
peoples  as  between  races,  and  it  is  very  frequently  difficult  to  say  if  a 
particular  group  of  men  represents  a  race  or  a  people. 

The  conflicts  that  we  find  between  the  various  races  and  peoples 
are  the  greatest  evil  that  afflicts  humanity.  If  this  Races  Congress 
can  discover  some  means  of  extinguishing,  or  at  least  of  lessening, 
these  mutual  hatreds  and  conflicts  of  peoples,  it  will  rank  as  one  of 
the  most  important  Congresses  that  has  ever  been  held. 

To  accomplish  this,  however,  the  Congress  must  not  be  content 
with  theoretical  expressions  which  pass,  like  the  wind,  and  leave  no 
trace.  It  must  not  seek  futile  compromises,  which  repair  one  rent  by 
opening  another.  It  must  insist  on  discovering  the  cause  of  the  evil, 
and  seek  some  remedy  that  will  remove,  or  at  least  moderate,  it. 

What,  then,  is  the  chief,  if  not  the  only,  cause  of  this  hatred  which 
sets  one  people  against  another  ?  Should  we  seek  it  in  the  political 
conditions,  the  rivalry  that  there  is  between  those  various  groups  of 
human  beings  to  which  we  give  the  name  of  kingdoms  ?  Certainly 
not;  since  it  is  clear  that  a  German  belonging  to  the  German 
Empire,  for  instance,  has  no  natural  sentiment  or  hatred  for  a 


426  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

German  of  Austria.  Germans  who  have  been  born  and  are  living 
under  the  diverse  governments  are  linked  in  a  mutual  sympathy, 
while  Germans  and  Slavs,  born  and  living  under  the  same  govern- 
ment, regard  each  other  as  foreigners,  and,  if  they  have  not  a  feeling 
of  humanity  stronger  than  the  self-consciousness  of  their  particular 
group,  they  hate  and  combat  each  other.  It  is  not,  therefore,  the 
difference  of  governments  which  creates  different  peoples,  and 
engenders  hatred  between  them. 

Is  it  economic  rivalry  that  inspires  this  hatred?  Once  more, 
certainly  not.  We  do  indeed  often  hear  a  cry  of  alarm  in  this 
connection.  We  find  a  people  exclaiming  that  they  are  about  to 
be  devoured  and  absorbed  economically  by  some  other  people,  and 
declaring  that  they  must  hate,  oppress,  or  fight  it.  But  any  man  who 
is  not  blinded  by  Chauvinism  can  see  at  once  that  these  cries  have  no 
meaning  ;  that  we  do  not  hate  foreign  peoples  because  they  are  in 
danger  of  absorbing  us,  from  the  economic  point  of  view,  but  we 
raise  the  cry  of  absorption  because  we  hate  them.  If,  in  point  of 
fact,  an  economic  danger  were  a  source  of  mutual  hatred,  men  would 
be  forced  to  hate  and  fight  each  other  in  every  country,  every 
province,  and  every  town. 

Can  we  say,  for  instance,  that  so  many  millions  of  poor  Russians 
hate  the  millions  of  poor  Chinese  on  economic  grounds,  when  they 
shed  their  blood  so  willingly  to  defend  their  Russian  oppressors 
against  the  attacks  of  foreigners?  Assuredly  not,  for  the  Russian 
soldier  knows  very  well,  when  he  kills  a  Chinese  soldier,  that  the  man 
would  never  do  him  as  much  harm  as  the  "  mailed  fist "  of  his  own 
compatriots.  It  is  not  economic  causes  that  give  rise  to  national 
hatreds. 

Is  it  due  to  the  distance  between  the  two  groups — the  dissimilarity 
of  climate  and  other  geographical  conditions — which  might  give  rise 
to  mutual  aversion  or  antipathy  ?  Certainly  not.  Remoteness  from 
each  other  and  difference  in  local  or  climatic  conditions  evidently 
produce  certain  variations  in  external  appearance  and  in  the 
character  of  men,  but  they  do  not  create  peoples,  and  do  not  impel 
them  to  hate  each  other. 

The  differences  brought  about  by  geographical  and  local  con- 
ditions between  the  inhabitants  of  St.  Petersburg  and  those  of 
Odessa,  or  between  the  inhabitants  of  Kiev  and  those  of  Krasno- 
jarska,  are  incomparably  greater  than  the  differences  we  find,  for 
instance,  between  the  inhabitants  of  Berlin  and  those  of  Warsaw  ; 
yet  the  former  are  united  by  a  sentiment  of  nationality  and  fraternity, 
while  the  latter  are  divided  by  a  feeling  of  deep  aversion  and  most 
fanatical  national  hatred.  It  is  not,  therefore,  the  dissimilarity  of 
geographical  and  climatic  conditions  that  creates  national  hatred. 


EIGHTH   SESSION  427 

May  we  seek  it  in  the  circumstance  that  the  various  races  and 
peoples  differ  from  each  other  in  their  bodily  features  ?  Certainly 
not.  Within  the  limits  of  any  single  people  we  find  men  of  entirely 
different  skin-colours,  and  with  the  greatest  possible  differences  in 
stature  and  in  the  character  of  the  various  parts  of  the  body.  It 
often  happens  that  two  men  who  belong  to  the  same  people  differ 
from  each  other  more  than  two  men  of  separate  nationality,  as  we 
see,  for  instance,  in  the  medium  type  of  the  Japanese  and  the  French. 
But  no  one  would  think  of  separating  the  individuals  of  the  same 
people  into  distinct  groups  according  to  their  physical  characters, 
and  of  supposing  that  these  groups  ought  to  detest  and  fight  each 
other.  In  regard  to  the  majority  of  foreign  peoples  no  one  will  doubt 
that  the  physical  differences  which  distinguish  them  from  us  are 
a  matter  of  complete  indifference  to  us.  As  a  general  rule,  we 
cannot  detect  them  ;  sometimes,  even,  they  give  us  pleasure,  in 
virtue  of  the  natural  law,  of  which  we  are  frequently  unconscious, 
that  seeks  the  physiological  advantages  of  the  crossing  of  races. 

There  is  only  one  race  to  which  many  of  us  seem  to  have  a 
natural  antipathy — the  black  race.  But  careful  reflection  soon  shows 
us  that  our  antipathy  comes  from  a  totally  different  source. 

The  negroes,  with  whom  we  white  races  have  contrived  to  have  so 
much  trouble,  were  savages  at  no  very  distant  date,  and  then  slaves  ; 
and  the  greater  part  of  them  still  retain  the  characteristic  features  or 
traces  of  their  long  period  of  barbarism  and.  slavery.  That  has 
the  instinctive  effect  of  causing  us,  as  free  men  and  long  established 
in  civilisation,  to  regard  them  with  aversion.  The  feelings  of  the 
white  man  toward  the  black,  which  seem  to  us  to  arise  from  some 
racial  antipathy,  are  really  just  the  same  as  the  feelings  with  which  a 
born  aristocrat  contemplates  a  peasant,  whose  lack  of  intelligence 
and  of  refined  manners  is  disagreeable  to  him.  When,  in  the  course 
of  time,  the  negroes  have  lost  all  traces  of  their  former  barbarism 
and  slavery,  when  they  have  attained  a  high  degree  of  culture  and 
given  to  the  world  a  number  of  great  men,  this  unconscious  disdain 
and  antipathy  will  be  turned  into  respect,  and  we  shall  no  longer  feel 
the  slightest  aversion  for  the  black  skin  and  the  thick  lips  of  the 
negro. 

Each  one  of  us  can  find,  within  his  own  nation,  plenty  of  people 
whose  frames  are  less  agreeable  than  those  of  men  of  other  races. 
When  that  is  the  case,  we  may  avoid  them  ;  but  do  we  hate  and 
persecute  them  because  we  do  not  like  their  physical  characteristics  ? 
Certainly  not.  We  must,  therefore,  say  that  it  is  not  these  physical 
differences  which  cause  nations  to  hate  each  other. 

Is  the  hatred  due  to  difference  in  mental  endowment"!  We 
cannot  admit  it.  The  brains  and  bodies  of  the  members  of  all 


428  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

races  are  equal,  according  to  the  nature  of  each,  and  the  variations 
in  mental  power  which  we  observe  are  not  characteristic  of  the 
nations,  but  peculiar  to  individuals,  or  depend  upon  the  conditions  in 
which  the  individuals,  or  the  entire  people,  live.  If  we  find  an 
immense  difference  between  the  mind  of  some  race  in  the  interior 
of  Africa  and  that  of  a  European  race,  we  must  seek  the  cause, 
not  in  any  difference  of  national  qualities,  but  in  the  diversity  of 
civilisation  and  political  conditions.  Give  the  Africans,  without  any 
mingling  of  rancour  or  oppression,  a  high  and  humane  civilisation, 
and  you  will  find  that  their  mental  level  will  not  differ  from  ours. 
Abolish  the  whole  of  our  civilisation,  and  our  mind  will  sink  to 
the  level  of  that  of  an  African  cannibal.  It  is  not  a  difference 
of  mentality  in  the  race,  but  a  difference  of  instruction ;  the  same 
difference  that  we  find,  to  a  greater  or  less  extent,  between  the 
various  classes  of  one  and  the  same  race  or  the  different  periods 
of  its  history. 

That  the  varying  degrees  of  mental  endowment  do  not  constitute 
a  national  peculiarity  is  shown,  not  only  by  the  fact  that  the 
individual  members  of  any  European  nation,  with  the  same  educa- 
tion, have  the  same  mental  level,  but  is  still  more  clearly  demon- 
strated by  comparing,  for  example,  the  Egyptians  of  the  ancient 
civilisation  or  the  Japanese  of  modern  times  with  the  civilised 
inhabitants  of  Europe.  The  three  belong,  not  merely  to  different 
peoples,  but  to  wholly  different  races  and  continents  ;  yet  if  we  leave 
out  of  account  the  conditions  of  time,  place  and  religion,  do  we 
not  find  just  the  same  mentality  in  these  Africans,  Asiatics,  and 
Europeans  ?  Is  not  the  mind  of  a  Japanese  scholar,  though  he  is 
of  an  entirely  different  race,  the  same  as  the  mind  of  a  European 
scholar,  although,  scarcely  fifty  years  ago,  there  seemed  to  be  a 
vast  difference  between  the  Japanese  and  the  Europeans  ? 

If  a  certain  group  of  human  beings  presents,  or  seems  to  present, 
a  different  character  from  that  of  some  other  group,  it  is  not  due 
to  some  peculiarity  of  the  national  mind,  but  simply  to  the  special 
conditions  in  which  the  group  lives.  A  community  brought  up  in 
slavery  cannot  have  the  courageous  and  free  demeanour  of  a  com- 
munity that  has  been  brought  up  in  the  enjoyment  of  liberty.  A 
group  that  has  had  no  opportunity  of  obtaining  education  cannot 
have  the  wide  spiritual  horizon  that  distinguishes  a  well-educated 
group.  A  group  that  is  prevented  from  enjoying  any  other  fruits 
of  its  labour  than  those  which  commerce  affords  it,  cannot  have 
the  same  character  as  a  group  that  lives  in  daily  contact  with  the  soil 
and  with  nature.  Change  the  conditions  of  the  life  of  the  group,  and, 
as  we  have  often  seen  in  history,  group  A  will  to-morrow  assume  the 
character  of  group  B,  and  group  B  will  take  on  the  features  of 


EIGHTH   SESSION  429 

group  A.  No,  it  is  certainly  not  innate  differences  in  mental  endow- 
ment that  create  races,  and  inspire  them  with  hatred  for  each  other. 

May  it  not  be  the  difference  of  origin  ?  At  first  sight,  it  is  true, 
we  seem  to  have  here  the  chief  cause  of  national  hatreds.  We  know 
that  each  of  us  loves  the  men  of  his  "  own  blood  " — loves  his  brother, 
or  any  member  of  his  family,  better  than  a  "  stranger."  The  division 
of  men  into  families,  with  the  attraction  toward  each  other  and  the 
aversion  for  non-members  of  the  group  to  which  it  leads,  is  a  proto- 
type of  the  mutual  relations  of  peoples  and  races,  and,  when  one 
seeks  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  mutual  hatred  of  peoples,  one  may 
say  that  these  peoples  are  merely  families  in  a  larger  development. 
Nevertheless,  although  the  members  of  the  same  people  may  speak  of 
themselves  as  "  of  the  same  blood,"  it  is  very  easy  to  show  that  the 
analogy  between  families  and  nations,  and  the  influence  of  origin  on 
international  relations,  are  only  apparent.  It  is  not  the  difference  of 
origin  that  creates  peoples  and  provokes  their  mutual  animosity. 
That  is  a  mere  pretext,  not  a  real  cause. 

What,  then  is  the  true  cause  of  the  dissensions  and  hatreds  which 
inflame  peoples  against  each  other  ?  From  what  I  have  already  said 
you  will  begin  to  see  that,  in  spite  of  all  the  pseudo-scientific  theories 
which  are  based  on  differences  of  race  or  climate,  community  of 
blood,  &c.,  the  walls  that  really  separate  peoples,  the  true  cause 
of  all  their  mutual  hatreds,  must  be  sought  merely  in  diversities  of 
language  and  religion. 

Language,  especially,  is  a  preponderant,  if  not  the  sole,  element 
in  the  composition  of  the  difference  between  peoples.  This  is  so  true 
that  in  some  languages  the  words  "tongue"  and"  people"  are 
synonyms.  If  two  men  speak  the  same  language,  assuming  that 
one  does  not  use  it  for  the  purpose  of  humiliating  the  other,  but 
that  they  use  it  with  equal  right ;  if,  in  virtue  of  their  common 
tongue,  they  not  only  understand  each  other,  but  have  the  same 
literature  (oral  or  written),  the  same  education,  the  same  ideal,  the 
same  sentiment  of  human  dignity, and  the  same  rights;  if,  in  addition 
they  have  the  same  "  God,"  the  same  festivals,  the  same  morality,  the 
same  traditions,  and  the  same  customs,  they  feel  that  they  are 
brothers,  that  they  belong  to  the  same  people.  If  two  men  do  not 
understand  each  other,  they  regard  each  other  as  foreigners,  if  not  as 
mutes  or  barbarians,  and  instinctively  avoid  and  distrust  each  other ; 
just  as  we  instinctively  distrust  whatever  seems  to  us  to  hide  in  the 
darkness. 

It  is  true  that  many  of  us  can  understand  the  speech  of  foreigners. 
That  is  the  reason  why  we  find  the  walls  which  divide  peoples 
thinner  in  the  educated  classes.  It  is  true  that  many  of  us  recognise, 
and  appreciate  at  their  true  value,  the  essence  of  foreign  religions. 


430  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

That  is  why  right-thinking  men  never  entertain  an  animosity  toward 
foreigners  and  their  different  religion.  But  if  the  good  understanding 
of  two  men  is  really  to  unite  them,  it  is  necessary  for  them  to  feel 
that  they  have  an  equal  right  to  the  language  that  they  speak.  If 
religion  is  not  to  raise  a  wall  between  two  men,  it  is  necessary,  not 
only  that  they  be  tolerant  in  regard  to  the  principles  of  their 
intimate  belief — a  belief  which,  for  intelligent  men,  is  an  individual 
matter,  and  does  not  depend  on  nationality — but  that  they  be  not 
separated  from  each  other  by  any  difference  in  external  religious 
ceremonies. 

All  that  I  have  said  justifies  us  in  formulating  this  principle : 
The  diversity  of  peoples  and  the  hatred  of  each  other  which  they 
betray  will  not  wholly  disappear  from  the  face  of  the  earth  until 
humanity  has  but  one  language  and  one  religion.  Then  in  truth 
will  the  whole  of  humanity  form  one  single  people.  Then  there 
may,  indeed,  still  be  the  various  kinds  of  discord  which  are  now 
found  within  the  confines  of  every  country  and  every  people,  such 
as  political  and  economic  discords,  or  those  of  conflicting  parties 
or  classes,  and  so  on,  but  the  most  formidable  of  all  discords,  the 
mutual  hatred  of  peoples,  will  have  entirely  disappeared. 

As  a  matter  of  principle,  therefore,  every  friend  of  humanity 
should  seek  to  bring  about  this  supreme  unity  of  language  and 
religion.  But  is  this  absolutely  necessary  in  practice?  It  is 
assuredly  not.  What  we  have  to  deplore  is,  not  the  existence  of 
peoples,  but  that  ambition  to  dominate  each  other  for  which  we 
have  not  yet  found  a  remedy. 

Whenever  we  seek  to  enter  into  relations  with  a  man  belonging 
to  another  nation  we  find  it  necessary,  at  the  present  time,  either  to 
impose  our  language  and  our  customs  on  him,  or  to  surfer  that  his 
be  imposed  on  us.  When  this  deplorable  itching  for  domination  has 
disappeared,  the  mutual  hatred  of  peoples  will  be  extinguished.  To 
establish  peace  within  a  country  it  is  not  necessary  that  all  its 
families  be  dissolved,  with  their  peculiar  habits  and  their  domestic 
traditions.  It  is  necessary  only  that  they  be  not  compelled  to 
impose  their  special  habits  on  other  families,  and  that  there  shall 
be  laws  and  customs  set  up  on  neutral  territory  to  regulate  all  issues 
that  reach  beyond  the  family.  So,  to  ensure  peace  for  the  whole 
human  race,  it  is  not  necessary  that  the  distinctive  peoples  shall 
disappear.  We  need  only  find  such  a  modus  vivendi  as  will  enable 
them  to  extinguish  their  unfortunate  external  animosities  and  to 
avoid  imposing  their  national  peculiarities  upon  each  other. 

It  is  necessary  that  humanity  so  order  its  life  that,  while  preserv- 
ing their  national  language  and  religion  in  the  internal  life  of  their 
linguistic  or  religious  groups^  men  shall,  in  their  relations  with  other 


EIGHTH   SESSION  431 

peoples,  use  a  language  that  is  neutral  to  all  men,  and  live  according  to 
the  rules  of  a  moral  code  which  dictates  actions  and  customs  that  are 
similarly  neutral. 

How  this  end  is  to  be  obtained  in  regard  to  religion  I  shall  not 
attempt  to  show  here,  because — 

1.  It  is  not  the  subject  of  this  paper,  and  would  compel  me  to 
enter  upon  long  and  special  preliminary  observations. 

2.  Religion  is  not  essentially  a  national  question,  but  depends  on 
the  will  of  man,  and  represents  a  part  of  human  civilisation.     The 
religious  union  of  peoples  began  spontaneously  long  ago  in  some 
measure,  and  the  completion  of  the  work  is  only  prevented  by  quite 
incidental  and  temporary  circumstances.     When,  on  the  one  hand, 
the  privileged  position  of  any  particular  religion  has  been  abandoned 
in  any  country,  and,  as  a  result  of  this,  the  individual  may  change 
the  religion  of  his  birth  without  betraying  his  unfortunate  co-reli- 
gionists ;  and  when,  on  the  other  hand,  a  religion  has  been  found, 
the  dogmas  of  which  every  man  may  adopt  without  doing  violence 
to  his  conscience,  the  whole  human  race  will  very  speedily  regulate 
its  religious  life  in  the  same  way. 

Moreover,  the  union  of  religions  is  closely  connected  with  the 
union  of  languages.  There  is  not  the  least  doubt  that,  the  more 
men  come  to  understand  each  other  through  using  a  common 
language,  and,  in  virtue  of  this  common  language,  enjoy  the  same 
rights  in  all  countries,  their  literature,  their  ideas,  and  their  ideal  will 
rapidly  approach  each  other,  and  their  religious  views  will  resemble 
each  other. 

Hence  the  whole  problem  of  the  union  of  humanity  and  the 
extinction  of  the  mutual  animosity  of  peoples  centres  upon  one  single 
conclusion,  and  I  most  earnestly  commend  this  conclusion  to  the 
attention  of  you  who  have  met  to  study  the  problem  of  establishing 
friendship  and  justice  between  the  various  peoples  and  races  of  the 
earth.  The  conclusion  is  :  In  all  our  international  communications  we 
ought  to  use  a  neutral  language,  one  that  is  easily  acquired  by  all,  and 
used  with  equal  right  by  all. 

Let  us  speak  in  this  neutral  language  to  any  man  who  does  not 
care  to  speak  to  us  in  our  own  language,  and  the  chief  cause  of 
national  hatreds,  and  every  occasion  for  humiliating  certain  peoples, 
will  disappear.  Let  every  people  that  does  not  wish  to  undergo  the 
humiliation  of  cultivating  the  language  of  its  enemies,  or  of  its  proud 
neighbours,  have  the  opportunity  of  learning  a  language  that  is 
neutral  and  humiliates  nobody,  and  there  will  soon  be  no  such 
thing  as  a  people  without  literary  culture. 

Can  we  have  a  neutral  language  of  this  character  ?  Certainly  we 
can.  It  already  exists,  and  has  existed  for  some  time.  It  serves 


432  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

its  purpose  to  perfection,  has  already  a  considerable  number  of 
adherents,  and  possesses  a  rich  and  rapidly  increasing  literature. 
This  language,  which  has  no  master,  either  materially  or  morally, 
which  is  wholly  free  and  the  equal  possession  of  all  who  use  it,  which 
requires  of  them  only  that  they  do  not  destroy  it  out  of  personal 
ambition  and  do  not  alter  it  without  general  consent,  not  only  exists 
and  is  used,  but  already  fills,  with  entire  satisfaction,  the  part  which 
I  have  suggested — the  part  of  a  language  that  shall  serve  as  a 
fraternal  link  between  the  members  of  the  human  family  and  destroy 
the  walls  and  the  animosities  which  separate  them. 

Those  who  wish  to  discover  how  this  language  may  be  uniformly 
employed  by  all  peoples,  and  what  a  great  unifying  force  there  is  in 
this  neutral  language  which  belongs  equally  to  all,  will  do  well  not 
to  act  like  those  men  of  science  who,  even  after  railways  had  been 
working  admirably  for  a  number  of  years,  were  still  publishing  large 
treatises  to  prove  that  they  were  impossible.  Let  them  not  discuss 
the  subject  from  a  theoretical  point  of  view,  and  be  content  to  express 
themselves  in  pseudo-scientific  phrases  on  the  peculiarities  of  national 
languages,  but  let  them  attend  one  of  the  universal  annual  Esperantist 
congresses. 

They  will  behold  a  perfect  harmony  between  different  peoples. 
They  will  see  with  their  own  eyes,  and  hear  with  their  own  ears, 
how,  when  relations  are  established  on  a  basis  of  neutrality  which 
humiliates  nobody,  all  the  barriers  and  feelings  of  aversion  that 
would  separate  peoples  are  banished  and  wholly  forgotten.  They 
will  then  understand  what  it  is  that  humanity  needs  in  order  to 
establish  a  definitive  peace  among  the  peoples  of  the  earth. 

What  mankind  requires  is  not  something  to  which  we  still  look 
forward,  not  something  that  we  must  endeavour  to  create  with  great 
difficulty  and  exertion,  for  it  is  already  a  solid  and  accomplished 
fact,  and  admits  of  no  doubt  as  to  its  reality.  All  that  we  have  to  do 
is  to  support  it.  It  is  not  compromises,  which  are  merely  palliatives, 
nor  even  the  most  enlightened  political  agreements,  that  will  bring 
peace  to  humanity.  But,  as  Esperantism  makes  progress  in  the 
world,  the  men  of  different  peoples  will  meet  more  frequently  and 
converse  in  a  neutral  speech ;  they  will  come  to  understand  and  to 
like  each  other  better ;  they  will  feel  more  deeply  that  they  are  of 
one  heart,  one  mind,  and  one  ideal,  and  have  the  same  sufferings  and 
sorrows.  They  will  realise  that  all  this  mutual  hatred  of  peoples  is 
only  a  relic  of  barbaric  times.  On  this  neutral  base,  the  one  funda- 
mental base,  will  be  established  the  harmonious  and  purely  "  human  " 
humanity  of  the  future,  of  which  the  prophets  of  all  lands  and  all 
ages  have  dreamed. 

[Paper  submitted  in  Esperanto  and  in  French.] 


EIGHTH   SESSION  433 

ETHICAL   TEACHING    IN    SCHOOLS   WITH 
REGARD   TO    RACES 

By  J.  S.  MACKENZIE,  M.A.,  LittD., 
Professor  of  Philosophy  in  the  University  College  of  Cardiff,   Wales. 

THE  fundamental  importance  of  moral  education  in  schools  is  now 
pretty  generally  recognised.  Hardly  any  one  who  is  concerned  with 
education  at  all  seriously  doubts  that  the  formation  of  character  is  the 
greatest  service  that  the  school  can  render  to  the  nation.  But  it  is 
recognised  also  in  our  time,  more  widely  perhaps  than  ever  before, 
that  the  range  of  moral  obligation  is  much  larger  than  that  of  the 
State.  My  duty  to  my  neighbour  is  now  seen  to  include  not  only 
family,  parochial,  patriotic,  and  imperial  duties,  but  also  many  others, 
both  public  and  private,  which  are  as  wide  as  humanity  itself.  Hence 
the  question — How  may  moral  education  help  in  improving  the 
relations  between  different  races? — is  readily  seen  to  have  great 
practical  significance  ;  and  it  can  hardly  be  necessary  to  expound 
its  meaning  or  to  emphasise  its  urgency.  That  in  a  general  way 
moral  education  may  be  expected  to  be  of  great  use  for  this  particular 
purpose,  is  sufficiently  obvious.  The  cultivation  of  any  moral  quality 
must  tend  to  improve  the  relations  between  human  beings  under 
almost  any  conditions.  In  particular,  the  cultivation  of  some  of  the 
most  fundamental  qualities  such  as  kindness,  manners,  justice,  self- 
control,  would  clearly  be  of  great  value  in  this  respect.  There  are, 
however,  some  more  especial  considerations  on  which  it  seems 
advisable  to  insist  as  bearing  upon  this  particular  problem  ;  and  with- 
out attempting  to  be  exhaustive,  we  may  refer  to  them  under  five 
general  headings.  In  dealing  with  them  it  will  be  as  well  to  take  as 
our  guide  the  carefully  graduated  syllabuses  of  the  Moral  Education 
League. x 

The  first  question  that  presents  itself  may  be  stated  thus  : — 
I.  How  may  Moral  Education  cultivate  the  Conception  of  Human 
Personality  and  its  Rights? — This  conception  is  obviously  of  the 
utmost  value  in  removing  social  and  international  injustice,  and  few 
things  can  be  more  important  than  its  clear  recognition  and  a  ready 
and  hearty  response  to  its  claims  by  mankind  in  general.  It  has 
already  helped  in  many  ways.  In  most  countries  it  has  at  least 
abolished  anything  in  the  nature  of  explicit  slavery.  It  has  elevated 
the  position  of  women.  It  has  improved  the  relations  between 
masters  and  workmen.  But  it  has  worked  somewhat  fitfully,  and,  in 
particular,  it  has  often  been  checked  by  the  bars  of  race  and  colour. 

1  Syllabuses,  both  for  Elementary  and  Secondary  Schools,  can  be  obtained,  free  of 
charge,  on  application  at  6,  York  Buildings,  Adelphi,  London. 

2  F 


434  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

It  should  be  the  task  of  moral  education  to  give  it  a  firmer  hold 
in  the  minds  of  the  young.  Now  in  this,  as  in  most  other  aspects  of 
moral  education,  the  study  of  the  history  and  literature  of  our  own 
and  other  nations  must  always  be  among  the  most  potent  auxiliaries. 
Any  intelligent  study  of  history  is  sure  to  bring  out  the  central  place 
that  has  been  occupied  at  almost  all  periods  of  human  development 
by  the  struggle  for  freedom.  Almost  every  period  of  history  affords 
illustrations  of  the  way  in  which  certain  races  or  classes  have  regarded 
themselves  as  specially  privileged,  and  as  having  some  sort  of  divine 
right  to  reduce  others  to  subjection  ;  and  few  themes  are  more  spirit- 
stirring  to  the  young  than  the  record  of  the  struggles  by  which  such 
dominant  races  have  been  gradually  forced  to  recognise  the  equal 
humanity  of  those  over  whom  they  thus  sought  to  rule.  The  rights 
of  life,  freedom,  property,  of  education,  have  from  time  to  time  been 
regarded  as  a  kind  of  preserve  for  the  ruling  classes  or  nation,  and  men 
have  only  learned  by  slow  degrees,  and  generally  by  the  insistent 
pressure  of  "  hungry  peoples,"  that  there  can  be  no  real  and  lasting 
elevation  of  any  class  or  race  unless  the  whole  level  of  human  life 
around  them  is  at  the  same  time  raised.  Among  ourselves  it  is  chiefly 
as  bearing  upon  the  relations  between  employer  and  employed  that 
this  conception  of  equality  of  rights  has  recently  been  emphasised. 
It  has  gradually  come  to  be  generally  admitted  that  the  first  charge 
upon  any  industrial  system  is  the  proper  care  and  freedom  of  its 
workers.  But  history  is  eloquent  of  the  gradual  recognition  of 
similar  rights  as  between  subject  and  sovereign  peoples,  and  even  in 
our  own  time  it  is  not  difficult  to  find  object-lessons  of  the  same. 
Special  topics,  such  as  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves  in  America,  the 
French  Revolution,  the  relations  between  races  in  India,  Australia, 
South  Africa,  or  the  Congo  State,  may  easily  be  used  for  such 
historical  illustration. 

In  literature,  also,  it  is  not  hard  to  find  abundance  of  suitable 
material.  There  are  many  stirring  songs  and  striking  poems  to 
enforce  the  moral  that  "A  man's  a  man  for  a'  that"  In  the  reading 
of  Shakespeare,  the  equality  of  races  may  be  brought  home  by 
the  heroic  character  of  Othello,  by  the  characterisation  of  the 
Welsh  Fluellen,  and  by  the  utterance  of  Shylock — "  Hath  not  a 
Jew  eyes?  Hath  not  a  Jew  hands,  organs,  dimensions,  senses, 
affections,  passions  ? "  Modern  literature  is  certainly  full  of  this 
humane  note.  The  Bible  may  also  be  called  into  its  service.  For 
the  Christian  at  least  there  is  neither  Jew  nor  Greek,  bond  nor 
free.  The  teaching  of  the  Buddha,  and  of  other  Oriental  sages, 
and  of  the  Greek  and  Roman  Stoics,  is  hardly  less  explicit. 

History  and  literature  may  thus  both  be  used  as  instruments 
for  the  inculcation  of  such  moral  lessons.  The  study  of  the 


EIGHTH   SESSION  435 

geography  and  physical  features  of  different  countries — when 
intelligently  treated — has  also  a  powerful  influence  in  enlarging 
the  outlook  and  widening  the  sympathies  of  the  young.  In  the 
more  definite  and  systematic  form  of  moral  instruction,  what 
would  be  required  is  a  more  reflective  attempt  to  cultivate  that 
habit  of  mind  which  is  described  in  general  terms  as  "  Respect 
for  oneself  as  Person,  and  for  all  others  as  Persons,"  without 
regard  for  distinctions  of  race,  age,  sex,  status,  or  any  other  kind 
of  difference.  This  more  reflective  attitude  would  grow  naturally 
out  of  those  concrete  studies  to  which  reference  has  been  made ; 
but  may  be  cultivated  also  by  maxims  and  discussions,  adapted 
to  the  ages  of  the  pupils.  In  the  Syllabus  of  the  Moral  Education 
League  for  Elementary  Schools  places  are  provided  for  the  intro- 
duction of  such  lessons  under  the  headings — Honesty  (respect  for 
the  property  of  others) ;  Justice  (to  all  human  beings,  irrespective 
of  sex,  age,  creed,  social  position,  nationality  or  race ;  and  to 
animals,  tame  and  wild) ;  Honour  and  Self-respect.  (The  lessons 
for  infants  and  juniors  would  naturally  be  concerned  primarily 
with  the  more  simple  aspects  of  the  subjects,  such  as  respect  for 
the  property  of  others,  and  fairness  in  games.  Those  for  seniors 
could  treat  more  broadly  of  the  general  conception  of  Justice  and 
respect  for  self,  and  for  all  other  human  beings.  In  the  Syllabus 
for  Secondary  Schools,  rather  more  opportunities  are  presented  for 
emphasising  the  same  points,  especially  under  the  headings — 
Honesty,  Justice,  Humanity,  Self-respect,  and  the  Development  of 
Social  Relationships.) 

The  second  point  is  intimately  related  to  the  foregoing. 

2.  Moral  Education  should  lead  to  an  Appreciation  of  the  Essential 
Likeness  of  the  Various  Races  and  Classes,  in  Spite  of  their  Points  of 
Superficial  Differences. — Such  points  of  difference  may  generally  be 
shown  to  be  largely  the  results  of  diverse  physical  and  social 
conditions ;  and  an  attempt  should  be  made,  even  in  the  early 
stages  of  education,  to  bring  out  and  emphasise  this  fact.  The 
study  of  the  history  and  literature  of  different  countries  helps 
powerfully  towards  this  recognition  of  a  common  humanity  under 
a  great  variety  of  forms.  It  is  one  of  the  chief  arguments  for  the 
retention  of  Latin  and  Greek,  not  indeed  as  universally  compulsory 
subjects,  but  as  important  elements  in  a  liberal  education.  At  a 
later  stage  the  same  end  may  be  secured  by  the  encouragement 
of  foreign  travel;  but  this  should  be  preceded  by  some  study  of 
the  history  and  manners — and  more  incidentally  of  the  geography 
— of  the  countries  that  are  to  be  visited,  so  that  there  may  be  a 
solid  basis  for  sympathetic  appreciation.  In  bringing  our  pupils 
face  to  face  with  ages  and  countries,  where  the  great  issues  of  life 


436  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

were  fought,  by  men  differing  in  race,  or  creed,  or  colour,  or  habits 
of  life,  or  form  of  social  organisation,  we  lead  them  insensibly  to 
feel  how  insignificant  are  such  distinctions  in  comparison  with  the 
common  aims  and  interests  of  mankind.  It  is  in  this  way  that 
the  spirit  of  toleration  may  best  be  fostered.  The  study  of  history, 
which  should  of  course  for  this  purpose  be  pursued  in  close  con- 
junction with  that  of  geography,  is  the  best  instrument  for  this 
purpose,  and  care  should  be  taken  to  utilise  it  to  the  best 
advantage. 

There  is  sometimes  a  tendency,  especially  in  books  for  the  young, 
to  over-emphasise  the  patriotic  side,  to  dwell  upon  our  "  glorious 
victories "  and  pass  over  our  inglorious  defeats,  to  advertise  the 
wrong-doings  of  our  enemies  and  be  studiously  blind  to  any  ignoble 
actions  of  our  own.  It  would  no  doubt  be  depressing  and  dis- 
couraging, especially  to  the  young,  to  dwell  morbidly  upon  the 
defects  of  our  own  people.  We  need  the  kind  of  inspiration  and 
encouragement  that  comes  of  the  consciousness  that  we  inherit 
fine  traditions.  But  this  need  not  prevent  us  from  rejoicing  also 
in  the  heroic  deeds  of  others,  even  if  they  were  our  own  enemies. 
Such  a  poem  as  Browning's  "  Herv6  Riel,"  or  a  sympathetic  treat- 
ment of  the  career  of  Joan  of  Arc  (not  Shakespeare's,  however, 
nor  even  Schiller's)  would  be  admirable  for  this  purpose.  Faithful 
stories  of  the  Indian  Mutiny  might  similarly  awaken  the  mind 
to  the  fact  that  the  British  had  not  a  monopoly  of  heroism,  loyalty, 
or  devotion.  In  a  very  different  way,  the  Bible  story  of  the  Good 
Samaritan  may  help  to  enforce  the  same  kind  of  lesson.  Many 
subjects  are  specially  adapted  to  promote  this  spirit  of  toleration, 
e.g.,  Justice,  Truthfulness,  Moderation,  Social  Organisation,  the 
Development  of  Social  Relationship,  Toleration.  At  certain  stages 
the  association  of  boys  and  girls  in  their  school  work  may  also 
be  useful  in  this  respect,  as  tending  to  familiarise  the  mind  with 
the  conception  of  unity  in  essentials  along  with  superficial  differ- 
ences ;  but  the  right  use  of  this  element  requires  much  care. 

We  now  come  to  what  is  really  the  most  central  consideration 
of  all  for  our  present  purposes,  viz.,  the  recognition  that — 

3.  It  is  Qualities  of  Character  that  form  the  Real  Basis  of  Super- 
iority in  Men  or  Nations. — It  is  in  emphasising  this,  of  course,  that 
the  chief  value  of  moral  education  would  be  ultimately  felt ;  but  it 
would  be  felt  more  from  its  general  spirit  than  from  its  more 
particular  lessons.  In  this,  as  in  other  respects,  literature  would 
come  to  its  aid.  English  literature  is  certainly  rich  in  its  sugges- 
tions that  "  Worth  makes  the  man  and  want  of  it  the  fellow,"  that 
"  'Tis  only  noble  to  be  good,"  that  "  Kind  hearts  are  more  than 
coronets,  and  simple  faith  than  Norman  blood,"  that  "  Maids  " — and 


EIGHTH   SESSION  437 

others — "  should  strive  to  be  good,"  "  And  let  who  will  be  clever." 
In  prose,  the  writings  of  Carlyle  and  Ruskin  are  specially  valuable 
for  their  insistence  on  this  ;  but  no  doubt  it  is  only  at  the  higher 
stages  of  educational  work  that  much  use  could  be  made  of  them. 
The  literature  of  most  other  countries  supply  works  of  similar 
prophets.  It  is,  however,  not  merely  on  moral  qualities,  in  the 
narrower  sense,  that  emphasis  should  be  laid,  but  rather  on  all 
those  qualities  of  character  that  make  for  the  promotion  of  the 
complete  human  ideal.  The  u  intellectual  virtues  "  should  certainly 
be  cultivated  as  well  as  those  that  are  called  more  distinctly 
"  moral "  ;  and  in  the  cultivation  of  these  nearly  all  school  subjects 
may  have  a  place.  The  study  of  history  would  in  particular  have 
a  special  value  by  calling  attention  to  the  solid  excellences  by 
which  great  peoples,  such  as  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  have  been 
characterised,  and  also  by  bringing  out  the  fact  that  those  who 
are  politically  subject  are  not  always  inferior  in  some  important 
human  qualities  that  win  our  admiration.  The  Greeks  are  not 
the  only  race  who,  in  one  way  or  another,  have  conquered  their 
conquerors.  It  would  be  easy  to  show  that  England  may  learn 
much  from  her  dependencies  in  India,  Africa,  and  elsewhere. 
Indeed,  it  is  in  the  attempt  to  educate  and  assimilate  subject-races 
that  the  emphasis  on  fundamental  qualities  of  character  becomes 
specially  important.  One  of  the  chief  difficulties,  in  particular 
in  the  relations  between  more  developed  and  less  developed  races, 
one  that  can  easily  be  illustrated  from  the  colour  problem  in  the 
United  States,  is  that  the  latter  are  apt  to  acquire  certain  forms  of 
superficial  cleverness  and  technical  knowledge  and  skill  before 
they  have  gained  the  more  essential  elements  of  intellectual  and 
moral  character. 

This  is  due  largely  to  the  fact  that  in  the  more  developed 
races  themselves  the  emphasis  is  apt  to  be  laid  unduly  on  the 
former.  Most  of  those  who  have  made  any  serious  study  of  edu- 
cational methods  would  agree  that  this  is  at  present  the  tendency 
against  which  it  is  most  important  to  be  on  our  guard.  A  nation, 
no  less  than  an  individual,  which  despises  the  more  liberal  and 
humane  aspects  of  education,  because  it  thinks  them  unpractical, 
is  indeed  almost  sure  to  be  out-stripped  in  the  end — even  in 
material  prosperity — by  one  which  regards  education  as  a  generous 
preparation  for  that  life  of  service  to  the  community  whereby  each 
member's  moral  and  intellectual  character  may  be  perfected.  Such 
an  idealism  in  education  has  been  the  making  both  of  Germany 
and  Japan.  It  is  still  true  on  the  whole  that  all  things  are  added 
to  those  who  seek  first  the  Kingdom  of  God. 

Besides,  however,  emphasising  in  these  ways  the  common    and 


438  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

essential    nature    of  humanity,   it   is    important   also    to    recognise 
fully— 

4.  That  Different  Peoples,  Different  Classes,  Different  Sexes,  and  so  on 
have  each  a  Distinctive  Type  of  Personality  with  a  Distinctive  Value 
of  its  own. — According  to  the  common  phrase,  "  It  takes  all  sorts 
of  people  to  make  a  world,"  or,  in  a  finer  and  subtler  one,  "  God 
fulfils  himself  in  many  ways,  lest  one  good  custom  should  corrupt 
the  world."  In  the  study  of  history  and  literature,  children  may 
be  taught  to  understand  the  peculiar  ideals  and  characteristics  of 
their  country,  as  compared  with  other  countries,  and  to  learn,  not 
that  its  contribution  to  the  sum-total  of  human  excellence  and 
welfare  is  necessarily  better  than  that  of  others,  but  simply  that  it 
is  somewhat  different — a  separate  note  in  the  "  music  of  humanity." 
They  should  be  led  to  appreciate  the  unique  personalities  and 
ideals  of  such  peoples  as  the  Jews,  the  Greeks,  and  the  Romans, 
and  also  of  the  Japanese  and  other  Oriental  peoples,  as  well  as  of 
the  leading  types  in  Europe  and  America,  and  thus  to  acquire  the 
habit  of  looking  out  for  some  characteristic  excellences  in  all 
peoples.  There  has  often  been  too  great  a  tendency  to  insist  that 
"  East  is  East  and  West  is  West,"  and  that  we  can  never  hope  to 
see  them  come  together.  Few  things  are  more  encouraging  for 
the  future  of  the  world  than  the  way  in  which  both  the  Eastern 
and  the  Western  peoples  are  beginning  to  realise  how  much  they 
can  learn  from  each  other.  This  might  easily  be  brought  home  to 
the  young  at  an  early  stage  by  stories  illustrative  of  the  special 
excellences  of  diverse  peoples.  Mr.  F.  J.  Gould's  collection  of 
Indian  stories  for  use  in  Moral  Education  lessons  may  be  specially 
referred  to  in  this  connection.1 

In  the  general  life  of  a  school,  the  separation  of  studies  may, 
to  some  extent,  be  used  as  a  means  to  the  same  purpose — the 
ideals  of  science  students,  for  instance,  being  recognised  as  some- 
what different  from  those  of  literary  students.  In  the  more  syste- 
matic treatment  of  morals,  lessons  on  Patriotism  should  be  used  to 
inculcate  a  similar  moral.  They  should  be  given  in  such  a  way  as 
to  emphasise  the  vital  importance  of  loyalty  to  those  particular  ideals 
and  excellences  which  we,  as  members  of  a  particular  nation  or 
group,  inherit.  This  would  inevitably  lead  to  some  recognition  of 
the  equal  duty  of  others  to  be  loyal  to  their  best  traditions,  which 
are  not  quite  the  same.  Lessons  of  a  similar  kind  would  fall 
naturally  under  such  headings  as  Truthfulness,  Co-operation,  Work, 
Toleration,  Social  Organisation. 

With  older  pupils  it  might  be  possible  to  go  a  little  further 
than  this,  and  to  try  to  bring  out  clearly — 

1  Youth's  Noble  Path.    Published  by  Longmans,  Green  &  Co.,  London. 


EIGHTH   SESSION  439 

5.  The  Identity  and  the  Comprehensive  Character  of  the  Human  Ideal 
as  evolved  in  a  Number  of  Different  Forms.  —  It  might  be  pointed  out 
that  the  ideals  of  every  race  are  tentative  and  partial,  and  thus 
become  enriched,  completed,  unified,  and  purified  by  mutual  help 
and  mutual  criticism.  Among  other  things,  the  study  of  the  great 
religions  of  the  world,  in  outward  appearance  so  diverse,  may  be 
used  to  show  that  they  all  contain  the  same  fundamental  truths 
in  more  or  less  imperfect  forms.  A  study  of  this  kind  would  help 
also  to  reveal  the  fact  that  the  ideals  and  excellences  are  not  all 
on  the  same  level,  and  that  it  is  important  that  the  less  developed 
should  be  gradually  brought  into  harmony  with  the  more  developed. 
In  this  connection  the  idea  of  noblesse  oblige  would  acquire  its 
fullest  significance.  Such  lessons  no  doubt  could  not  be  given  at 
all  definitely  before  the  last  two  years  of  life  in  the  Elementary 
School,  but  their  spirit  may  pervade  the  teaching  throughout.  In 
the  Secondary  School,  however,  they  may  be  given  pretty  fully 
from  the  Remove  Form  upwards. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.'} 


THE   COSMOPOLITAN    CLUB    MOVEMENT 

By  LOUIS  P.  LOCHNER,  University  of  Wisconsin,  United  States. 

i'ldW  ,rOC}l 

General  Secretary  of  the  Association  of  Cosmopolitan  Clubs, 
Editor  of  "  The  Cosmopolitan  Student? 

THERE  is  a  movement  among  the  students  of  the  United  States  which 
furnishes  to  the  world  a  striking  illustration  of  the  possibility  of  men 
from  different  countries  living  together  —  often  even  under  the  same: 
roof  —  in  friendship  and  harmony  ;  a  movement  which  unites  in  a. 
league  of  world-brotherhood  students  of  every  race,  colour,  and  creed  ; 
a  movement  in  which  the  terms  dependent  and  independent  races 
are  unknown,  but  which  assumes  all  races  and  peoples  to  be  on  a. 
footing  of  equality.  This  movement  is  of  recent  development,  and 
had  its  origin  in  the  change  of  complexion  of  the  American  student 
body  by  virtue  of  the  fact  that  thousands  of  Orientals,  Latin- 
Americans,  and  Europeans  are  now  thronging  our  halls  of  learning,. 
where  formerly  the  foreigner  was  an  almost  unknown  quantity  in  an 
American  university.  By  way  of  illustration,  let  me  cite  the  fact 
that  at  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  which  I  have  the  honour  to 
represent,  the  number  of  foreign  students  has  within  ten  years 
increased  from  7  to  107  —  a  condition  which  is  typical  of  every  large 
American  university.  The  movement  to  which  I  refer  is  the 
Cosmopolitan  Club  Movement,  the  aims,  purposes,  and  ideals  of 
which  it  is  my  purpose  to  present  in  this  paper. 


440  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

On  the  eve  of  March  12,  1903,  sixteen  foreign  and  two  native 
students  of  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  together  representing  eleven 
nationalities,  gathered  in  the  modest  little  apartments  of  a  young 
Japanese.  They  founded  an  International  Club,  in  which  the  repre- 
sentatives of  every  nation  in  the  university  were  to  meet  on  a  basis  of 
equality  and  brotherhood. 

This  was  a  new  departure  in  student  activities.  Foreign  societies, 
it  is  true,  were  no  uncommon  feature  of  American  college  life.  Every 
large  institution  of  learning  had  its  prospering  Norwegian,  German, 
or  Latin-American  club.  But  the  idea  of  a  cosmopolitan  organisation 
with  universal  brotherhood  as  its  corner-stone,  was  a  novel  one.  By 
many  it  was  denounced  as  a  chimera.  The  very  idea  of  amalgamating 
into  one  society  men  of  the  most  diverse  countries  caused  a  faint 
smile  of  contempt  on  the  lips  of  narrow-minded  nativists. 

Yet  what  happened?  The  club  so  founded  grew  and  prospered, 
until  to-day,  with  a  membership  of  seventy,  representing  twenty 
countries,  it  is  one  of  the  most  flourishing,  and  certainly  the  most 
interesting,  organisation  in  the  university.  The  cosmopolitan  idea 
has  partly  germinated  in,  partly  spread  to,  other  universities,  so  that 
now  twenty-four  leading  State  and  endowed  institutions  of  learning 
count  such  clubs  among  their  valuable  assets. 

A  National  Association  of  Cosmopolitan  Clubs  was  founded  in 
1907,  which  has  a  membership  of  over  two  thousand  and  includes 
representatives  from  almost  sixty  different  countries.  A  monthly 
organ,  The  Cosmopolitan  Student,  keeps  the  members  in  touch 
with  each  other  and  with  the  various  movements  for  the  better 
organisation  of  the  world.  At  a  convention  held  at  The  Hague, 
Holland,  in  August,  1909,  an  affiliation  was  even  perfected  with  the 
Federation  Internationale  des  £tudiantst  better  known  as  Corda 
Fratres.  Our  work  is  thus  on  an  international  basis,  and  the 
possibilities  for  effective  co-operation  unlimited.  United,  the  two 
bodies  have  become  a  league  of  universal  brotherhood  which  will 
soon  encompass  the  student  body  of  the  whole  civilised  world. 

Hawaian  and  Frenchman,  Japanese  and  American,  Chinese, 
German,  Hungarian,  Filipino,  and  Armenian,  all  are  on  a  footing  of 
equality  in  this  unique  organisation.  What  matters  it  that  one  is  an 
engineer,  another  a  law  student,  a  third  an  agriculturist  ?  That  one 
believes  in  monarchical  government,  while  the  other  sees  in  the  control 
of  the  masses  the  only  solution  of  the  social  problem  ?  That  one  is 
a  Japanese  prince,  the  second  a  Russian  revolutionist,  the  third  a 
plain  American  farmer  boy,  the  fourth  a  Hindu  priest?  Why  despise 
a  man  because  his  skin  is  yellow  or  brown  or  black  ?  The  members 
of  the  international  and  cosmopolitan  clubs  need  no  unity  of  colour, 
race,  or  social  position  to  bind  them  together.  Theirs  is  a  firmer  tie. 


EIGHTH   SESSION  441 

"  Above  all  Nations  is  Humanity,"  is  the  proud  motto  of  our 
Association.  Humanity — all-embracing,  all-including,  linked  with 
the  idea  of  brotherly  love,  of  sympathetic  understanding,  of  service 
to  mankind — this  is  a  bond  of  union  far  transcending  national,  social, 
and  racial  lines  of  demarcation. 

The  purpose  of  the  international  and  cosmopolitan  clubs  is  to 
bring  together  college  young  men  from  different  countries,  to  aid  and 
direct  foreign  students  coming  to  the  United  States,  to  cultivate  the 
arts  of  peace,  and  to  establish  strong  international  friendships. 

The  activities  of  the  individual  organisations  are  numerous  and 
varied.  Lectures  on  international  topics,  discussions  on  subjects  of 
foreign  interest,  and  occasional  social  functions  are  some  of  the  forms 
which  these  activities  take.  But  most  conspicuous  are  the  so-called 
"  national  nights."  In  these  the  members  of  one  nation,  if  possible 
on  the  evening  of  their  country's  holiday,  describe  the  history  and 
institutions  of  their  fatherland,  play  music  by  their  native  composers, 
and  discuss  the  relation  of  their  State  to  other  Powers.  In  the  course 
of  these  "  national  nights  "  the  members  get  a  better  insight  into  the 
mode  of  living,  customs,  and  view-point  of  people  of  different  races 
than  they  can  ever  gain  from  the  coloured  accounts  of  travellers  in 
foreign  lands.  This  broadening  influence  has  taught  them  to  have 
sympathy  with  their  fellow-man's  religion,  however  divergent  from 
their  own  ;  with  his  social  rank,  however  unequal ;  with  his  political 
creed,  however  contrary  ;  with  his  nationality,  however  different. 

In  the  local  branches  the  best  fellowship  and  comradeship 
prevails.  As  soon  as  a  chapter  is  strong  enough  to  assume  financial 
obligations,  it  rents  a  suite  of  club  rooms,  or  its  members  lease  an 
entire  house,  the  lower  floor  of  which  is  devoted  to  club  purposes, 
while  the  rest  of  the  building  is  used  as  a  dormitory.  In  the  club 
rooms  the  members  meet  their  fellow  cosmopolitans  on  terms  of 
friendship,  and  form  attachments  that  last  far  beyond  college  days. 
They  engage  in  discussions  which  contribute  materially  toward 
eliminating  national  prejudices. 

The  American  membership  in  the  cosmopolitan  clubs  is  made  up 
of  students  who  are  selected  because  they  are  known  to  have  sym- 
pathy with  the  foreigner,  and  to  enjoy  good  reputation  in  the 
university  community.  Members  of  the  university  faculties,  too, 
form  a  conspicuous  element  in  the  American  contingent.  Through 
the  United  States  members  the  foreigner  is  introduced  into  American 
families ;  from  them  he  learns  the  characteristics  of  the  American 
people  and  their  ideals.  In  return,  his  American  hosts  have  the  oppor- 
tunity of  coming  in  contact  with  a  man  who  in  all  likelihood  is 
destined  to  become  a  leader  in  his  community. 

American  students,  as  a  rule,  are  proud  to  have  the  foreigner  in 


442  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

their  midst.  They  realise  that  the  foreigner  is  here  not  merely  to 
get  a  degree,  and  to  acquire  laboriously  from  books  written  in  a 
language  not  his  own  what  he  might  with  less  difficulty  learn  from 
texts  or  translations  in  his  mother-tongue.  The  foreigner  is  with 
us  to  give  as  well  as  to  receive ;  to  communicate  his  own  impressions 
as  well  as  to  absorb  ours.  His  migration  to  a  foreign  soil  sprang 
from  a  desire  to  become  a  citizen  of  the  world.  His  patriotism  led 
him  to  disregard  family  ties  and  the  associations  of  his  youth,  and 
to  go  abroad  among  strange  peoples  and  strange  nations  in  order 
that  he  might  return  a  better  citizen  and  a  more  useful  member  of 
society.  The  presence  of  the  foreigner  is  thus  a  source  of  inspiration 
to  the  American.  His  example  is  well  worth  emulating.  One  can- 
not but  be  impressed  by  his  lofty  ideals,  his  steadfastness  of  purpose, 
and  his  broad-minded  conception  of  his  mission. 

But  the  movement  has  a  deeper  significance.  In  the  words  of 
the  distinguished  secretary  of  the  American  Peace  Society,  Dr. 
Benjamin  F.  Trueblood,  "  As  an  agency  for  promoting  the  final 
establishment  of  permanent  peace  among  the  nations,  there  is 
nothing  in  the  educational  sphere  likely  to  bear  richer  fruit." 
Close  personal  contact  between  peoples  of  different  races  is  a  neces- 
sity in  order  that  they  may  understand  each  other.  It  is  a  funda- 
mental prerequisite  to  any  movement  for  world  peace.  National 
antipathies  or  prejudices  in  a  large  part  rest  upon  mutual  ignorance. 
In  our  international  and  cosmopolitan  clubs  men  from  about  sixty 
different  countries  are  brought  in  contact  with  each  other.  They 
learn  to  understand  each  other ;  they  learn  to  respect  each  other ; 
they  learn  to  admire  each  other  ;  they  learn  to  love  each  other. 
They  cannot  help  but  carry  home  with  them  the  message  of  "  Peace 
on  Earth,  Goodwill  toward  Men." 

These  facts  are  of  peculiar  significance  when  one  considers  that 
the  foreign  students  are  for  the  most  part  representatives  of  the 
flower  of  their  country ;  men  coming  from  the  very  best  of  families. 
Many  are  sent  by  their  Governments.  They  will  later  occupy  posi- 
tions of  trust  and  honour  in  their  respective  communities.  They 
will  become  the  leaders  of  public  opinion,  and  even  of  the  political 
spirit  and  policies  of  their  nations.  In  proportion  as  these  men  from 
different  countries  are  brought  in  contact  with  their  fellow-students 
of  different  nationality,  in  proportion  as  they  learn  to  understand 
each  other,  in  proportion  as  they  realise  that  we  are  but  members  of 
one  large  human  family,  and  that  therefore  war  and  hostility  are 
thoughts  unworthy  of  a  rising  generation — will  the  hopes  for  the 
realisation  of  world  peace  be  increased. 

[Paper  submitted  in  English.] 


EIGHTH   SESSION  443 

INTERNATIONAL  ORGANISATION  FOR  INTER- 

' 

RACIAL   GOODWILL 
By  EDWIN  D.  MEAD,  Boston,  U.S.A. 

THE  Lake  Mohonk  Conferences  on  International  Arbitration  were 
inaugurated  in  1895,  after  there  had  been  held  at  Lake  Mohonk 
for  several  years  previously  Annual  Conferences  upon  the  duty  of 
the  American  people  to  the  Indians  living  within  their  borders. 
The  first  three  Mohonk  Arbitration  Conferences  were  made 
memorable  by  powerful  addresses  by  Edward  Everett  Hale,  the 
Nestor  of  the  Peace  cause  in  America,  as  we  liked  to  call  him  in 
his  later  years,  demanding  and  prophesying  a  Permanent  Inter- 
national Tribunal.  By  virtue  of  their  grasp  of  the  international 
situation,  their  foresight  and  their  inspiration,  these  addresses  were 
the  most  inspiring  and  most  noteworthy  which  have  been  heard 
at  the  Mohonk  Arbitration  Conferences  during  these  seventeen 
years.  Their  central  demand  was  that  nations,  well  disposed  as 
the  best  of  them  were  to  arbitration,  generally  speaking,  should 
not  leave  provision  for  arbitration  to  times  when  some  special 
dispute  arose  or  some  special  danger  pressed,  then  creating  a 
special  commission  to  deal  with  the  particular  case  arising,  but 
that  the  nations  should  co-operate  to  establish  a  Permanent  Inter- 
national Tribunal,  which  should  always  be  in  existence  and  always 
ready  to  deal  with  every  international  difference.  Cases  should 
never  wait  for  courts,  said  Dr.  Hale,  but  courts  should  always  be 
ready  for  cases,  and  this  was  in  no  field  more  imperative  than  in 
the  international  field  where  there  was  no  provision  of  any  kind. 
It  was  foolish  and  criminal  to  leave  to  some  acute  crisis,  when 
two  contesting  peoples  were  aflame  and  in  hot  blood  over  their 
disagreements,  the  preparation  of  machinery  to  dispose  of  the  dis- 
agreements. No  time  is  so  unpropitious  for  such  action.  There 
should  be  a  Permanent  International  Tribunal,  of  whose  existence 
every  nation  would  be  conscious  in  the  critical  hour  when  there 
was  need  of  the  offices  of  arbitration.  Its  chief  service,  said  Dr. 
Hale,  would  be  in  the  fact  that  it  existed,  that  every  nation  knew 
that  it  existed,  and  that  not  to  have  recourse  to  it  instead  of  to 
individual  vengeance  in  the  hour  of  conflict  or  dispute  was  dis- 
honour. In  a  word,  civilised  nations  in  the  family  of  nations 
must  follow  the  same  course  in  their  disputes  and  differences 
which  is  followed  by  civilised  men  in  individual  nations.  When 
Dr.  Hale  in  1895,  1896,  and  1897  thundered  this  demand  reiteratedly 
at  Lake  Mohonk,  he  was  told  by  learned  and  distinguished 
diplomats  and  jurists  that  it  was  a  noble  ideal,  and  one  which  in 


444  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

some  fine  but  distant  future  would  doubtless  be  realised,  but  it 
was  far  ahead  of  the  times,  and  its  realisation  was  not  to  be 
expected  in  our  generation.  That  was  probably  the  judgment  of 
most  so-called  "  hard-headed "  men,  even  progressive  men,  at 
Mohonk  and  elsewhere,  in  1897.  But  in  1898  the  First  Hague 
Conference  was  called,  and  in  1899  the  Permanent  International 
Tribunal  at  The  Hague  was  established. 

This  is  an  interesting,  an  encouraging,  and  a  directing  chapter 
of  history  for  us  as  we  meet  in  the  interests  of  another  great  line 
of  effort  to  bring  about  justice  and  brotherhood  among  the 
peoples  of  the  world.  It  reminds  us  that  in  this  time,  when  men 
the  world  over  touch  elbows  as  never  before,  and  the  interest  of 
each  is  the  interest  of  all  as  never  before,  very  great  things  may 
be  suddenly  brought  to  pass  in  a  very  short  time.  But  especially 
it  directs  us  as  to  the  right  way  to  do  the  things  which  we,  who 
have  come  together  in  this  Congress,  have  to  do.  It  is  no  new 
thing  for  good  men  in  a  score  of  nations  to  interest  themselves 
seriously  in  the  relations  of  different  races  within  and  without 
their  own  borders,  and  no  new  thing  for  special  organisations  to 
be  created,  and  special  Conferences  held,  to  deal  with  special 
wrongs.  Such  flagrant  wrongs  have  compelled  sympathy  and 
indignation  and  protest  and  united  action  of  some  sort  in  every 
year  of  the  lives  of  every  man  in  this  Congress,  and  in  every 
nation  from  which  most  of  us  come.  The  Congo  Reform  Associa- 
tion is  an  illustration.  The  terrible  atrocities  in  the  Congo  were 
told  about  by  missionaries  and  others  here  and  there  for  years. 
By  and  by  the  volume  of  reports  became  so  great  and  so  authentic 
that  there  was  wide  public  discussion  and  public  protest.  Mr. 
Morell  and  others  here  in  England  were  so  stirred  that  they 
threw  their  lives  into  the  work  of  exposing  and  reforming  the 
horrible  situation.  You  in  England  organised  a  Congo  Reform 
Association.  We  in  America,  prompted  by  your  action,  organised 
another ;  France  and  Switzerland,  and  I  know  not  what  other 
countries,  organised  theirs,  and  all  did  noble,  vigorous,  expensive 
and  measurably  successful  work.  The  attention  of  the  world  was 
arrested,  the  conscience  of  the  world  was  touched,  and  there  is 
undoubtedly  a  better  state  of  things  in  the  Congo  State  to-day. 
At  any  rate,  all  men  there  know  they  are  under  watch  and  on 
their  good  behaviour.  Groups  of  humane  and  civilised  men  have 
risen  and  organised  similarly  when  there  was  wickedness  in  Armenia, 
in  Macedonia,  in  Crete,  in  Russia,  in  India.  Societies  exist  or 
have  existed  in  England  and  America  and  other  countries  con- 
cerning inter-racial  tyranny  and  wrong  in  these  late  years  in  all 
these  places  and  a  dozen  more  ;  but  the  efforts  have  usually  been 


EIGHTH   SESSION  445 

so  delayed,  so  improvised,  so  poorly  supported,  and  so  unrelated 
that   they   have   never   half  done   their   work.     They   are   like   the 
special    arbitration    commissions,   arraigned    by   Dr.    Hale,   created 
under  pressure  all  through  the  last  century,  to  meet  some  menacing 
crisis.     Such    commissions   did    not    meet    the   world's   needs,   and 
these  fitful   and   sporadic   societies   to  deal  with   sudden   tragedies 
and   threats   do   not   meet    the   world's   need.     The   world   had    to 
organise   a   Permanent    International    Tribunal ;    arid   we    have    to 
create  a  permanent  international  organisation  to  watch  the  world 
over  the  inter-racial  injustices  and  wrongs  which  have  commanded 
our  assemblage  here.     I  do  not  forget  that  there  exist  agencies  for 
coping  with  the  tyranny  of  so-called  superior  peoples  over  weak 
peoples   of   much    more   permanent    character   and    much    broader 
scope  than  such  organisations  as   the  Congo  Reform  Association. 
The  Aborigines  Protection   Society  here   in  Great   Britain  is   such 
an  agency.     As  concerns  British  obligation  and  effort  in  one  great 
field  of  our  problem,  it  is  in  its  definition  of  purpose  and  range  of 
activity  almost  precisely  the  thing  to  be  desired  in  every  country. 
This  noble  Society,  which  was  founded  as  far  back  as   1837,  three- 
quarters   of  a   century   ago,   was   the   outcome   of    the   work   of  a 
Committee  of  the  House  of  Commons  "  to  consider  what  measures 
ought    to    be   adopted   with    regard    to    the   native   inhabitants   of 
countries,  where  British  settlements  are  made,  and  to  neighbouring 
tribes,  in   order   to  secure   to   them  justice   and   the   protection   of 
their  rights."     When  one  looks  at  the  map  of  the  world  and  notes 
the  places  where  British  settlements  have  been  made,  one  realises 
that  there   are  few   tribes  which   are   not   neighbouring   to   British 
settlements   on    one   side   or   another,   and    that    the   definition   of 
purpose  by  the   old    Parliamentary  Committee  was   therefore  well- 
nigh  universal.     So  I  think  the  Aborigines  Protection  Society  has 
construed  its  function.     It  was  itself  certainly,  as  we  in  the  United 
States  came  to  know  well,  one  of  the  real  Congo  Reform  Associa- 
tions, and  it  has  been  pretty  well  every  special  kind  of  a  reform 
association  in   carrying   out   its  stated    purpose  "  to   assist   in    pro- 
tecting    the     defenceless     and     promoting     the     advancement     of 
uncivilised    tribes."     It   was   fitting    that    the   British    Anti-Slavery 
Society,  founded  at  almost  exactly  the  same  time,  should  amalga- 
mate with  it  two  years  ago  ;  for  the  work  of  the  two  societies  has 
constantly    run    in    parallel    courses.     Looking    through    the    last 
number  (January,   1911)  of  the   quarterly  journal   of  these   united 
societies,  I  find  that  there  is  no  other  country  whose  race  problems 
receive  so  much  attention  in  its  pages  as  my  own.     There  is  a  long 
account  of  the  gathering  at  the  Whitehall  Rooms  last  October  in 
honour  of  Booker  Washington.     This  is  followed   by  a  letter  con- 


446  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

cerning  the  visit  to  Europe  this  year  of  Professor  DuBois ;  there 
is  a  tribute  to  Julia  Ward  Howe  and  her  services  in  the  American 
Anti-Slavery  conflict ;  and  there  is  a  long  review  of  Sir  Harry  H. 
Johnston's  book  upon  "  The  Negro  in  the  New  World,"  accom- 
panied by  a  portrait  of  John  Brown.  Besides  these  things  there  is 
an  article  relating  to  certain  work  for  the  benefit  of  the  MicMac 
Indians  of  Prince  Edward  Island.  When  your  British  Aborigines 
Protection  Society  is  able  to  consider  to  this  extent  in  a  single 
issue  of  its  Journal  the  rights  and  wrongs  of  the  weaker  races  in 
America,  it  seems  to  me  that  you  already  have  here  in  Great 
Britain  what  can  easily  be  made  the  adequate  British  agency  in 
such  a  group  of  societies  as  I  desire  to  see  established  in  the 
civilised  nations,  all  co-operating  in  an  international  union  for 
inter-racial  justice.  Some  of  us  in  the  United  States  who  were 
active  in  the  Congo  Reform  Association  were  brought  by  that 
experience  to  feel  the  need  of  some  such  society  of  broader  scope, 
like  the  Aborigines  Protection  Society.  Our  study  of  the  wrongs 
in  the  Congo  brought  us  sharply  up  against  similar  wrongs  in 
other  parts  of  Africa,  and  we  began  to  hear  of  almost  precisely 
the  same  evils  in  South  America.  We  saw  that  we  were  dealing 
with  only  one  aspect  of  a  world-wide  and  persistent  problem ;  and 
I  think  that  no  one  felt  this  more  deeply  than  Dr.  G.  Stanley  Hall, 
the  President  of  our  Congo  Reform  Association.  He  had  long 
been  a  careful  and  sympathetic  student  of  the  conditions  of  the 
less  developed  races  and  of  the  tyrannies  and  cruelties  inflicted 
upon  them  by  "civilised"  brutality  and  greed.  Professor  William 
James  had  deeply  felt  the  same  and  written  burningly  upon  it  at 
the  time  of  our  American  iniquities  in  the  Philippines.  In  meetings 
of  our  Congo  Reform  Association  President  Hall  and  others 
spoke  of  the  need  and  possibility  of  some  association  of  broader 
scope ;  but  up  to  the  present  time  we  have  not  created  such  an 
association  in  the  United  States.  What  I  urge  here  is  the  creation 
of  such  organisations  in  the  United  States  and  in  every  civilised 
country,  to  be  leagued  together  in  an  international  union. 

In  the  United  States  we  have,  of  course,  had  special  societies 
to  deal  with  our  two  great  racial  problems,  those  concerning  the 
Negro  and  the  Indian.  Professor  DuBois,  who  visits  Europe  this 
summer,  represents  the  National  Association  for  the  Welfare  of 
Coloured  People,  which  is  the  most  recently  organised  of  various 
societies  which  have  defined  their  purposes  in  similar  terms,  and 
some  of  which  still  exist.  Professor  DuBois  is  the  most  active 
worker  in  this  new  society,  of  which  Mr.  Moorfield  Storey  is  the 
president,  and  whose  officers  and  members  are  chiefly  white  men. 
The  Constitution  League  of  the  United  States,  in  which  Mr.  John 


EIGHTH   SESSION  447 

E.  Milholland,  almost  as  much  at  home  here  in  London  as  in  New- 
York,  has  been  perhaps  the  most  active  force,  is  another  American 
agency  which  has  been  earnestly  devoted  to  righting  the  political 
oppressions  and  discriminations  to  which  the  Negroes  in  the  South 
are  still  subjected.  Our  Anti-Imperialist  League,  organised  to 
oppose  the  policy  of  our  government  in  the  Philippines,  and  of 
which  Mr.  Moorfield  Storey  is  also  the  president,  has  become  in 
very  high  degree,  by  the  very  exigencies  of  its  problem,  a  kind  of 
Aborigines  Protection  Society.  There  are  various  organisations 
among  our  Negroes  themselves  concerned  with  the  sufferings  and 
struggles  of  their  race  in  America. 

We  have  had  for  many  years  an  Indian  Rights  Association,  and 
for  twenty  years  there  has  been  held  at  Lake  Mohonk  an  Annual 
Conference  upon  our  duty  to  the  Indian,  attended  by  many  of  our 
best  and  ablest  men,  and  resulting  in  immense  improvement.  This 
Conference  has  in  recent  years  been  so  expanded  in  its  scope  as  to 
take  in  the  problems  arising  from  our  relations  to  our  so-called 
dependencies — the  Philippines  here  playing,  of  course,  the  most  im- 
portant part.  There  is  noplace  in  the  United  States  better  fitted, 
by  the  great  traditions  created  by  Conferences  on  International 
Arbitration,  to  become  a  centre  for  Conferences  on  inter-racial 
justice  than  Lake  Mohonk.  Its  present  autumn  Conferences  upon 
the  rights  of  our  Indians  and  the  people  of  our  dependencies  might 
profitably  be  expanded  into  Conferences  of  this  broader  scope,  with 
no  prejudice,  but  only  gain,  to  the  special  purposes  which  called  them 
into  being. 

It  is  possible,  however,  that  the  centre  for  this  broader  work  in 
the  United  States  will  be  elsewhere.  There  has  been  started  at 
Clark  University  in  Worcester,  Massachusetts,  during  the  last  two 
years,  the  most  intelligent  and  well-considered  movement  known  to 
me  in  all  the  world  bearing  upon  the  particular  problems  of  this 
Congress.  The  object  of  the  Congress  has  been  stated  to  be  "  the 
discussion  of  the  relation  of  the  peoples  of  the  West  and  those  of 
the  East,  between  so-called  white  and  so-called  coloured  peoples." 
I  have  been  speaking  chiefly  of  the  relations  of  white  and  coloured 
races,  viewing  the  coloured  races  as  those  coming  within  the  purview 
of  such  students  and  reformers  as  those  constituting  the  Aborigines 
Protection  Society.  To  the  discussion  of  such  relations  the  Clark 
University  Conferences  will  in  considerable  measure  be  devoted ; 
but  they  will  also  be  devoted  to  what  may  be  called  more  specifi- 
cally the  relations  between  the  peoples  of  the  West  and  those  of  the 
East,  and  to  those  relations  the  two  Conferences  already  have  been 
devoted.  The  President  of  Clark  University,  as  is  well  known  to 
most  scholars  present  here,  is  Dr.  G.  Stanley  Hall,  whom  I  have 


448  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

already  mentioned  as  the  President  of  our  American  Congo  Reform 
Association  ;  and  I  think  that  his  experience  in  the  work  of  that 
Association  has  had  much  to  do  with  his  interest  in  the  founding  of 
the  Clark  University  Conferences,  in  whose  organisation  his  able 
and  devoted  associate  has  been  Professor  George  H.  Blakeslee  of 
the  University.  The  first  of  these  Conferences  was  held  in  the 
autumn  of  1909,  and  concerned  itself  with  the  relations  of  America 
to  the  Far  East,  chiefly  China  and  Japan.  The  Second  Conference 
was  held  in  the  autumn  of  1910,  and  concerned  itself  with  the  Near 
East.  Better  thought  out  and  better  carried  out  programmes  than 
those  of  these  two  Conferences  have  seldom  been  seen  ;  and  they 
mark  the  beginning  of  a  new  era  for  us  in  the  United  States  touch- 
ing the  scientific  study  of  Eastern  peoples  and  just  dealings  with 
them.  Perhaps  the  best  outcome  of  these  Conferences,  which  are 
to  be  made  regular,  has  been  the  establishment  of  a  quarterly 
journal,  The  Journal  of  Race  Development,  in  which  many  of  the 
papers  read  at  the  Conferences  have  been  printed,  which  is  by  far 
the  best  publication  in  this  field  which  we  have  ever  seen  in 
America,  and  certainly  one  of  the  best  organs  in  the  world  of  the 
great  movement  which  has  brought  us  together  here.  With  the 
Mohonk  autumn  Conferences  developing  as  they  are  developing, 
and  with  the  institution  of  these  Clark  University  Conferences,  I 
feel  the  outlook  for  thorough  and  worthy  attention  in  the  United 
States  to  inter-racial  problems  to  be  most  promising ;  and  the 
establishment  with  us  of  an  efficient  American  society,  corre- 
sponding in  some  sort  to  the  British  Aborigines  Protection 
Society,  is  only  a  question  of  to-morrow  or  the  next  day. 

In  showing  the  historic  preparation  and  present  readiness  for 
broader  organisation  of  our  forces  for  dealing  with  the  inter-racial 
problem,  I  have  surveyed  practically  only  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States,  because  I  am  most  at  home  here,  and  they  serve  me 
best  for  illustration.  In  some  ways,  too,  the  movement  is  farther 
advanced  in  these  two  countries,  as  there  are  some  reasons  why 
they  have  been  under  exceptional  obligation  to  efforts  in  this  field. 
But  I  do  not  forget  the  noble  humanitarian  efforts  and  the  most 
scientific  and  valuable  studies  in  France,  Germany,  and  other 
countries.  The  problem  urges  itself  upon  the  minds  and  con- 
sciences of  serious  men  the  world  over.  It  is  not  simply  a  problem 
of  dealing  with  aborigines  nor  of  the  relations  of  white  men  with  black 
or  yellow  men  ;  it  is  a  problem  of  the  mutual  relations  of  peoples  of 
all  races  and  all  grades  of  civilisation.  Cruelty  indeed  is  commonest 
where  the  interval  between  the  races  is  greatest ;  but  it  is  question- 
able whether  it  is  not  in  fields  where  the  interval  is  slighter  that  the 
greatest  mischief  is  done  by  ignorance,  selfishness,  and  pride. 


EIGHTH   SESSION  449 

A  primary  function  of  a  movement  like  the  present  one  is  to 
cultivate  good  understanding  and  goodwill  between  all  peoples 
near  and  far.  We  have  a  noisy  and  pestiferous  little  group  in 
America  whose  regular  business  seems  to  be  to  stir  up  suspicion 
and  hatred  of  the  people  of  Japan.  You  have  a  larger  group  in 
England  whose  similar  vocation  is  to  sow  seeds  of  enmity  with  the 
German  people.  The  source  of  most  of  the  troubles  with  which  we 
are  coping  here  is  ignorance.  Dr.  John  H.  DeForest,  in  his 
impressive  pamphlet  on  "  American  Ignorance  of  Oriental  Lan- 
guages," has  startingly  shown  the  serious  practical  dangers  menacing 
us  in  the  United  States  from  our  ignorance  of  the  speech  and  some 
of  the  simplest  usages  of  our  Japanese  brothers.  I  found  in 
Germany,  a  little  while  ago,  groups  of  noble  and  aspiring  young 
people  working  for  international  progress,  and,  fearing  that  the 
name  of  peace  society  might  not  be  most  propitious  for  their  effort, 
they  called  their  groups  Societies  for  Good  Understanding  between 
Peoples  (Volkerverstandigung).  It  comes  to  the  same  thing,  and 
the  name  hits  the  central  danger  and  the  central  need.  We  all  need 
to  have  more  to  do  with  each  other  and  know  each  other  better. 

There  was  recently  an  important  Conference  in  the  United 
States  of  representatives  of  the  Presbyterians,  Episcopalians,  and 
Congregationalists  to  confer  about  Christian  union  ;  and  a  Presby- 
terian leader  commented  afterwards  upon  the  mischief  which  had 
resulted  from  lack  of  personal  acquaintance.  "  We  cannot  force 
union,"  he  said,  "  but  we  can  know  each  other.  We  have  lived  in 
our  respective  worlds,  knowing  well  the  men  in  our  own  body,  but 
knowing  not  at  all  the  men  in  other  bodies.  It  has  been  an  uplift 
to  know  these  leaders  of  other  names.  After  all,  they  are  much 
like  us.  When  we  all  get  to  know,  all  union  will  be  here."  If  such 
a  confession  of  mutual  ignorance  on  the  part  of  groups  of  American 
Christians  and  the  mischief  of  it  is  possible,  how  appalling  appears 
the  mutual  ignorance  of  widely  differing  races  and  the  mischief 
of  it! 

I  speak  of  the  international  organisation  which  I  propose  as  one 
in  behalf  of  inter-racial  justice  ;  but  I  mean  more  than  that — I  mean 
that  it  shall  also  deal  with  the  problem  of  how  backward  races  may 
best  be  assisted  in  their  upward  progress  and  development  and  how 
men  of  all  races  may  have  better  personal  acquaintance  with  each 
other. 

Mr.  Milholland  in  New  York,  Mr.  Moscheles  here  in  London, 
have  talked  much  of  cosmopolitan  or  international  clubs.  They 
would  have  international  clubs  in  London,  in  Paris,  in  Berlin,  in 
New  York,  in  Tokyo,  in  Shanghai,  where  men  concerned  with  inter- 
national problems  should  meet  socially ;  and  the  members  of  one 

2  G 


450  UNIVERSAL  RACES  CONGRESS 

club  should  be  members  of  all,  wherever  they  journeyed.  It  is  from 
good  conversation,  they  say,  and  rightly  say,  that  more  good 
frequently  results  than  from  congresses.  Let  us  promote  the  forma- 
tion of  such  international  clubs  ;  for  every  one  of  them  would  be  a 
potent  centre  for  our  cause. 

We  talk  of  this  as  now  a  little  world,  since  Mauretanias  and 
wireless  telegraphy  and  the  other  machinery  for  shrinkage  have 
multiplied  ;  but  it  is  only  in  certain  definite  respects  that  it  is  a  little 
world,  and  in  the  many  indefinite  respects  it  is  a  big  world  still, 
mostly  barbarian,  with  its  peoples  far  apart  and  very  ignorant  of 
each  other.  The  solution  of  the  great  international  problems 
involved  is  not  possible  to  national  societies  working  separately. 
International  work  must  be  internationally  done  ;  and  in  this  field 
of  racial  problems  evolution  has  advanced  so  far  that  we  are  ready 
for  the  international  step  and  for  definite  organisation  in  every 
nation. 

When  one  is  asked  to  suggest  the  method  and  form  of  organisa- 
tion, the  answer  is  simple.  It  has  happened  more  than  once  in 
movements  like  ours  that  definite  international  organisation  has 
preceded  adequate  national  organisation.  It  was  so  of  the  Peace 
Congresses.  The  First  Universal  Peace  Congress  was,  like  this  First 
Universal  Races  Congress,  held  in  London.  That  was  in  1843. 
That  first  Peace  Congress  here  in  London,  we  Americans  like  to 
remember,  was  brought  about  by  the  American  Peace  Society  in 
Boston,  as  I  was  interested  to  read  in  your  circular  that  this  London 
Races  Congress  owed  its  original  impulse  to  Felix  Adler  of  New 
York.  Four  great  International  Peace  Congresses  followed  that 
London  Congress  of  1843.  Then  there  was  an  interregnum  of 
nearly  forty  years ;  and  the  first  of  the  present  series  of  Inter- 
national Peace  Congresses  was  held  in  Paris  in  1889.  But  it  was 
not  until  1902,  almost  sixty  years  after  the  London  International 
Congress  of  1843,  that  there  was  a  National  Peace  Congress,  that 
being  in  France.  England  followed  with  National  Peace  Congresses, 
then  the  United  States,  then  Germany — the  International  Congresses 
meantime  going  steadily  on,  under  the  general  control  of  the  Inter- 
national Peace  Bureau  at  Berne,  made  up  of  representatives  of  the 
various  nations. 

If  we  are  looking  for  precedent  in  organisation,  here,  therefore,  is 
all  the  precedent  we  need.  Let  us  consider  this  Universal  Races 
Congress  no  isolated  or  final  gathering,  but  simply  the  first  of  a 
series  of  Universal  Races  Congresses,  bi-ennial  or  tri-ennial,  which 
shall  go  regularly  on  until  the  day  of  inter-racial  justice  and  fraternity 
dawns.  Let  us,  too,  have  our  International  Bureau  of  Inter-racial 
Justice  at  London  or  at  Berne  ;  and  let  us  who  are  here  go  home  to 


EIGHTH   SESSION  451 

Germany,  to  France,  to  Italy,  to  India,  to  China,  to  America,  each 
group  pledged  to  organise  in  its  own  country  a  National  Society  of 
Inter-racial  Justice,  with  its  annual  National  Congress.  The  material 
for  organisation  is  abundant.  I  see  here  in  your  circular  twenty 
pages  of  names  of  men  upon  the  General  Committee  of  this  Con- 
gress. There  are  nearly  two  hundred  names  from  the  United  States 
alone.  Here  is  already,  if  these  will  so  resolve,  an  American  Society 
of  Inter-racial  Justice.  Let  them  so  resolve ;  and  so  let  the  dele- 
gates from  France  and  Belgium  and  Germany  and  India  resolve. 
The  second  Universal  Races  Congress  here  in  London  or  in  Paris, 
or  wherever  it  may  be,  would  then  be  largely  a  representative  Con- 
gress made  up  in  great  measure  of  regular  delegates  from  national 
societies.  Each  national  society  should  have  its  bureau  and  its 
publications,  and  of  such  national  publications  there  should  be  the 
completest  interchange ;  while  the  central  international  bureau 
should  correlate  the  various  national  activities  and  keep  each 
particular  effort  in  influential  touch  with  all  the  rest. 

I  would  suggest  that  the  various  national  Inter-racial  Justice 
Congresses  be  held  each  year  in  the  same  week  as  the  sessions  of 
the  National  Peace  Congresses  in  the  same  countries,  perhaps  on  the 
day  preceding  the  opening  of  such  Congresses.  The  causes  appeal 
to  substantially  the  same  constituencies,  and  the  fixing  of  such  a 
time  for  the  meetings  would  certainly  increase  the  attendance. 
Where  the  subjects  to  be  considered  by  the  Races  Congress  are  so 
numerous  and  important  as  to  demand  a  conference  of  several  days 
— and  that  describes  the  condition  in  the  United  States  at  this 
time — it  may  be  desirable  that  this  combination  should  not  be  too 
close ;  but  I  am  suggesting  for  consideration  a  general  principle 
of  procedure. 

I  do  it  for  the  sake  of  urging  further  the  close  relation  of  these 
causes.  The  wars  of  to-day  have  very  different  provocations  from 
those  of  two  or  three  centuries  ago.  They  spring  almost  entirely 
from  commercial  rivalries  or  the  collisions  of  races,  growing  usually 
in  the  latter  case  out  of  the  exploitation  of  weaker  by  stronger 
peoples.  Whatever  can  counteract  this  is  a  distinct  accomplishment 
for  the  peace  and  order  of  the  world  ;  and  that  makes  this  Universal 
Races  Congress  perhaps  the  most  important  Peace  Congress  of  the 
present  year.  The  promotion  of  the  progress  of  the  movement  here 
inaugurated  cannot  fail  to  appeal  to  bodies  of  men  like  the  trustees 
of  the  new  Carnegie  Peace  Foundation  as  distinctly  within  their 
province ;  although  there  should  be  no  dependence  by  this  organisa- 
tion upon  other  organisations,  but  a  vigorous  effort  by  its  friends  in 
every  nation  to  secure  for  it  independent  and  adequate  financial 
support 


452  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

In  referring  to  Dr.  Hale's  prophetic  Mohonk  Addresses  demand- 
ing a  Permanent  International  Tribunal,  I  spoke  of  the  rapidity 
with  which  in  our  day  great  movements  are  consummated.  There 
is  every  reason  why  the  international  effort  inaugurated  here  in 
London  to-day  should  achieve  quick  and  decisive  success.  It  cer- 
tainly will  do  it  if  we  here  so  highly  resolve.  Let  us  resolve  that 
every  nation  here  represented  shall  organise  a  national  society  this  year, 
and  hold  a  national  congress  next  year ;  and  let  us  plan  for  a  second 
international  congress  three  years  from  now.  I  wish  that  that  1914 
Congress  might  be  held  in  the  United  States.  That  is  to  be  with  us 
a  noteworthy  international  year.  We  are  then  to  celebrate  the 
centennial  of  peace  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain. 
We  shall  invite  the  International  Peace  Congress  to  hold  its  session 
with  us  that  year;  and  the  Interparliamentary  Union  will  be  simi- 
larly invited.  It  will  be  a  good  year  for  the  thoughtful  men  of  the 
world  to  confer  on  American  soil  upon  this  problem  of  the  right 
relations  of  races,  which  is  a  cardinal  phase  of  the  general  problem 
of  international  fraternity  and  peace.  We  can  tell  you  in  America 
of  noteworthy  advances  in  the  solution  of  our  own  great  races 
problems.  There  has  been  almost  a  revolution  in  the  last  generation 
in  our  dealing  with  our  Indian  population  ;  and  there  is  at  this  time 
a  movement  hardly  less  than  revolutionary  going  on  in  the  minds  of 
the  best  Southern  white  men  touching  the  Negroes.  In  the  whole 
history  of  civilisation  there  has  been  no  more  remarkable  advance 
than  that  of  the  Negroes  in  our  Southern  States  since  emancipation. 
The  story  in  industry,  in  property,  and  in  education  is  the  same. 
In  1905,  six  years  ago,  it  was  my  office  to  arrange  in  Boston  a  course 
of  lectures  upon  our  six  most  prominent  institutions  for  Negro  educa- 
tion— Howard  University,  Hampton,  Fisk,  Atlanta,  Tuskeegee,  and 
Beira — by  the  president  or  some  leading  representative  of  the  insti- 
tution ;  and  these  addresses  were  published  together  in  a  volume 
entitled  From  Servitude  to  Service.  It  was  a  remarkable  survey  of 
remarkable  achievement.  It  was  published  only  six  years  ago,  in 
1905,  when  I  venture  to  say  that  there  had  been  up  to  that  time 
altogether  not  so  many  words  of  strong  and  cordial  congratulation  in 
high  Southern  places  upon  that  educational  advance  as  have  been 
uttered  in  the  subsequent  six  years.  That  volume  could  be  matched 
to-day  by  one  equally  impressive  made  up  of  addresses  by  presidents 
of  Southern  universities  and  other  leading  Southern  men  recognising 
and  urging  that  the  Negro  race  must  have  as  its  preachers,  teachers, 
lawyers,  and  doctors  men  of  the  highest  education,  and  that  no 
solution  of  the  race  question  is  possible  which  is  not  based  upon  the 
desire  to  develop  every  race  to  its  highest  capacity.  This  is  pro- 
mising and  prophetic ;  and  it  is  indicative  of  the  new  insight  and 


EIGHTH   SESSION  453 

new  conscience  which  are  coming  into  the  consideration  of  the  race 
question  everywhere.  The  wrongs  to  our  Southern  Negroes,  political 
and  social,  are  still  flagrant  and  intolerable ;  but  I  am  emphasising 
here  the  elements  of  hope  and  genuine  advance.  I  believe  that  in 
the  next  decade  the  new  humanity  which  is  becoming  so  pervasive 
will  achieve  no  greater  triumphs  than  in  the  field  of  inter-racial 
justice,  and  will  do  this  the  more  rapidly  and  effectively  as  we  all 
make  the  world  our  parish  and  work  together  internationally. 
[Paper  submitted  in  English,'] 


APPENDIX 


TURKEY 

By  Dr.  RIZA  TEVFIK, 
Deputy  for  Adrianople  in  the  Imperial  Ottoman  Parliament. 

HUMANITY,  in  its  inevitable  evolution,  advances  towards  an  ideal,  just  as 
our  solar  system  follows  some  great  path  in  its  voyage  to  the  unknown  region 
where  it  will  fulfil  the  cycle  of  its  evolution.  The  idea  of  a  congress  for  the 
purpose  of  bringing  races  together  and  endeavouring  to  secure  a  better 
understanding  between  them  is,  to  my  mind,  the  symbol  of  a  sublime  ideal 
of  which  I  have  long  desired  to  see  the  realisation. 

The  Turkey  of  to-day  has  ever  been  a  vast  battle-field,  and  on  it  the  older 
civilisations  have  left  the  ruins  of  their  ephemeral  splendour.  From  Asia 
Minor  have  come,  more  than  once,  the  forces  that  have  devastated  Europe. 
Warlike  nations  have  often  passed  through  it ;  they  have  trodden  on  a  land 
that  seems,  from  its  geographical  situation,  a  bridge  built  between  the  two 
continents.  Each  nation  has  left  in  it,  as  it  passed,  some  portion  of  its  frame, 
lacerated  and  torn  with  battle,  until  the  Ottoman  nation,  as  we  find  it  to-day, 
has  become  a  veritable  mosaic  of  races. 

In  relation  to  the  rest  of  the  world,  therefore,  our  microcosm  provides,  in  a 
comparatively  narrow  field,  the  best  opportunities  for  a  close  study  of  the 
question  of  the  different  races  which  are  represented  among  us  by  so  many 
and  such  heterogeneous  communities.  Hence  it  is  that  the  most  pressing  social 
question  for  constitutional  Turkey  has  been,  from  the  time  the  new  government 
was  proclaimed,  the  firm  and  definitive  establishment  of  a  friendly  understanding 
between  its  various  ethnic  elements,  in  order  to  be  able  to  secure  the  first 
conditions  of  a  harmonious  and  prosperous  social  life. 

The  attainment  of  this  supreme  aim  has  been  a  matter  of  very  serious 
consideration  to  us,  and  we  have  been  compelled  to  study  the  chief  conditions 
of  it.  In  this  way  we  have  succeeded  in  detecting  the  causes  of  the  unhappy 
discord  that  there  is  in  the  concert  of  social  life  ;  in  this  way,  too,  we  have 
become  acutely  conscious  of  the  practical  and  actual  difficulty  of  the  task. 

This  analytical  study  cannot  be  anything  more  than  a  summary  and  orderly 
account  of  the  important  question  which  at  present  interests  us.  But  I  may  be 
permitted  to  observe  that,  not  only  is  there  a  striking  analogy  between  social 
and  moral  questions  of  the  same  general  description,  whether  they  arise  in 
Turkey  or  elsewhere,  but  these  social  questions  have  a  more  or  less  evident,  but 

454 


APPENDIX  455 

always  real  and  persistent,  affinity  with  economic  and  political  questions.  One 
might  say,  in  mathematical  language,  that  social  questions  and  economic 
questions  are  functional  with  each  other. 

I  believe  that  it  will  be  better  and  more  convenient  to  consider  the  question 
of  races  from  two  general  points  of  view ;  first  economically,  then  morally. 
I  am  bound  to  say  that,  if  there  are  mischievous  antipathies  at  the  present  time 
separating  races,  it  is  especially  due  to  a  certain  lack  of  equilibrium  which 
interferes  with  the  mutual  relations  and  injures  the  reciprocal  interests  of  races. 
These  interests,  however,  material  or  moral,  objective  or  subjective,  real  or 
imaginary,  go  to  form  the  question  of  life  or  death,  for  which  each  race 
struggles,  with  a  mind  illumined  by  its  own  instinct  of  self-preservation. 

Hence  it  is  that  these  differences  easily  degenerate,  especially  when  there 
is  sudden  and  aggressive  contact,  into  a  mischievous  antipathy  that  is  dangerous 
to  the  cause  of  true  civilisation,  because  these  unfortunate  circumstances  lower 
man's  moral  level  and  reveal  the  brute-nature  that  is  hidden  in  the  depths 
of  his  being.  It  is  one  cause  of  that  "return  to  a  primitive  condition"  which 
we  must  endeavour  to  prevent. 

For  the  same  reason  these  differences  give  birth  to  a  whole  series  of 
obstinate  and  hurtful  prejudices.  These  may  indeed  have  some  justification, 
and  even  a  relative  utility,  in  view  of  the  preservation  of  society ;  but  from 
another  point  of  view  they  are  a  costly  evil,  because  such  a  state  of  things  can 
only  be  obtained  at  the  price  of  intellectual  degradation. 

Knowing  well  that  the  adoption  of  too  exclusive  or  narrow  a  point  of  view 
will  only  lead  me  to  erroneous  conclusions,  however  logical  they  may  be,  I  shall 
endeavour  to  refrain  from  entering  into  details  and  set  aside  all  nationalist  and 
religious  sentiment,  in  order  to  take  a  general  view  of  the  history  of  humanity. 

I  shall,  therefore,  deal  with  this  important  question  only  in  an  abstract,  and 
even  negative,  sense  ;  that  is  to  say,  instead  of  enumerating  a  series  of  condi- 
tions that  may  be  necessary  to  establish  a  good  understanding  between  races, 
I  will  endeavour  to  concentrate  my  attention  on  the  causes  which,  in  my 
opinion,  prevent  this  good  understanding  that  everybody  desires  to  see. 
Although  this  way  of  considering  the  question  is  negative  in  form,  it  will  lead 
to  certain  positive  and  practical  results. 

Amongst  the  causes  of  racial  discord  there  are  quite  a  number  of  "  conven- 
tional prejudices"  which  are  generally  regarded  as  indisputable  scientific 
truths  and  have  the  authority  of  law  in  the  civilised  world.  It  would  have 
been  well  if  M.  Max  Nordau,  the  able  author  of  Conventional  Lies,  had 
classified  them.  Some  of  them,  such  as  "racial  prejudice,"  have  the  air  of 
being  scientific,  but  are  none  the  less  mere  prejudices.  Although  Herbert 
Spencer,  the  eminent  philosopher,  and  M.  Novicow,  the  distinguished  socio- 
logist, have  given  us  a  masterly  treatment  of  this  question,  I  should  like  to  deal 
with  it  and  draw  certain  conclusions  in  regard  to  it. 

Racial  prejudice  rests,  like  all  other  prejudices,  on  a  very  complicated 
framework  of  sophisms.  The  superiority  of  one  race  over  another  is  estimated 
by  its  capacity  and  its  aptitude  for  civilisation,  and  that  is  quite  sound.  But, 
unfortunately,  civilisation  is  not  properly  understood ;  that  is  the  root  of  the 
evil.  There  we  must  seek  the  inexhaustible  source  of  the  confused  fallacies 
which  have  so  far  complicated  and  perverted  the  notion  of  race  that  we  some- 
times take  it  to  be  an  "  entity  "  of  a  new  order. 

In  the  first  place,  we  are  accustomed  to  think  that  the  only  virtues  necessary 
for  civilisation  are  martial  qualities.  We  neglect  far  too  much  the  virtues  in  the 
proper  sense  of  the  word,  the  moral  virtues.  That  comes  of  an  erroneous  or 
superficial  study  of  the  facts  of  history  and  of  a  false  interpretation  of  certain 
principles  of  naturalist  philosophy — principles  which  are  perfectly  true,  but 
relative.  It  is  on  this  point  that  we  draw  up  illegitimate  and  sophistical  genera- 


456  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

lisations,  dragging  in  certain  kinds  of  sociological  and  political  facts  which  have 
no  place  in  a  province  that  is  ruled  by  a  biological  principle,  for  instance. 

I  am  as  convinced  as  any  man  that  "  the  survival  of  the  fittest  in  the  struggle 
for  life"  is  a  sound  principle,  but  I  very  much  question  whether  the  only 
conditions  of  this  fitness  are  what  we  call  the  "  warlike  virtues."  If  I  am  told 
that  such  is  the  situation  invariably  in  the  animal  world  I  reply  that  it  ought  not 
to  be  the  same  in  the  human  world.  I  may  add  that  in  the  animal  world 
fertility,  which  is  a  distinctive  sign  of  inferior  races  and  species,  is  an  im- 
portant element  in  the  fitness  of  the  species  to  survive  in  virtue  of  its  numbers. 
It  is  the  same  with  endurance,  which  makes  the  individuals  of  a  species  better 
able  to  resist  the  destructive  agencies  of  Nature.  The  exigencies  of  material 
life  are  other  conditions  that  must  not  be  neglected  ;  a  people  whose  individual 
members  can  live  on  a  handful  of  rice  or  an  onion  and  reproduce  indefinitely  is 
as  formidable  as  the  peoples  who  have  large  guns.  All  these  qualities,  and  many 
others,  facilitate  adaptation  by  reducing  its  first  conditions.  These  are  qualities 
of  races  that  are  generally  regarded  as  inferior,  but  the  race  that  has  these 
qualities  may  command  a  larger  zone  of  expansion  in  the  world.  It  resembles 
an  economic  machine  that  needs  very  little  fuel  to  work ;  though  its  products 
are  not  of  a  high  quality  there  is  a  certain  compensation  that  must  not  be  over- 
looked. A  flower  that  is,  like  certain  orchids,  produced  by  artificial  selection, 
demands  infinitely  more  care  than  the  wild  dandelion,  for  instance. 

The  idea  of  superiority,  like  everything  else,  is  relative.  Moreover,  we  must 
diagnose  these  qualities  by  a  careful  study  of  the  psychic,  sociological,  or  moral 
causes  which  have  given  birth  to  them.  We  shall  probably  find  that  qualities 
of  quite  a  different  origin  are  involved  and  that  it  is  not  always  the  warlike 
qualities  that  are  victorious. 

Respect  for  law  and  the  gift  of  conservative  innovation — to  use  the  happy 
phrase  of  Walter  Bagehot — are  excellent  qualities  of  a  military  origin ;  a  long 
period  of  military  discipline  that  gave  rise  to  them.  It  is  owing  to  them, 
Bagehot  says,  that  the  Romans  conquered  the  world.  I  agree.  But  I  do  not 
understand  how  the  Romans  with  such  qualities  were  unable  to  overcome  the 
moral  strength  of  a  few  Christian  martyrs  who  eventually  destroyed  their  great 
Empire.  The  Turks  of  the  Ottoman  Empire  have  these  qualities  in  a  higher 
degree  than  the  Ottomans  of  other  races,  such  as  the  Greek,  the  Arab,  the 
Albanian,  and  the  Kurd.  How  is  it  that  these  qualities  have  not  secured  for 
the  true  Turks  of  the  Empire  either  a  superiority  in  numbers  or  a  supremacy  in 
commerce  or  art  ? 

A  quality  of  a  certain  kind  can  only  secure  a  certain  kind  of  superiority ;  we 
cannot  expect  of  a  martial  quality  success  in  commercial  competition.  Their 
warlike  virtues  have  secured  the  government  for  the  Turks,  and  they  have 
ever  held  the  reins  in  their  vigorous  hands.  They  have  always,  or  almost 
always,  produced  statesmen,  magistrates,  captains,  and  soldiers  of  the  first  rank. 
But  they  have,  unfortunately,  very  little  capacity  for  commerce,  finance,  and 
industry.  Great  commercial  and  industrial  enterprises  tempt  them  no  longer. 
They  have  little  disposition  for  philosophy  and  science.  It  is  a  race  with 
practical  but  martial  qualities.  They  have  no  moral  and  social  qualities  that 
are  distinctive  of  them.  As  is  well  known,  they  are  hospitable,  but  this  is  not  a 
virtue  inherent  in  the  race,  as  the  Bedouin  also  has  it,  and  as  it  is  really  not  so 
much  a  quality  as  a  custom  strictly  related  to  the  "nomad  condition"  or  a 
certain  stage  of  social  evolution.  Neither  is  it  an  exclusively  Oriental  virtue, 
for  the  Chinaman,  who  represents  the  oldest  civilisation,  is  distinguished  for  his 
aversion  to  foreigners. 

Let  us  consider  the  Jewish  people.  This  people  has  indisputably  a  higher 
capacity  than  any  other  for  finance  and  commerce.  It  has  also  a  very  advanced 
and  pronounced  degree  of  social  virtue — moral  solidarity.  But  it  does  not 


APPENDIX  457 

possess  these  two  excellent  qualifications  for  the  struggle  in  virtue  of  its  belong- 
ing to  the  Semitic  race,  as  is  generally  thought.  How  is  it,  in  that  case,  that 
the  nomad  tribes  which  belong  to  the  same  race  as  the  Jews  are  constantly 
killing  each  other  and  have  an  aggressive  and  military  rather  than  a  conciliatory 
and  industrial  character  ?  It  cannot  be  said  that  these  two  qualities,  which  have 
saved  the  life  and  preserved  the  integrity  of  the  Jewish  people  more  effectively 
than  in  the  case  of  any  other  people,  and  "  in  spite  of  the  countless  persecutions 
that  they  have  endured,"  are  martial  qualities.  It  is  precisely  after  it  had 
lost  its  warlike  qualities  and  its  national  independence  that  the  people  of  Israel 
acquired  these  two  higher  qualities,  one  of  which  secures  for  it  supremacy  in 
the  financial  world  and  the  other  maintains  a  moral  cohesion  among  its  members 
scattered  throughout  the  world.  It  needs  a  long  discipline  of  misfortunes — a 
harder  discipline  than  that  of  the  Romans — to  acquire  these  capacities  ;  and  this 
education  has  lasted  at  least  twenty-five  centuries,  during  which  it  had  not  the 
same  rights  as  other  nations.  In  that  circumstance  must  we  seek  all  its  virtues 
and  defects.  There  again  we  will  find  the  explanation  of  the  paradox  that  it  is 
very  materialistic  in  business  and  very  idealistic  in  its  dreams  of  its  glorious 
past,  that  it  is  cosmopolitan  while  it  remains  at  heart  as  nationalist  as  it  was 
under  the  rule  of  its  ancient  patriarchs,  that  it  is  very  liberal  and  innovating 
while  it  remains  extremely  conservative  in  the  observance  of  its  eminently 
traditional  customs. 

These  instances  prove — in  my  opinion,  at  least— that  these  qualities,  like 
many  others  of  the  same  kind,  have  very  little  to  do  with  what  is  called  the 
"  innate  capacity  of  races,"  a  vague  formula  that  I  find  it  difficult  to  understand 
precisely.  I  can  at  the  most  admit  an  innate  capacity  of  the  individual,  but  not 
of  the  race.  If  the  races  of  men  really  have  a  certain  innate  capacity  and 
aptitude,  it  consists  in  the  instinctive  and  unconscious  qualities  of  conservatism, 
an  instinct  that  is  inherent,  not  merely  in  the  nature  of  man,  but  in  the  insect 
itself.  How,  then,  can  we  suppose  that  this  conservative  instinct,  common  to 
all  human  beings,  can  be  the  true  measure  of  the  higher  moral  and  intellectual 
qualities  which  assure  the  supremacy  of  one  nation  over  others  ?  It  would  be 
like  measuring  and  estimating  the  intensity  of  light  with  a  pair  of  scales. 

I  can  easily  admit  that  the  conservative  instinct  is  the  cause  of  all  higher 
qualities  and  virtues.  But  that  is  not  the  question.  We  want  to  know  how  the 
same  instinct  has  given  rise  to  certain  qualities  in  one  race  and  different 
qualities  in  another.  We  have  to  determine  the  influence  of  the  specific  factors 
which  have  brought  about  this  differentiation  among  the  various  races  of  men  ; 
and,  in  the  case  with  which  we  are  especially  concerned  here,  we  have,  I  think, 
to  discover  those  factors  which  we  must  regard  as  prejudicial  to  a  good  under- 
standing or  incompatible  with  it. 

I  should  be  the  first  to  admit  this  sociological  truth,  that  war  has  played  the 
greatest  part  in  the  formation  of  the  ancient  and  more  or  less  barbaric  civilisa- 
tions, in  the  rise  of  the  great  conquering  nations,  and  in  their  geographical 
distribution.  Mythology,  prehistoric  science,  archaeology,  and  many  other 
fields  of  research  in  which  the  scientific  spirit  is  actively  engaged  in  pursuing 
its  fruitful  investigations,  show  us  that  war  and  conquest  polarise  nations  and 
even  national  sentiments ;  that  civilisation,  which  has  not  emerged  all  at  once 
from  obscurity,  has  had  to  advance  with  slow  and  halting  steps,  even  disorderly 
and  "ataxic  "  steps,  if  I  may  use  the  expression,  in  its  uncertain  faith  ;  and  that 
commerce  and  industry,  the  two  great  pacific  factors  of  civilisation,  were  at 
first  very  rudimentary,  and  suffered  grievously  from  the  sudden  dislocations  and 
waste  of  a  chronic  state  of  war. 

As  the  various  peoples  were  not  at  the  same  level  of  social  evolution,  and 
the  ways  and  means  of  communication  were  not  what  they  are  to-day,  there 
was  no  harmony  between  them.  At  times  a  barbaric  horde,  formidable  in  its 


458  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

numbers  and  the  physical  strength  of  its  members,  fell  suddenly  upon  and  laid 
waste  a  country  that  enjoyed  the  wealth  it  had  accumulated  by  peace,  industry, 
and  economy.  It  was  the  "gaziva,"  the  "razia,"  on  a  grand  scale.  The 
Turanian  or  Ural-Altaic  race,  as  one  may  prefer,  has  been  in  its  time  far  superior 
to  others  in  this  respect. 

The  vital  energy  of  a  savage  people  was,  perhaps,  needed  to  restore  the  life 
of  a  decrepit  civilisation,  by  supplying  it  with  fresh  vigour  from  its  own  sap ; 
just  as  the  Vestal  Virgins  fed  the  sacred  fire  to  keep  it  alive.  Hence  it  is  that 
civilisation  passed  from  hand  to  hand,  like  a  torch  showing  light  to  humanity  ; 
the  arm  needed  strength  to  hold  the  torch  as  high  and  as  long  as  possible. 
From  the  remotest  periods  of  history  the  Turks  and  other  nations  of  the  same 
race  have  played  an  important  part  by  their  military  virtues.  But  history  shows 
that  conquest  has  its  disastrous  side.  It  has  almost  always  lowered  the  moral 
level  of  the  conquered  and  the  conquerors,  filling  them  with  sentiments  of 
hostility  that  are  incompatible  with  the  conditions  of  peaceful  collective  life. 
Hence,  quite  naturally,  the  arrogance,  the  contempt,  the  disdain  which 
characterise  the  moral  attitude  of  the  race  which  considers  itself  superior  in 
every  respect  simply  because  it  has  proved  its  superiority  in  the  qualities  of 
war.  Hence,  too,  the  sullen  hatred,  the  vindictive  disloyalty,  the  hardly 
concealed  hypocrisy,  the  conservative  exclusivism,  and  the  tendency  to  an 
exaggerated  traditionalism  which  characterise  the  moral  attitude  of  a  conquered 
race,  which  may,  at  the  most,  admit  its  inferiority  of  circumstances,  but  not  its 
moral  and  intellectual  inferiority.  That  is  one  of  the  gravest  questions  which 
conquering  peoples  have  to  settle  before  they  can  think  of  laying  the  founda- 
tions of  a  cordial  understanding  between  all  races.  In  that  respect  we  have  to 
study  the  remarkable  qualities  and  defects  of  the  Ottoman  Turks. 

Although  my  time  and  space  are  limited,  I  cannot  help  drawing  attention 
to  certain  scientific  facts,  usually  wrongly  interpreted,  which  have  a  close 
connection  with  the  question  of  races.  I  wish  to  speak  of  craniological  science, 
which  is  closely  related  to  anthropology  on  the  one  hand,  and  ethnography  on 
the  other. 

To  what  extent  may  we  infer  a  difference  of  moral  characteristics  from  a 
difference  of  physical  characteristics  ?  The  question  has  often  been  put,  and, 
as  we  know,  Dr.  Cabanis,  under  the  influence  of  the  encyclopaedists  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  declared  that  there  was  an  absolute  parallelism. 

The  question  of  the  morality  of  a  people  has  been  discussed  by  philosophers. 
Herbert  Spencer,  Mill,  and  Lord  Avebury,  to  whom  I  am  more  indebted  than 
any  for  my  intellectual  education,  have  expressed  different  opinions  on  the 
subject.  Spencer  quotes  the  Veddahs  and  the  Himalayans  as  of  high  and 
irreproachable  morality,  though  they  are  at  the  very  base  of  the  human 
hierarchy  in  point  of  intelligence  and  civilisation.  The  distinguished 
philosopher  rightly  attributes  this  one-sided  superiority  to  their  having  lived 
a  peaceful  and  undisturbed  social  life  during  many  centuries. 

What  should  we  say  if  we  had  to  judge  the  morality  of  one  of  these  peoples 
by  measuring  its  facial  angle,  or  its  cephalic  index,  or  its  cranial  capacity — in 
a  word,  by  first  considering  the  distinctive  features  of  its  physiognomy  and  the 
specific  form  of  its  skull  ?  Would  it  not  be  much  the  same  thing  as  attempting 
to  determine  the  value  of  a  coin  by  the  figure  stamped  on  it  ? 

I  do  not  question  that  these  important  characters  in  the  classification  of 
races  have  their  proper  value ;  they  are  the  visible  effects  of  certain  causes. 
But  I  prefer  to  remain  in  the  province  of  pure  pragmatism  in  regard  to  facts 
that  have  not  yet  been  set  free  of  contradictory  hypotheses. 

The  volume  of  the  brain,  in  so  far  as  it  is  normal,  is  the  outcome  of  effort 
and  exercise,  like  the  size  of  a  muscle.  I  do  not  see  that  that  will  explain 
either  the  specific  form  of  the  skull  or  the  mental  energy,  still  less  the  specific 


APPENDIX  459 

capacity  and  genius  of  a  scholar  or  an  artist.  We  must  not  forget  that 
statistical  data  offer  no  explanation  whatever  of  individual  cases,  and  all  these 
considerations  drawn  from  craniological  studies  have  only  a  purely  statistical 
value.  Aristotle,  Epicurus,  St.  Paul,  and  Baron  Canchy  had  not  large  and  fine 
heads,  yet  who  will  dispute  the  encyclopaedic  genius  of  the  first,  the  moral 
genius  of  the  second  and  third,  and  the  mathematical  genius  of  the  fourth  ? 
Alexander  Bain  believes  that  there  is  a  correlation  between  the  intellectual 
power  and  the  volume  of  the  brain ;  Spencer,  who  had,  like  Bain,  one  of  the 
strongest  and  finest  heads,  is  very  sceptical  on  the  point.  Between  that  and 
morality  there  is  an  impassable  abyss.  As  to  form,  I  am  inclined  to  agree  with 
the  illustrious  Professor  Haeckel,  of  Jena,  that  the  formal  differences  in  the 
human  skull  are  original  and  are  of  no  value  except  for  the  classification  of 
races.  While  we  are  as  yet  unable  to  agree  on  the  rational  conditions  of  a 
natural  classification  even  of  mushrooms,  it  would  be  premature  and  arbitrary 
to  divide  humanity  into  two  or  four  great  classes,  or  to  say  that  there  are  Euro- 
pean heads  and  Asiatic  heads  in  the  moral  sense,  and  to  suppose  that  the  Asiatic 
head  is  much  inferior  to  the  European  in  this  respect.  The  great  prophets  of 
humanity  had  Asiatic  heads.  The  thesis  is,  therefore,  valid  only  in  ethnography, 
not  in  moral  science. 

Moreover,  to  speak  only  of  my  own  country,  what  a  confusion  it  would  be  to 
regard  all  Ottomans  as  Asiatics.  There  are  millions  of  men  amongst  us  who 
are  as  European  as  the  most  advanced  nations  of  Europe  and  who  are  not  in 
every  respect  superior  to  their  fellow-citizens  of  Asiatic  origin.  The  phrases 
imply,  from  their  very  nature,  an  idea  of  absolute  superiority  or  inferiority 
which  is  the  psychic  source  of  the  arrogance,  disdain,  and  hatred  that  so  much 
impede  a  good  understanding.  It  is  this  feeling  of  disdain  that  justifies  aggres- 
sion against  a  supposed  inferior  race,  because  it  is  pacific.  Nietzsche  has  given 
us  the  psychological  explanation  of  this  important  fact. 

Possibly  it  is  the  feeling  of  aristocratic  and  military  superiority  rather  than 
the  idea  of  a  real  moral  and  intellectual  superiority  that  is  the  source  of  the  evil. 
It  is  on  that  ground  that  the  Turks,  when  they  had  conquered  nations  more 
civilised  than  themselves,  did  not  regard  them  as  fellow-citizens  with  equal 
rights.  That  is  one  of  the  chief  defects  of  the  Turkish  character.  But  all 
conquering  nations  have  the  same  defect.  It  is  remarkable  that  Nietzsche 
should  attempt  to  justify  all  aggression  on  the  part  of  a  European  and  militarist 
"superman."  Nevertheless,  the  white  race,  which  at  present  dominates  the 
others,  ought  to  make  a  serious  study  of  this  psychic  fact. 

Social  life  is,  like  individual  life,  a  continual  process  of  adaptation  to  the 
environment  and  the  surrounding  circumstances,  which  are  a  part  of  the 
essential  conditions  of  universal  life.  To  wish  to  moralise  a  people  that  has 
only  rudimentary  institutions  and  a  gross  and  anthropomorphic  religion  swarm- 
ing with  contradictory  superstitions  by  giving  it  a  higher  religion  would  be  just 
as  absurd  and  dangerous  as  to  cause  the  abortive  delivery  of  a  three-months'  old 
foetus  in  order  to  nurse  it  with  the  greatest  care  in  an  incubator.  Is  there  any 
reasonable  man  who,  to  facilitate  the  emergence  of  the  mature  insect,  would 
tear  open  the  pupa-case  in  order  to  see  the  butterfly  earlier?  Yet  this  is  just 
what  is  being  done  everywhere  outside  the  civilised  continent  with  a  great 
expenditure  of  money  and  energy. 

I  am  profoundly  convinced  that  the  moral  value  and  practical,  salutary  effect 
of  a  religion  or  religious  belief  is  much  more  closely  related  to  the  sincerity  of 
the  belief  than  to  its  object.  It  is  the  sincerity  of  faith  that  inspires  noble  and 
unselfish  deeds ;  it  is  that  and  not  the  formal  conceptions  which  constitute  the 
differentiating  characters  of  religions  that  impels  to  sacrifice.  If  all  new 
religions  could  at  the  start  inspire  their  followers  with  the  idea  of  sacrifice,  self- 
denial,  courage,  and  contempt  of  life  it  is  owing  to  the  sincerity  of  a  faith  that 


460  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

has  not  yet  been  shaken  by  scepticism  ;  it  is  because  they  sincerely  believed  in 
a  sacred  principle  that  was  good  for  humanity.  The  question  of  form  had 
nothing  to  do  with  it ;  if  the  faith  is  extinguished  the  metaphysical  concepts 
that  remain  may  make  professors,  but  not  martyrs  ready  to  sacrifice  themselves 
for  a  sublime  truth. 

I,  therefore,  think  that  it  would  be  useful,  and  is  important,  to  reflect  on  this 
question,  especially  as  religion  has,  according  to  the  circumstances,  either  a 
separative  or  a  consolidating  effect  on  the  masses.  To  express  myself  very 
briefly,  let  me  say  that  an  exaggerated  zeal  for  religious  propaganda  in  the 
midst  of  any  race  will  create  so  difficult  a  situation  that  it  will  end  in  embroiling 
proselytism  and  orthodoxy,  and  nationalist  sentiments  will  only  complicate  and 
further  aggravate  the  unfortunate  situation. 

As  I  am  merely  expressing  abstract  personal  opinions  on  these  important 
sociological  questions  I  will  refrain  from  giving  examples.  I  am  endeavouring 
only  to  discover  and  determine  the  chief  obstacles  which  prevent  a  good  under- 
standing by  destroying  the  exalted  feelings  of  friendship  that  should  bring  the 
various  races  of  earth  together. 

The  civilised  nations  which  have  accepted  the  noble  mission  of  moralising 
inferior  races,  as  it  is  usually  expressed,  have  always  preached  that  tolerance  is 
one  of  the  first  conditions  of  morality.  True  civilisation  begins  with  it,  and  not 
with  the  application  of  steam  and  electricity  to  industry.  It  is  in  the  recognition 
of  rights  and  the  mutual  respect  of  individuals  and  societies  that  we  must  seek 
the  test  of  a  true  civilisation. 

It  is  very  remarkable  that  the  famous  essay  of  John  Locke  did  not  prevent 
Mill  from  emphasising  toleration,  a  century  and  a  half  later,  for  the  second  time. 
I  repeat  the  fact  is  very  remarkable.  It  must  be  taken  into  serious  consideration, 
as  intolerance  is  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  the  distrust  and  antipathy  which  are 
born  of  the  contact  of  different  races  and  nations. 

Admitting  the  universality  of  the  scientific  principle  that  "  every  oscillation 
tends  towards  a  point  of  stable  equilibrium,"  I  firmly  believe  that  our  inevitable 
relations  throughout  the  world  will  in  the  long  run  set  up  a  more  balanced 
political  and  social  situation  by  a  better  co-ordination  of  our  interests,  which  tend 
to  greater  and  greater  solidarity.  A  less  rough,  more  intimate,  and  more  fre- 
quent contact  between  the  nations  of  different  races  will  create  and  foster  this 
desired  sympathy,  which  is  the  psychic  cause  and  the  powerful  factor  of  that 
sociability  without  which  there  could  be  no  civilisation.  Only  then  shall  we 
admit  the  truth  that,  in  spite  of  the  apparent  differences  due  to  physical 
characters,  methods  of  social  education,  or  degrees  of  intellectual  capacity,  we 
have  all,  as  human  beings,  the  same  fundamental  character  and  the  same 
passions.  We  shall  then  admit  more  loyally  that  it  is  these  very  passions 
rather  than  the  knowledge  acquired  that  make  up  the  essence  of  the  human 
soul ;  it  is  precisely  these  passions  that  dominate,  rule,  and  direct  men  and 
societies.  Then  we  shall  be  more  humane  and  benevolent  to  the  races  that  we 
regard  as  inferior  and  who  are  in  reality  profoundly  like  ourselves.  Then  we 
shall  be  more  indulgent  and  tolerant  to  our  fellows.  Then  we  will  understand 
that  even  the  fetishistic  savage  has  a  vague  consciousness  of  the  sublime  and 
transcendental  truth  that  surrounds  us  on  every  side  and  of  which  the  human 
intelligence  is  but  a  mysterious  and  marvellous  revelation. 

I  am  confident  that  in  the  province  of  social  morality  these  are  axiomatic 
truths ;  they  are  as  positive  to  my  conscience  as  mathematical  truths  are  to  my 
intelligence.  It  is  they  that  will  guide  us  towards  a  moral  ideal.  What  does 
it  matter  that  we  shall  never  attain  that  ideal !  It  is  enough  that  our  eyes 
are  turned  to  it  to  direct  us  toward  a  civilisation  higher  in  every  respect  Hi. in 
that  of  to-day.  Did  not  our  early  nomad  ancestors  take  the  pole-star  as  their 
guide,  so  that  they  might  not  be  lost  in  the  desert  ?  We  must  do  likewise  ;  and, 


APPENDIX  461 

without  pressing  idealism  so  far  as  to  insist  on  an  absolute  humanitarianism,  let 
us  at  least  hope  to  replace  the  philosophy  of  Machiavelli  by  the  reasoned 
utilitarianism  of  Bentham  and  J.  S.  Mill.  If  there  is  one  purely  social 
factor  much  more  conducive  to  morality  than  any  other  of  the  same  kind, 
it  is  solidarity  based  on  a  reciprocity  of  well-understood  interests.  It  is  that 
which  will  give  us  some  security  against  aggression,  which  I  regard  as  the 
source  of  every  individual  misfortune,  and  every  social  and  international 
calamity. 

I  must,  nevertheless,  admit  that  this  economic  philosophy  is  rather  dry  and 
inadequate  for  the  attainment  of  our  supreme  aim.  We  must  give  it  more  life 
and  beauty  by  conforming,  in  the  accomplishment  of  our  difficult  task,  to  the 
unwritten  dogmas — the  dypatpa  doypara — of  practical  morals. 

Some  sociologists  have  declared  that  the  social  question  is  at  bottom  an 
economic  question.  I  may  say  with  just  as  much  truth  that  it  is  entirely  a  moral 
question  ;  since,  as  I  have  shown,  the  two  phases  of  the  social  question  are 
intimately  related. 

Who  knows  what  future  is  reserved  for  humanity  ?  I  know  only  that  social 
catastrophes,  like  geological  cataclysms,  are  due  to  slow  and  continuous  causes. 
I  believe  that  the  great  men  of  all  countries,  especially  those  who  govern  and 
administer  the  masses,  could  prevent  at  least  some  of  the  causes,  and  moderate, 
to  some  extent,  their  dangerous  effects. 

I  believe  in  the  possibility  of  progress.  The  evolution  of  societies,  as  it 
pursues  its  path,  exhibits  certain  perturbations  which  we  believe  to  be  as  inevit- 
able and  irremediable  as  those  of  a  heavenly  body.  It  is  enough  to  study  the 
nature  and  causes  of  these  perturbations  to  convince  oneself  that  some  of 
them,  at  least,  are  avoidable.  I  am  full  of  hope  for  the  future. 

The  solemn  Congress  in  which  I  have  the  great  honour  and  unspeakable  joy 
of  taking  part  gives  me  a  brilliant  proof  that  the  leading  representatives  of 
modern  civilisation  are  inspired  with  a  noble  resolution  to  deal  seriously  with 
the  gravest  question  of  our  time. 

The  Turkey  of  to-day,  with  its  ardent  desire  for  progress  and  true  civilisa- 
tion, and  its  determined  struggle  for  independence,  ofjfers  a  sincere  wish  for  the 
success  of  the  Congress,  and  warmly  applauds  its  distinguished  members  who 
are  devotedly  working  in  it  for  the  cause  of  humanity. 
[Paper  submitted  in  French.] 


1     -J  V.'  I!)      H  '  ,  . 

LETTER   FROM    M.    L^ON    BOURGEOIS 

MY  LORD, — You  have  been  good  enough  to  seek  my  collaboration 
and  ask  me  to  sign  a  paper  for  the  forthcoming  meeting  of  the 
Races  Congress,  which  is  to  be  held  in  London. 

Although  the  state  of  my  health  has  prevented  me  from  com- 
plying personally  with  your  request  by  writing  a  paper  of  any  length, 
I  desire  at  least  to  approach  you  to-day  and  say  how  much  I  approve 
the  initiative  that  has  impelled  you  and  your  distinguished  collabo- 
rators to  bring  together  representatives  of  all  the  races  of  men  in  a 
universal  congress. 

The  thought  that  inspires  you  is  a  lofty  one ;  it  merits  the 
attention  of  all,  even  of  those  who  pride  themselves  on  being 
practical  politicians,  and  who  are  at  times  tempted  to  neglect 
problems  of  a  general  character  on  the  ground  that  they  do  not 
deal  with  immediate  difficulties.  The  object  at  which  you  aim,  the 
securing  of  harmony  between  the  various  races  of  men,  is  an  essential 
condition  of  any  serious  attempt  to  diminish  warfare  and  extend  the 
practice  of  arbitration.  You  approach  the  problem  of  pacification  in 
its  whole  range,  without  concealing  the  obstacles  from  yourselves, 
and  seek  a  solution  that  will  apply,  not  to  any  particular  human 
group,  but  to  the  whole  of  the  inhabited  globe.  It  is  well  that 
the  question  should  already  be  put  in  this  form  by  scientific  con- 
gresses, in  order  to  provide  material  that  may  afterwards  be  used  by 
jurists  and  statesmen. 

I  have  taken  part  in  the  work  of  the  Hague  Peace  Conferences 
from  the  start,  and  am  in  a  good  position  to  say  how  happily  your 
work  completes  ours.  This  assurance,  indeed,  will  be  given  you  by 
my  colleague  and  friend,  M.  d'Estournelles  de  Constant,  and  the  other 
French  representatives  at  the  Races  Congress,  some  of  whom  have 
been  my  collaborators  and  faithfully  represent  the  idea  which  guided 
us  in  the  Hague  meetings  of  1899  and  1907. 

I  sincerely  hope,  therefore,  that  the  first  Races  Congress,  held 
under  so  noble  an  inspiration,  will  throw  some  light  on  the  complex 
problems  of  the  law  of  nations  and  thus  see  its  labours  crowned  with 
complete  success. 

Accept,  my  Lord,  the  assurance  of  my  great  regard. 

L£ON   BOURGEOIS. 
THE  RIGHT  HON.  LORD  WEARDALK, 
President  of  the  Congress,  London, 

[Letter  written  in  French.] 
462 


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C.—  ASIA. 
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BROOMHALL,  MARSHALL.  The  Chinese  Empire,  xxiv  +  472  pp.  London,  Morgan  and 
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CH'EN  CHI-T'UNG.  The  Chinese  Painted  by  Themselves.  203  pp.  (English  trans. 
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LITTLE,  ARCHIBALD.     The  Far  East,     viii -f- 334  pp.     Oxford,  Clarendon  Press,  1905. 

MACGOWAN,  JOHN.  Sidelights  on  Chinese  Life,  viii  +  368  pp.  London,  Kegan  Paul, 
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RECLUS,  ELISEE  et  ONESIME.  L 'Empire  du  Milieu:  Le  Climat ;  It  Sol;  les  Races;  la 
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SMITH,  ARTHUR  H.  Chinese  Characteristics.  342pp.  Edinburgh  and  London,  Oliphant, 
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WILLIAMS,  SAMUEL  WELLS.  The  Middle  Kingdom  :  a  Survey  of  the  Geography ',  Govern- 
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KRAEMER,  AUGUSTIN.  Hawaii,  Ost?nikronesien  und  Samoa,  x  +  445  pp.  Stuttgart, 
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DUMOLARD,  HENRY.  Le  Japon  politique,  tconomique,  et  social,  viii  +  342  pp.  Paris, 
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HARTSHORNS,  ANN  AC.     Japan  and  Her  PtopU.   2  vols.    London,  Kegan  Paul,  1903. 

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472  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

D.— AUSTRALIA  AND  NEW  ZEALAND. 

BONWICK,  JAMES.  Daily  Life  and  Origin  of  the  Tasmanians.  viii  +  304  pp.  London, 
Low,  1870. 

BROWN,  WILLIAM.  New  Zealand  and  its  Aborigines,  viii  -J-  320  pp.  London,  Smith, 
Elder,  1845. 

CALVERT,  ALBERT  FREDERICK.  The  Aborigines  of  Western  Australia.  55  pp.  London, 
Simpkin,  Marshall. 

CURR,  EDWARD  MICKLETHWAITE.  The  Australian  Race:  its  Origin,  Languages,  Cus- 
toms. 4  vols.  London,  Melbourne,  1886-87. 

GlLLEN,  F.  J.  Notes  on  Some  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Aborigines  of  the  McDonnell 
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HADDON,  ALFRED  CORT.  The  Decorative  Art  of  British  New  Guinea :  a  Study  in 
Papuan  Ethnography.  279  pp.  Dublin,  Academy  House,  1894. 

HADDON,  ALFRED  CORT.  Reports  of  the  Cambridge  Anthropological  Expedition  to 
Torres  Straits.  6  vols.  Cambridge,  University  Press,  1901-8. 

HILL,  Hon.  RICHARD,  and  THORNTON,  Hon.  GEORGE.  Notes  on  the  Aborigines  of  New 
South  Wales.  Sydney,  Potter,  1892. 

HOWITT,  ALFRED  WILLIAM.  The  Native  Tribes  of  South-East  Australia,  xix  +  819 
pp.  London,  Macmillan,  1904. 

KRIEGER,  MAXIMILIAN.  Nenguinea.  Mit  ethnographischem  Beitrag  von  F.  v.  Luschan. 
xii  +  535  pp.  Berlin,  Schall,  1900. 

PARKER,  MRS.  K.  LANGLOH.  The  Euahlayi  Tribes,  xxvii+156  pp.  London,  Con- 
stable, 1905. 

ROTH,  WALTER  E.  Ethnological  Studies  among  the  North- West- Central  Queensland 
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SARASIN,  PAUL  und  FRITZ.  Reisen  in  Celebes  ausgefuhrt  in  den  Jahren  1893-96  und 
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SPENCER,  BALDWIN,  and  GILLEN,  F.  J.  The  Native  Tribes  of  Central  Australia,  xx  + 
671  pp.  London,  Macmillan,  1899. 

SPENCER,  BALDWIN,  and  GILLEN,  F.  J.  The  Northern  Tribes  of  Central  Australia. 
xxxv  +  784  pp.  London,  Macmillan,  1904. 

VOLZ,    Professor  WILHELM.      Nordsumatra.     Vol.  i.     Die  Batakldnder.    xxi  +  396  pp. 

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E.— EUROPE. 

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RIPLEY,  WILLIAM  ZEBINA.  The  Races  of  Europe  :  a  Sociological  Study.  With  Supple- 
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SERGI,  GIUSEPPE.  The  Mediterranean  Race  :  a  Study  of  the  Origin  of  European  Peoples. 
xii  +  320  pp.  London,  Scott,  1901. 

III.— RACE  CONTACT 

GENERAL. 

BABINGTON,  WILLIAM  DALTON.  Fallacies  of  Race  Theories  as  applied  to  National 
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BRYCK,  Right  Hon.  JAMES,  D.C.L.  The  Relations  of  the  Advanced  and  Backward  Races 
of  Mankind.  46  pp.  Oxford,  Clarendon  Press,  1902. 

CURZON,  GEORGE  NATHANIEL  (Baron  Curzon  of  Kedleston).  ProbUms  of  the  Far 
East,  xxiv  +  444  pp.  London,  Constable,  1896. 

DII.KB,  Sir  CHARLES.     Problems  of  Greater  Britain.    2  vols.     London,  Macmillan,  1890. 


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FISHBKRG,  MAURICE.  The  Jews :  a  Study  of  Race  and  Environment,  xix  -J-  578  pp. 
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GIDDINGS,  FRANKLIN  HENRY.  Democracy  and  Empire,  x  -f  363  pp.  ,New  York, 
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GOBINBAU,  JOSEPH  ARTHUR  DE.  Essai  sur  flntgalitt  des  Races  humaines.  4  vols. 
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GUMPLOWICZ,  LUDWIG.  Der  Rassenkampf:  Sociologische  Untersuchungen.  viii  -|-  376  pp. 
Innsbruck,  1883. 

HEEREN,  ARNOLD  HERMANN  LUDWIG.  A  Manual  of  the  History  of  the  Political  System 
of  Europe  and  its  Colonies.  2  vols.  Oxford,  Talboy,  1834. 

HERTZ,  FRIEDRICH  OTTO.     Modeme  Rassentheorun.     354  pp.     Wien,  Stern,  1904. 

JACOBS,  J.  Jewish  Statistics.  Contains :  (a)  Racial  Characteristics  of  Modern  Jews, 
1885.  (6)  Studies  in  Jewish  Statistics — Consanguineous  Marriages,  Occupations, 
Vital  Statistics,  &c.  (c)  Comparative  Distribution  of  Jewish  Ability,  1885.  (d) 
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KRAUSSE,  ALEXIS  S.  The  Far  East:  its  History  and  its  Question,  xiv  +  372  pp. 
London,  Grant  Richards. 

LANESSAN,  J.  L.  DE.  L 'Expansion  Coloniale  de  la  France,  xxiii  -f-  1016  pp.  Paris, 
Alcan,  1886. 

LEROY-BEAULIEU,  ANATOLE.  Israel  chez  Its  Nations,  xi  +  441  pp.  Paris,  Levy, 
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LEROY-BEAULIEU,  PAUL.  De  la  Colonisation  chez  les  Peuples  modernes.  vii  +  616  pp. 
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LEROY-BEAULIEU,  PAUL.  La  Renovation  de  FAsie  (Sibirie,  Chine,  Japan). 
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LEWIS,  Right  Hon.  Sir  GEORGE  CORNEWALL.  An  Essay  on  the  Government  of 
Dependencies.  (Edited  by  C.  P.  Lucas.)  Ixviii  -f-  392  pp.  Oxford,  Clarendon 
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LOMBROSO,  CESARE.  U  Antisemitismo  e  le  Scienze  moderne.  150  pp.  Torino,  Roux, 
1894. 

MAHAN,  A.  T.  The  Problem  of  Asia  and  its  Effect  upon  International  Politics,  xxvi 
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NEAME,  L.  E.  The  Asiatic  Danger  in  the  Colonies,  xv  +  *92  PP-  London,  Rout- 
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OLIVIER,  Sir  SYDNEY.  White  Capital  and  Coloured  iMbour.  vi  +  *75  PP-  London, 
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PEROJO,  JOSE  DEL.  Ensayos  de  Politico  colonial,  xvi  +  384  pp.  Madrid,  Guttenberg, 
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REINSCH,  PAUL  SAMUEL.  World  Politics  at  the  End  of  the  Nineteenth  Century,  as 
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ROBERTSON,  JOHN  MACKINNON.     Patriotism  and  Empire.    208  pp.     London,  Richards, 

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SCHERER,  J.  E.  Die  Rechtsverhtiltnisse  der  Juden  in  den  deutsch-osterreichischen 
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SEELEY,  Sir  JOHN  ROBERT.  The  Growth  of  British  Policy.  2  vols.  Cambridge, 
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STEGEMANN,    RICHARD.     Deutschlands   Koloniale  Politik.     1*8   pp.     Berlin,    Kammer 

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474  UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 

WKALE,  B.  L.  PUTNAM.  The  Conflict  of  Colour:  being  a  detailed  Examination  of 
Racial  Problems  throughout  the  World,  with  special  reference  to  the  English-speaking 
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WOLF,  LUCIEN.    Anti-Semitism.    (In  last  two  editions  of  Ency.  Brit.) 

ZOLLSCHAN,  Dr.  IGNAZ.     Das  Rassenproblem.     xvi  -j-  509  pp.     Wien,  BraumUller,  1910. 

A.— AFRICA. 

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1906. 

BLYDEN,  E.  W.  Christianity,  Islam  and  the  Negro  Race,  xv  +  432  pp.  London, 
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BRYCE,  Right  Hon.  JAMES.  Impressions  of  South  Africa,  xxv  +  604  pp.  London, 
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BURTT,  JOSEPH,  and  HORTON,  W.  C.  Report  on  the  Conditions  of  Coloured  Labour  on  the 
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CADBURY,  WILLIAM  A.  Labour  in  Portuguese  West  Africa,  xli  +  187  pp.  London, 
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HAZZLEDINE,  G.  D.     The  White  Man  in  Nigeria,    xv-f-228  pp.     London,  Arnold,  1904. 
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JOHNSTON,  Sir  HARRY  H.  History  of  the  Colonisation  of  Africa  by  Alien  Races.  334  pp. 
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MILLS,  P.,  and  CHALLAYE,  F.  Les  deux  Congo,  devant  la  Belgique  et  devant  la  France. 
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MOREL,  E.  D.     The  Future  of  the  Congo.     87  pp.     London,  Smith,  Elder,  1909. 

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South  African  Imperial  Blue  Books.  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  Report  of  the  Select 
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STANLEY,  HENRY  M.,  and  others.     Africa:  its  Partition  and  its  Future.     New  York, 

Dodd,  1898. 

STATHAM,  F.  R.     Blacks,  Boers,  and  British,     viii  4-271  pp.     London,  Macmillan,  1881. 
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B.—  AMERICA. 
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MERRIAM,  GEORGE  SPRING.  The  Negro  and  the  Nation.  436  pp.  New  York,  Holt, 
1906. 

MILLER,  KELLY.  Race  Adjustment:  Essays  on  the  Negro  in  America.  306  pp.  New 
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NIEBOER,  H.  J.  Slavery  as  an  Industrial  System,  xxvii  +  474  pp.  The  Hague,  Nijhoff, 
1900. 

PAGE,  THOMAS  NELSON.  The  Negro:  the  Southerner's  Problem.  316  pp.  New  York, 
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ROYCE,  JOSIAH.     Race  Questions,  &"c.     xiii  +  287  pp.     New  York,  Macmillans,  1908. 

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476  UNIVERSAL  RACES   CONGRESS 

SINCLAIR,  WILLIAM  A.     The  Aftermath  of  Slavery,  S*c.     With  an  Introduction  by  T.  W. 
Higginson.     358  pp.     Boston,  Small,  1905. 

STEPHENSON,  GILBERT  T.     Race  Distinctions  in  American  Law.    404  pp.     New  York, 
Appleton,  1910. 

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WASHINGTON,  BOOKER  TALIAFERRO,  and  DuBois,  WILLIAM  EDWARD  BURGHARDT. 
The  Negro  in  the  South.     222  pp.     London,  Moring,  1907. 

WASHINGTON,  BOOKER  TALIAFERRO.     Up  from  Slavery,    ix  +  330  pp.    London,  Fisher 
Unwin,  1901. 

WILLIAMS,  GEORGE  W.    History  of  the  Negro  Race  in  America  from  1619  to  1880.    2  vols. 
New  York,  Putnams,  1883. 

WILSON,  HENRY.     History  of  the  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power  in  America,     3  vols. 
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PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 

FOSTER,  JOHN  W.     American  Diplomacy  in  the  Orient,     xiv  -f  498  pp.     Boston  and  New 
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WEST  INDIES. 

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FROUDE,  JAMES  ANTHONY.     The  English  in  the  West  Indies,     x  +  373  pp.     London, 
Longmans,  1888. 

PEPPER,    CHARLES    M.      To-morrow  in  Cuba.     With  a  Bibliography,      viii  +  362  pp. 
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C.—  ASIA. 
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EITEL,  ERNEST  JOHN.     Europe  in  China,     vii  -f  575  +  xiii  pp.      London  (Hong  Kong 
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INDEX 


ABA  Ntsundu,  340 

Abantu,  336 

Abenakis,  367 

Abendanon,  Dr.  J.  H.,  Paper  by,  324 

Abesutho,  336 

Aborigines  Protection  Society,  445 

Adler,  Dr.  Felix,  Paper  by,  261 ;  referred 

to,  274 

African  Negroes,  see  Negroes 
Agbebi,  Pastor  Mojola,  Paper  by,  341 
Agriculture  : 

Egypt,  173. 176 

Haiti,  182 

International  Institute  of,  254 
Ainos,  III 
Alaskans,  367 
Albigenses,  183 
Aldridge,  Ira,  362 
Algonquins,  367 
Alpine  Race,  18 

American  and  European-born  Children  com- 
pared, 101,  102 
American  Indians,  see  Indians 
American  Peace  Society,  442 
Amerindians,  see  American  Indians 
Ammon,  Otto,  103 
Ancestor  Worship : 

Africa,  346 

Japan,  134,  138 
Andamanese,  30 
Angara,  104,  105 
Anthropological  View  of  Race, Special  Paper, 

13 

Anti-Imperialist  League  (U.S.A.),  447 
Appalachians,  367 
Arabs,  III 
Arbitration  : 

Hague    Arbitration    Court,    123,  395, 

414,  444 

Lake  Mohonk  Conferences,  443 
Armaments,  Limitation  of,  see  Peace  Con- 
ferences 


Armenoids,  1 8 

Arnold,  Anton,  209 

Aurignac  Man,  5 

Autonomy,  40,    121,   129,   164-,  281,  282, 

288,   292,  295-,  298,  321,  339,  352-, 

367 
Avars,  185,  198 

BABISM  in  Persia,  151 

Backward  Races,  38,  41,  43,  46,  48,  222-, 

267,  323 

Bah  a,  'Abdu'l,  Letter  from,  154 
Bahai  Movement  in  Persia,  154 
Banneker,  Benjamin,  352,  362 
Bantu,  19,  336,  349 
Batak  Institute,  259 
Batwa,  340 
Beauty— Equality  of  Races  as  regards,   14, 

34-.  332-.  344.  38o 
"Beena,"  9  note 
Beni-Israel,  276 
Berbers,  20 
Besutho,  336 
Black  Magic,  8,  346 
Blakeslee,  Professor  G.  H.,  448 
Boas,  Dr.  Franz,  Paper  by,  99 
Bolk,  100 

Bourgeois,  Le"on,  Letter  by,  462 
Brazilian  Half-breeds,  377 
Bruce,  Sir  Charles,  Paper  by,  279 
Burtt,  Joseph,  Paper  by,  323 
Bushido,  140 

CALDECOTT,  Dr.  Alfred,  Paper  by,  302 

Camp,  Maxime  du,  183 

Cannibalism,  8,  346 

Capacity — Natural  Capacity  of  Races,  73- 

79,  80,  83 
Capital,  Transfer  of,  Effect  on  Inter-racial 

Economics,  208  et  sej. 
Carijos,  112 
Carnegie  Peace  Foundation,  251,  451 


478 


INDEX 


China  : 

Aggressive  Policy  in,  287 

"  Awakening  of  " — Progress  and  Effects, 
234  et  seq, 

Chinese  Labour  Questions,  313 

Civilisation  of,  34 

Customs,  Immobility  of,  69 

Education,  85,  127 

Family  in,  94 

Miscegenation,  128 

Opium  Cultivation,  Restrictions,  327 

Political  Government,  126 

Polygamy,  Chinese  Law,  125 

Yellow  Peril,  202 
Civic  Evolution  of  Woman,  88 
Civilised  and  Semi-Civilised,  Needs  of,  298- 
Clark  University  Conferences,  447 
Clan,  Definition  of,  10 
Climate,  29,  43,   104-,   172,  179,  247,  367, 

383,  426,  429 
Clubs,  Cosmopolitan  Club  Movement,  439, 

449 
Cocoa  Plantations,   Indentured  Labour  on, 

324 

Colonies  and  Dependencies,  Government  of, 
Special  Paper,  293  et  seq. 

General,  206,  291,  383-,  387 
Colour   Problem,    13-,    24-,   36,  44,  104-, 

121,  131,  222-,  287-,    290-,   323,    330-, 

336-,  341-,  348-,  364-,  383-,  427 

Comparative       Civilisation,      International 

Journal,   suggestion,   13 
Concubinage  in  China,  125 
Congo  : 

Congo  Reform  Associations,  444,  445 

Forced  Labour  System,  315 

Pygmies,  331 
Congresses,  International,  Effects  on   Race 

Unity,  122,  244  et  seq.,  390,  443 
Consanguineous  Marriage,  9 
Consciousness,  Ethnic,  24 
Constant,  Baron  d'Estournelles  de,    Paper 

by,  383 

Constitution  League  (U.S.A.),  446 
Constitutional  Government,  114,  116 
Continuity  of  Type,  7,  16 
Cook,  Will,  363 
Co-operative  Societies,  246 
"  Corvee,"  313 

Cosmopolitan  Club  Movement,  439 
Cossacks,  198 

Cranial  Capacity  of  Proto-human  types,  7 
Cremer,  Sir  W.  Randal,  122 
Cro-Magnon  Man,  7 
Crown — Holy  Crown  of  Hungary,  Special 

Paper,   184  et  seq. 
Croxton,  F.  C.,  Paper  by,  21 1 
Culture,     Opportunities   of  Various   Races, 

8,9 


Customs,  10,  14,  25,  36,  61-,  67,  75,  138-, 
144-,  170-,  233,  239,  241,  264,  267, 
271,  292,  297-,  307,  311,  315,  320, 
337-,  342-,  365.  368-,  429,  441 

DAKOTAS,  368 

Davids,  Professor  and  Mrs.  Rhys,  Paper  by, 

62 

Declaration  of  London,  411 
DeForest,  Dr.  John  H.,  449 
Dependent  Peoples,  see  Subject  Races 
Deussen,  Professor  Paul,  238 
Dilke,  Sir  Charles,  Paper  by,  312 
Diseases  introduced  by  Europeans,  344,  345, 

373 

Dislike  of  the  Unlike,  25,  277 

Douglas,  Sir  Robert,  235 

Douglass,  Frederick,  353,  363 

Drink  Traffic  between  Different  Races,  32,4 

DuBois,  Professor  W.  E.   B.,  31  note,  III, 

446  ;  Paper  by,  348 
Duckworth,  Professor  W.  H.  L.,  328 
Dyaks,  30 

EASTMAN,   Charles  Alexander,   Paper  by, 

367 
Economics,  25,  38,  49,  50,  53-,  97, 173,  176-, 

l82,  204,    2O8-,  21 1-,  222-,   244-,    252, 
254-,    259-,    265,    270,    272,    278,    288, 

294,  3°7,  312-,  323-,  327»  338,  342-, 
357-,  365-,  369-,  384-,  426,  434 
Education,  25,  38-,  80-,  85,  120,  127,   134, 
140-,   145,    151,   166,   172,  176,    181, 
236,  243,  251-,  296,  326-,  334,  335, 
340-,  357,  386,  428-,  433-,  442 
Egypt : 

Agriculture,  173,  176 
Cotton  Trade,  173 
Education,  172,  176 
Electoral  System,  176 
Miscegenation,  170 
Morals  and  Customs,  171 
Language  Question,  167 
Political  Situation,  172,  173 
Public  Assistance,  Deficiency  of,  177 
Religions  in,  168 
Woman's  Position  in,  169 
Ellis,  G.  Havelock,  4,  66  note 
Enterprise — Equality  of  Races  as  regards, 

32 
Environment : 

Adaptation  to  Larger,  in  Japan,  288 

Africans,  428 

American  Indian  and  his,  374 

Australia  and  Europe,  17 

Capacity  of  Assimilation  by  Negro,  291 

Dynamic  Factor,  39 

Egyptian  and  his,  178 

General,  21 


480 


UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 


Environment  {continued) — 

Ideal  as  Social  Basis,  86- 

Instability  of  Character  and  Type,  6, 99- 

Jew  and  his,  276 

Mental  Characters,  73- 

Negroes  handicapped,  32 

Physical  and  other,  383 

Self-government,  292 

Social  Element,  37,  44 

Universal  Solidarity,  29,  49,  55 
Eskimo,  328 
Ethics: 

Ethical  Teaching  in  Schools,  Effect  on 
Race  Knowledge,  433 

Inter-racial,    Principles    and    Applica- 
tions of,  Special  Paper,  261  et  seq. 
European     and     American-born     Children 

compared,  101,  102 
European  Constitutions,  1850-1880,  116 

FALASHAS,  276 
Family : 

China,  126 

India,  95,  98 

Negro  Family,  Average  Size  of,  356 

Origin  and  Structure  of,  9 

Woman    and    the    Family    Ideal    in 

various  countries,  91  et  seq. 
Fetichism,  183,  346 
Finch,  Professor  Earl,  Paper  by,  108 
Finot,  Jean,  36  note,  84 
Firmin,  M.,  30,  31 
Forced  and  Indentured  Labour,  312- 
Fouillee,  Alfred,  Paper  by,  24 
Fried,  Alfred  H.,  Paper  by,  420 
Ful  Tribe,  20 

GAYANAZKS,  112 

Genius,  32,  77,  335,  381 

Geographical  Position,   21,    29,  50-,   82-, 

'33.  »3S-.  367,  382,  387,  426,  435 
Goethe,  233 

Gokhale,  Hon.  G.  K.,  Paper  by,  157 
Gondwana,  104 
Gould,  F.  J.,438 
Gray,  John,  Paper  by,  79 
Griquas,  109 
Group,  Marriage,  9 

HAFIZ,  149,  150 

Hague  Peace  Conferences,  see  Peace 

Haitians — Government  and  People,  Special 

Paper,  178 

Halde,  Jean  Baptiste  du,  235 
Hale,  Edward  Everett,  443,  452 
Half-castes,  23,  377,  381 
Hall,  Dr.  G.  Stanley,  447 
Ilamites,  19,  21 
Hart,  Sir  Robert,  235 


Hausa  Tribe,  19 

Hawaiians,  109 

Haynes,  Lemuel,  362 

Hedin,  Sven,  86 

Heredity,  Social,  37,  70 

Hero-worship  in  Africa,  346 

History,  only  possessed  by  man,  37 

Hittites,  1 8 

Hobson,  John  A.,  Paper  by,  211,  222 

Hoggan,  Dr.  Frances,  Paper  by,  364 

Horde,  9 

Hottentots,  30,  109,  336,  340 

Hova,  21 

Human  Sacrifice  in  Africa,  345 

Hungary,    Holy    Crown,    Theory    of,    184 

et  seq. 
Huns,  185,  198 

IMMIGRATION  and  Wages  in    the   United 
States,  211  et  seq. 

General,  130,  382 

Imperialism,  12,  41-,  55,  228,  229,  294 
Indentured  and  Forced  Labour,  312- 
India  : 

Family  in,  95,  98 

Indentured  Emigration  from,  317 

Religion  in,  96,  238 

Unrest  under  British  Rule,  159^  seq., 

239 

Woman's  Position  in,  90  et  seq. 
Indians,  North  American  : 

Character  of,  33,  405 

General  Account  of,  367 

Indian  Rights  Association,  447 

Lake  Mohonk  Conferences,  33,  443,  447 

References  to,  328,  331,  332 
Indonesians,  106 
Infanticide,  9 
"  Inferior  "  Races,  14,  30 
Instability  of  Human  Types,  99  et  seq. 
Insurance,  International   Organisations  for, 

246 
Intellectual  Standing  of  Different  Races,  79, 

82 

Intelligence,  Equality  of  Races  as  regards,  32 
Inter-marriage,  see  Miscegenation 
International  Education  Associations,  251 
International      Institute      of     Agriculture, 

Special  Paper  on,  254 
International  Language,  see  Language 
International  Law  : 

Associations  promoting,  250 

Extension  of,  387 

Inter-Parliamentary  Union   promoting, 
123 

Peace  Conferences  codifying,  409  et  seq. 

Subject  Races  and   International  Law, 

398 
Wars,  Regulation  of,  411 


INDEX 


481 


International  Organisations  and  Congresses, 
Effects  on  Race  Unity,  122,  244  et 
seq.,  390,  443 

International  Peace  Associations,  251 
International  Prize  Court,  395,  397,  412 
International   Union   of   Ethical    Societies, 

251 
International    Union   of   the    Peace    Press, 

423 

Inter- Parliamentary  Union,  122,  411 
Interpretation,  Acute,  of  Primitive  Peoples, 

74 

Inter-racial  Goodwill,  Organisation  for,  443 
Inter-racial  Justice,  International  Bureau  of, 

450 

Inter-racial  Marriage,  see  Miscegenation 
Intoxicants,  Traffic  between  Different  Races, 

324 

Investments  and  Loans — Effect  on  Inter- 
racial Economics,  208  et  seq. 

Iroquois,  367 

Islam,  19,  21,  63,  93,  148,  168,  347 

Isolation,  formation  of  Types  by,  17 

JABAVU.J.  Tengo,  Paper  by,  336 
James,  Professor  William,  446 
Japan: 

American   Prejudice   against  Japanese, 

449 

Ancestor  Worship  in,  134,  138 
Characteristics  of  the  People,  138 
Constitution  of,  133 
Customs,  Resistance  to  Change,  69 
Education,  Imperial  Rescript,  134, 140 
Geographical  Conditions,  135 
Origin  of  Japanese  Nation,  136 
Russo-Japanese  War,  Effects  of,  117 
Western    Civilisation,    Japan    approxi- 
mating to,  288 

Jews: 

Cosmopolitan  Mediators,  241 
Extermination,  Attempts  at,  283 
Famous  Living  Jews,  275 
General    and    Historical    Account    of, 

268  et  seq. 
Negro  Element,  329 
Nose,  Semitic,  Origin  of,  18 
Zionism,  277 

Johnson,  President,  352,  353 

Johnson,  Rosamond,  363 

Johnston,  Sir  H.  H.,  446 
Paper  by,  328 

Judeos,  276 

Justice — International  Organisations  for 
Inter-racial  Justice,  suggested,  414, 
417,  450 

KALNOCKY,  Count,  424 

Kato,  Dr.  Genchi,  Paper  by,  141 


Kayyam,  Omar,  149,  150 
Khosars,  198 

Kobayashi,  Teruaki,  Paper  by,  132 
Ku  Kux  Klan  Secret  Society,  354 
Rumanians,  185 

LABOUR: 

Indentured  and  Forced,  312  et  seq. 

International  Federations,  244 
Lacerda,   Dr.   Jean-Baptiste  de,  Paper  by, 

377 

Lake  Mohonk  Conferences,  33,  443,  447 

Lamont,  Norman,  318 

Lange,  Dr.  C.  L.,  Paper  by,  113 

Language,  19,  25,  36,  57-,  60,  6r,  121,  128, 
149,  167,  168,  242,  252,  425,  429- 

Lauck,  W.  Jett,  Paper  by,  211 

Leger,J.  N.,  183  note 

Legge,  Dr.,  34 

Legitime,  General,  Paper  by,  178 

Literature — "  World- Literature  "  suggestion, 
242,  243 

Livi,  Ridolfo,  103 

Loans  and  Investments,  Effects  on  Inter- 
racial Economics,  208  et  seq. 

Lochner,  Louis  P.,  Paper  by,  439 

Lubin,  David,  Paper  by,  254 

Luschan,  Professor  Felix  von,  Paper  by,  13 

Lyall,  Sir  Alfred,  235 

Lyde,  Lionel  W.,  Paper  by,  104 

McCov,  Emily  L.,  109 

Macdonell,  Sir  John,  Paper  by,  398 

Mackenzie,  J.  S.,  Paper  by,  423 

Magoon,  M.,  183 

Magyars,  1 8 

Mahrattas,  285 

Maine,  Sir  Henry,  239,  240 

Malays,  30,  226 

Maoris,  30,  109,  no 

Margoliouth,  Professor  D.  S.,  Paper  by,  57 

Markets  and  Countries,  Effects  of  opening, 

222  et  seq. 
Marriage : 

China,  87,  125 

Consanguineous,  9 

Group- Marriage,  9 

Indians  of  North  America,  37 1 

Miscegenation,  see  that  Title 

Plural  Marriage  in  Africa,  346 
Mead,  Edwin  D.,  Paper  by,  443 
Medicine,  International  Organisation  of,  248 
Medicine  Men,  372 
Mediation   in  International    Disputes,  412, 

413 

Melanesians,  20,  21 
Mendel's  Law,  21 

Mental  Differences,  Permanence  of,  73  et  seq. 
Merriman,  338 

2  I 


482 


UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 


Metabolistic  Characters  determining  Race- 
types,  5 

Metis  of  Brazil,  Capacities  of,  381 
Migration,  18-,  21-,  45,  291,  336 
Milholland,  John  E.,  446,  449 
Mill,  John  Stuart,  41,  399 
Miller,  Kelly,  363 
Miscegenation : 

Absorption  of  Jews,  278 

Adoption  of  Prisoners  of  War,  283 

Brazil,  377- 

China,  128 

Effects  of,  Advantageous,  108 

Egypt,  170 

Europeans  and  Mongols,  289,  328 

Fertility,  in  relation  to,  17,  377- 

India,  287 

Indiscriminate,  36 

Inter-breeding  Groups,  58 

Inter-Marriage,  283,  291,  344 

Islam  encourages  Inter-Marriage,  92- 

Japan,  136- 

Marriage  within  Clan  forbidden,  371 

Mixture  of  Types,  21-,  43 

Race-crossing,  328- 

Racial  Mixture,  Advantage  and  Dis- 
advantage, 22-,  in,  125,  362,  375, 
380- 

United  States,  350,  375 

West  Africa,  344 

Missions,  234,  237,  302-,  334,  339.  373~>  444 
Mixture  of  Races,  Question  of,  22 
Mohammedanism,  19,  21,  62,  93,  148,  168, 

347 

Mongols,  107 

Monogenetic  Origin  of  Mankind,  16,  21,  377 
Moors,  III 
Moral  Education  in  Schools,  effect  on  Race 

Knowledge,  433 
Moral  Factor,  25,  28-,  34,  67-,  75,  124-, 

127,  134,  171-,  196-,  240-,  251,  259, 

260-,  277,  279-,  293-,  306,  319,  325, 

333,  337-,  342-,  348,364-.  367-  371, 

384-,  429-,  441 
Morley,  Lord,  164,  166 
Morphological  Characters,  4,  35 
Moscheles,  Felix,  449 
Mulattoes,  Percentage  in  Negro  Population, 

Table,  no 
Myers,  Charles  S.,  Paper  by,  73 

NATION,  meaning  of,  3,  10,  51-,  57-,  113 
National  Language,  Relative  Value  of,  58 
Native  College  for  South  Africa,  suggestion, 

341 
Native  Races  in  Colonies,  Problem  of,  291, 

295 

Natural  Capacity  of  Races,  73-79,  80  tt  uq. 
Neanderthal  Man,  5,  7,  331 


Negritos,  5,  18 
Negroes,  4,  14,  36 

African  Negro  Population,  Regulations 
for,  291 

Brazil  Negro  Traffic,  378 

Disease  Resistance  acquired    by,    323, 

333 

Equality  among  other  Races,  30 
France,  Traces  of  Negroid  Race  in,  330 
In  Brazil,   377-,  Europe,   329-,  Haiti, 

178-,  S.  Africa,  336-,  United  States, 

348-,  W.  Africa,  341- 
Intellectual  Attainments  of,  31,  32,  77, 

85.  333,  335,  362,  363 
Inter-marriage  with,  291 
Jewish  Negroes,  276 
Modern    Conscience    in     relation    to, 

289 

Morality  of,  34  note,  304 
Mulattoes,  Percentage  of,  Table,  I IO 
National    Association    for    Welfare    of 

Coloured  People,  446 
Nilotic,  1 06 
Race  Fertility,  333 

Slavery,  Negroes  retaining  Character- 
istics of,  427 
United  States,  Negro  Problem  in,  336, 

348  et  seg.,  446,  452 
White  Women  and  Negroes,  360,  364 
World- Position  of  Negro  Races,  328 
Negroid  Races,  323 
Newspapers : 

Comparative      Civilisation,      suggested 

Journal  of,  13 
General,  252,  284 
Peace,  Promotion  by  Newspaper  Press, 

243,  420 

Nieuwenhuis,  Dr.  A.  W.,  Paper  by,  259 
Nihilist  Movement,  199 
Nivedita,  Sister,  Paper  by,  86 
Nobel  Institute,  251 
Noble,  Margaret,  86 
North  American  Indians,  see  Indians 
Nose,  Semitic,  Origin  of,  18 

OBSERVATION,  Powers  of  Primitive  People, 

74 

Olivier,  Sir  Sydney,  1 1 1 
Paper  by,  293  et  seq. 
Opium  Traffic,  324 
Oriental  Civilisation  and  Culture,  Proposed 

Endowment      of     Professorships    in 

Western  Universities,  13 
Oriental  Studies,  Encouragement  of,  243 
Otaheitans,  406 

P.,  W.  T.,  155 

Palaeolithic  Man,  id  - 
Pantheism,  141 


INDEX 


483 


Papuans,  20,  292,  317 

Parliamentary  Rule : 
Haiti,  1 80 

Subject  Races,  Parliament  for,  408 
Tendencies  towards,  Special  Paper,  113 
et  seq, 

Passy,  Frederic,  122 

Pathological  Characters  of  Race  Types,  5 

Peace  : 

Carnegie  Peace  Foundation,  251,  451 
Contact  between  Civilisations,  Effects  of, 

233 

Forces  working  towards,  25,  29 
International  Societies  for,  251 
Opening  of  Markets  and  Countries, 

222 

Persian  Ideals,  148 
Press — Newspaper     Press     promoting, 

243,  420 
Peace  Conferences,  450 

Arbitration  Bureau,  418 
Armaments,  Limitation  of,  409,  415 
Moralising  Force  of,  413 
Preparatory   International    Committee, 

419 
Work  of,    122,  387,  393,  409  et  seq.> 

444,  462 
Peasants,  Primitive  Mental  Characteristics, 

73 

People,  see  Nation 
Persia : — 

Bahai  Movement,  154 

Changes  in  Regime,  Effects  of,  151 

Customs  and  Habits,  145 

Origin  of,  145 

Xenophobia,  Allegations,  153 
Petchenegs,  185,  198 
Philosophical  Ideas,  26 
Phratry,  9,  IO 
Pitcairn  Islanders,  109 
Pithecanthropus  Erectus,  7,  1 6 
Pleistocene  Man  ,'7,  104 
Plural  Marriage,  346 
Political  Government  :  - 

China,  126 

Influence  of,  49  et  seq. 

Parliamentary  Rule,  see  that  Title 
Polvetz,  198 
Polygamy,  28,  94,  125,  283,  297,  346-,  365, 

371 

Polynesians,  4,  20,  21,  109 
Post,  Hermann,  10 
Postal  Union,  Effect  on  Racial  Organisation, 

245,  591 

Practical  Proposals  and  Conclusions,  13,  38-, 
72-,  128,  242-,  267,  305,  341,  425, 

450 

Prejudice — Race  Prejudice,  35,  384 
Preparatory  International  Committee,  419 


Press,  see  Newspapers 
Primitive  Races  : — 

Mental  Characteristics,  73 

Psychology  of,  8 

Types  of,  16 
Private  Initiative,  Effect  on  Unity  of  Races, 

243 

Prognathism,  4,  15 
Promiscuity,  9 
Proto-Man,  7 
Proto-negritic  Group,  17 
Psychology  of  Primitive  Peoples,  8,  74- 
Psycho- Social  Characters,  7 
Public  Health,    International  Organisations 

for,  246,  392 
Pygmies,  17,  1 8,  20,  37 

QUATREFAGES,  III 

RACE- AVERSION  and  Race-Pride,  64,  425 
Race  Congresses,   Regular  Organisation  of, 

suggestion,  450 
Race  Consciousness,  24,  365 
Race  Equality,  29,  30-,  35,  148,  276,  288, 

290,  323,  334,  34°,    365,   374,  383, 

386,  398,  427-,  439 

Race-Idea  and  Race-Consciousness,  24,  365 
Race  Indolence,  33,  301,  318 
Race,  Jewish,  268- 
Race,  Meaning  of,  I 
Race,  Variety,  Species,   Definition  of,  2-, 

377,  425 
Races,  Physical  Characteristics  of,  19-,  35-, 

76,  99-,  331,  367,  378,  427 

Railways,  International  Associations  and 
Congresses,  245 

Rain,  Absence  of,  Effect  on  Skin  Colour,  106 

Ratzel,  29,  31 

Reid,  Archdall,  5 

Renisch,  Dr.  Paul,  Paper  by,  49 

Religion,  10,  19,  21,  25-,  27,  29,  36,  58,  62-, 
67-,93,  124,  134,  138-,  141-,  146-, 
148,  1 68-,  181, 183-,  196-,  229,  233-, 
237,  251,  266,  268-,  280-,  293,  295, 
301-, 302-,  334-, 337, 342-,  347,  359-, 
368-,  370,  374,  384,  429-,  434,  441 

Respect  due  by  White  Races  to  other  Races, 
23,  383  et  seq. 

Riche,  President,  184 

Ridgeway,  Professor,  100,  101 

Robertson,  J.  M.,  Paper  by,  40 

Russia  : 

Customs,  Immobility  of,  68 
Nihilist  Movement,  199 
Russo-Japanese  War,  Effects  of,  117 
West    and    East,    Mutual     Approach, 
Russia's  R61e  in,  195  et  seq. 

SADI,  149, 150 
St.-Mery,  Moreau  de,  183 


484 


UNIVERSAL   RACES   CONGRESS 


Sakai,  106 

Samangs,  106 

"Savages,"  13- 

Scalping,  372 

Scholarships,  &c.,  for  Sociological  Studies, 

243 

Schlicking,  Dr.  W.,  Paper  by,  387 
Schurz,  Karl,  353 
Science,   I,   25,  40,  52,   240-,   246-,  288, 

3°7-.  392 

Seal,  Brajendranath,  Paper  by,  I 
Secret  Societies,  345,  354 
Segregation  in  Tropical  Africa,  344 
Self-Government  for  Subject  Races,  40  et  seq. 
Sergi,  Professor  Giuseppe,  Paper  by,  67 
Sherman,  Hon.  James  S.,  33 
Shintoism,  134,  141 
Sillac,  Jarousse  de,  Paper  by,  409 
Sionans,  367 
Sioux,  368 

Skin,  Climatic  Control  of  Colour,  104 
Skulls  found  at  Grimaldi,  330 
Slave  Trade,  402 
Slavophiles,  201 
Small  Nations,  38 
Social    and    Moral    Science,     International 

Academy,  suggestion,  243 
Social  Choice,  Origin  of,  1 1 
Social  Instinct,  8,  71 
Social  Service  Movement  in  America,  91 
Social  Transmission,  37 
Society  of  States,  Organisation  of,  415 
Sociological  Considerations,  Special  Paper,  24 
Solovien,  W.,  201 
Soudanese,  349 

Sourour  Bey,  Moh.,  Paper  by,  167 
South  African  Races,  General  Account  of, 

336  et  seq. 

South  Sea  Islanders,  406 
Spiller,  G. ,  Paper  by,  29 
Stature,  Increased,  Result  of  Change  of 

Environment,  100 
Stead,  Rev.  W.  Y.,  339 
Storey,  Moorfield,  446,  447 
Subject  Races,  38,  40-,  42,  44,  47,  259,  279, 

293-.  383»  398-.  402 
Superstitions,  8,  183 
Suppression  of  Languages,  Effects  of,  59 

TAHITIANS,  109 

Takebe,  Tongo,  Paper  by,  132 

Tanner,  H.  O.,  363 

Tarde,  M.,  401 

Tasmanians,  IIO 

Tibet,  Customs,  Immobility  of,  68 

Timon,  Akos  de,  Paper  by,  184 

Ting- Fang,  Wu,  Paper  by,  123  et  sey. 

Toala,  1 6 

Tolstoy,  L.,  202 


Tonnies,  Dr.  Ferdinand,  Paper  by,  233 
Topinard,  4 
Trade : 

Egypt,  i73 

Haiti,  182 

Opening    of    Markets  and    Countries, 

222  et  seq. 

Tramways,  International  Union  of,  246 
Treaties : 

Associations    of   States  and    Treaties, 
Effects  of,   389 

Subject  Races,  Treaties  with,  402 
Trees,  Absence  of, Effect  on  Skin  Colour,  106 
Trepanning  of  Skulls,  19 
Tribe: 

Meaning  of,  I 

Origin  and  Structure,  9,  10 
Trueblood,  Dr.  Benjamin  H.,  442 
Types  of  Race  : 

Classification  of,  3 

Continuity  of  Type,  7,  16 

Instability  of  Human  Type,  99  et  seq. 

Stability  of,  6 

UNIFICATION  of  Language,  60,  61 

Unification  of  Races : 

Bahai  Movement,  154 

Peaceful  Contact  in  Civilisation,  effect- 

ing,  234 
Private  Enterprise,  Effects  of,  243 

United  States : 

Immigration  Question,  6,  22,  211 
Negro  Race  in,  336,  348  et  seq.,  446,  452 
Social  Service  Movement,  91 
Wages  and  Immigration,  21 1 

Unity  of  Mankind,  21 

University  Standard  among  Different  Races, 
31,80- 

VANDALS,  19 

Variability — Primitive  and  Developed  Races 

compared,  76 

Varieties  of  Mankind,  17,  280 
Vaudouism,  183,  184 
Veddas,  16,  30 
Verneaux,  Dr.,  330 
Volga- Bulgarians,  185 

WAGES  and  Immigration  in  United  States, 

211 

War,  Regulation  of,  Work  of  Peace  Con- 
ferences, 410 

Washington,  Dr.  Booker,  31,  363 

West  Africa,  European  Contact,  Problem 
of,  341  et  sef. 

West  and  East,  13,  21,  25,  33-,  49,  51,  68, 
87-,  92,  98,  120,  132,  144,  147,  157-, 
167,  I95-.  209,  222-,  233-,  266,  279, 
284,  287-,  292,  336-,  341-,  387-,  438, 
447 


INDEX 


485 


Wheatley,  Phillis,  352,  362 

White  Man — Inferiority,  Prof.  v.  Luschan's 

Theory,  22 
"  White  "  Policy,  131 
Widows  in  India  and  China,  96,  97 
Wife  Capture,  9 
Wilder,  Professor  B.  G.,  34 
Witchcraft  in  Africa,  346 
Women : 

Chinese,  in  Marriage,  87 

Chinese,  Status  of,  125 

Civic  Evolution  of,  88 

East — Women's  Position  in,  86  et  seq. 

Egypt,  169- 

Employment  of  Native  Women,  366 

Equal  Rights  with  Men,  38 

Forced  Labour,  313 

Freedom,  97 

Indians  of  North  America,  Status  of, 

369- 
International  Council  of,  252 


Women  (continued] — 

Negroes  and  White  Women,  290,  360, 

364 

Persia,  87-,  148- 
Protection,  Associations  for,  246 
Religious  Missions,  311 
Secret  Societies,  345 
Sex,  435,  438 
Sexual  Differences,  76- 
West  Africa,  346,  347 
World's  Humanity  League,  suggestion,  13 

YAHYA,  Hadji- Mirza,  Paper  by,  143 
Yamato  Race,  136,  137 
Yastchenko,  Dr.  A.,  Paper  by,  195 
Yellow  Peril,  202 

ZAMENHOF,  Dr.  L.,  Paper  by,  425 
Zangwill,  Israel,  Paper  by,  268  et  seq, 
Zionism,  277 


Demy  8vo,  Cloth,  3«.  6d.  Net  (Inland  Portage.  4d.) 


REPORT   OF    CONFERENCE    HELD    IN    CAXTON    HALL, 
WESTMINSTER,    JUNE    28-30,    1910. 


SPEAKERS   AND    SUBJECTS 


EGYPT  -       -       MAHOMED  FARID  AND  TAHA  EL  ABD. 

FINLAND     -       AINO  MALMBERG  AND  ROSALIND  TRAVERS. 

GEORGIA      -       MICHEL  TSERETHELI  AND  W.  TCHKRKESOFP. 

INDIA    -       -       LAJPAT  RAI  AND  B.  CHANDRA  PAL,  H.  COTTON,  DUBE. 

IRELAND     -      WILLIAM  GIBSON  AND  G.  GAVAN  DUFFY. 

MOROCCO     -       HENRY  W.  NEVINSON. 

PERSIA  -       -       BERNARD  TEMPLE. 

POLAND       -       w.  LACH-SZYRMA. 

SLAVERY  AND  FORCED   AND    INDENTURED    LABOUR    IN   AFRICA,   MEXICO,  PERU,    ETC. 

CHARLES  WENTWORTH  DILKE,  H.  VAN  KOL,  RENE  CLAPEREDE,  TRAVERS  BUXTON,  E.  B.  MORKL. 

J.  J.  HARRIS. 

PROPOSED    REMEDIES.     J.  A.    HOBSON,   G.    K.   CHESTERTON,  S.   H.  SWINNY,  V.  RUTHERFORD, 
R.  CUNNINGHAME  GRAHAM,  J.  F.  GREEN,  B.  CHANDRA  PAL,  A.  J.  WINDUS. 


ANNOUNCEMENT 

UNDER  the  title  "  Nationalities  and  Subject  Races  "  the  addresses  and  papers  given 
at  the  International  Conference  held  in  Caxton  Hall  last  June  have  been  issued  in 
book  form  by  Messrs.  P.  S.  King  &  Son,  price  35.  6d.  The  book  would  have 
appeared  at  the  close  of  last  year  but  for  the  distractions  of  the  Parliamentary 
elections.  Its  appearance  now  is,  however,  extremely  appropriate,  as  the  questions, 
treated  so  ably  and  frankly  in  this  volume — Imperialism  and  Foreign  Intervention 
—are  again  very  much  to  the  fore.  It  will  also  fill  the  blank  left  by  the  organisers 
of  the  approaching  Universal  Races  Congress,  who  have  ruled  out  of  discussion  all 
political,  all  European  questions,  and  any  specific  instances  of  race  oppression. 
Peculiar  interest  attaches  to  the  article  on  "  Forced  and  Indentured  Labour,"  by  the 
late  Sir  Charles  Dilke,  as  the  cruelties  to  which  he  drew  attention  in  this  Conference 
have  since  been  made  the  subject  of  a  Government  inquiry,  and  steps  have  been  taken 
to  put  an  end  to  the  worst  horrors.  The  article  on  Egypt  should  also  attract  special 
attention  from  the  fact  that  its  writer,  Mohamed  Bey  Farid,  is  at  present  in  prison  for 
having  written  a  preface  to  a  volume  of  patriotic  poems.  Such  a  sentence  emphasises 
the  need  of  the  opportunities  furnished  by  the  Nationalities  and  Subject  Races 
Committee  for  the  freedom  of  speech  in  their  conferences  and  publications. 

The  Hon.  Secretary  of  the  Nationalities  and  Subject  Races  Committee  points  out 
that  subscribers  will  very  much  forward  the  work  of  the  Committee  by  calling  the 
attention  of  their  friends  to  this  volume  of  criticism,  and  by  sending  the  necessary 
remittances  for  the  copies  they  have  ordered  to  Messrs.  P.  S.  King  &  Son,  Orchard 
House,  Westminster,  S.W. 


P.  S.  KING  &  SON,  ORCHARD  HOUSE,  WESTMINSTER. 


BRITISH  RIGHTS  AT  SEA     ' 

UNDER    THE    DECLARATION    OF    LONDON 
By  F.  E.  BRAY 

Demy   8vo.  Is.   net.  (Inland   postage,    Id.) 

CONTENTS 

Preface — The  Origin  of  the  Declaration— Some  Principles  of  Criticism— Blockade — Contraband  of 
War— Unneutral  Service— Destruction  of  Neutral  Prizes— Transfer  to  a  Neutral  Flag— Enemy  Character 
—Convoy — Resistance  to  Search — Compensation— Preliminary  and  Final  Provisions. 


CAPTURE    IN    WAR    ON    LAND 
AND   SEA 

By  HANS  WEHBERG,  Dr.  Jur.  (Dusseldorf) 

Translated  from  DAS  BEUTERECHT  IM  LAND  UNO  SEEKRIEGE. 
With  an   Introduction  by  JOHN  M.  ROBERTSON,  M.P. 

Demy  8vo.  Cloth.  St.  net.  (Inland  postage,  3d.) 

CONTENTS 

Introduction — Historical  Review :  First  Principles  of  Law  of  Prize  on  Sea  and  Land — National  Pro- 
perty— Railways,  &c. — Private  Property — Time  and  Place  of  Seizure — Object  of  Seizure — Bringing-to  and 
Search — Reasons  for  Retention  of  the  Law — Reasons  for  Abolition  of  the  Law — Indirect  Effects  of  the 
Law  upon  Neutrals — Direct  Effects  of  the  Law  upon  Neutrals — England  and  the  Law  of  Prize  at  Sea, 
particularly  in  comparison  with  Germany — Suggestions  for  Reform. 


THE  ALIEN  PROBLEM  AND  ITS 

REMEDY 

By    M.    J.    LANDA 

Crown   8vo.  Cloth.  5s.   net.  (Inland   postage,   4d.) 

EXTRACT  FROM  THE  PREFACE.— The  literature  on  the  subject  for  many  years — during  the  whole 
modern  history  of  the  question,  in  fact — has  been  hopelessly  one-sided.  Moreover,  the  real  problems  of 
alien  immigration  have  been  obscured  and  confused  by  sweeping  generalisations.  The  public  has  been 
taught  to  draw  hasty  conclusions  from  isolated  instances  and  exceptional  events,  which,  evil  though  they 
are  in  themselves,  are  unduly  magnified  and  embellished  until  they  arouse  passion  and  create  panic.  It  is 
with  the  object  of  presenting  the  problems  in  proper  perspective  and  proportion  that  the  compilation  of 
this  work  has  been  undertaken.  The  survey  is  comprehensive,  and  the  subject  is  treated  in  its  social 
and  economic  aspects  rather  than  as  a  political  factor.  To  the  task  I  have  brought  a  lifelong  intimate 
knowledge  of  the  alien  and  years  of  close  study  of  the  question,  an  interest  that  has  taken  me  on  a  visit  to 
Galicia  and  Russia  and  on  a  special  journey  to  Bremen  and  Hamburg  to  report  on  the  organisation  of  the 
enormous  emigrant  traffic  from  those  ports.  With  the  working  of  the  Aliens  Act  I  have  become  acquainted 
by  attending  the  sittings  of  the  London  Immigration  Board  of  Appeal  for  over  three  years. 


P.  S.  KING  &  SON,  ORCHARD  HOUSE,  WESTMINSTER. 


LONDON  :  P.  S.   KINO  AND  SON,  ORCHARD  HOUSE,  WESTMINSTER. 


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